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... 0 u " ..... "' " ] .g a.. .. "-' "' "'...-" < +"' '-".r; c:n ..,. .... ... OP >- g. ii a. a. 0 a. u"' 706 Reproduction Theories what differentiates them as members of different sociocultural communities. Yet there are grounds for rejecting this assertion. Prohibition will be viewed (perhaps justifiably) as discriminatory and oppres- sive by many and will contribute to their sense of alienation from and resentment toward the state. It may lead many religious parents to withdraw their children from the public schools, which is liable to be detrimental to the prospective autonomy of those students who have been withdrawn as well as those students who remain in the suddenly less diverse public school setting. Furthermore, ban- ning religious dress in the public school would seem to deprive the entire school community of some very concrete examples of cultural and religious diversity-an understanding and appreciation of which is essential for the exercise of empathic and responsible citizenship in a liberal pluralist society. Perhaps the conclusion to be drawn here is that the adoption of a blanket policy on the wearing of religious clothing and symbols in public schools is unwise. Across-the-board toleration may not be sensi- tive enough to the pressure and coercion that some children endure from those who insist they should wear such clothing. Blanket prohibition, on the other hand, seems likely to impose unequal burdens on already marginalized groups. Both policies, when implemented indiscriminately, run the additional risks of contravening the autonomy-related interests of children as well as the civic interests of the democratic state. Perhaps, then, addressing this issue on a case- by-case basis, after taking proper account of local cir- cumstances and contingencies, is the better approach. Josh Corngold See also Autonomy; Citizenship and Civic Education; Diversity; Identity and Identity Politics; Liberalism; Multicultural Citizenship; Multiculturalism; Religious Education and Spirituality; Rights: Children, Parents, and Community; Toleration Further Readings Galeotti, A. E. (2002). Toleration as recognition . Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Gereluk, D. (2008). Symbolic clothing in schools: What sh ould be worn and why. London, England: Continuum. Gutmann, A. (1996). Challenges of multiculturalism in democratic education. In R. K. Fullinwider (Ed.), Public education in a multicultural society (pp. 156-179). Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Levinson, M. (1999). The demands of liberal education. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. REPRODUCTION THEORIES In his masterpiece Democracy and Education (1916), John Dewey pointed out that due to the ineluctable facts of the death of its members and the birth of their replacements, all societies face the need to reproduce their cultures, structures, and institu- tions, and education is the main process by which this is accomplished. More recent scholars across many of the modern social sciences have been inter- ested in the processes and forces by which socie- ties reproduce what can be regarded as their positive features, but they have displayed special interest in the ways in which their economic inequal- ities and differences in political power and status are preserved and reproduced over the generations. It has appeared obvious to many-following in Dewey's footsteps-that education plays an impor- tant role in the generational persistence of inequality. This entry first looks at functionalist explanations of how the educational system serves as a mechanism of social reproduction and at the critique expressed in conflict theories such as that of Karl Marx, who saw class conflict as the basic root of inequities in many social institutions including education. Turning to the evolution of reproduction theories in the 20th century, the entry examines their shared concern with the generational persistence of unequal educational opportunities, a concern that is discussed in terms of the characteristics of economic structures; the rela- tions of domination based on class, race, and gender; and symbolic struggles related to culture, power, and ideology, especially in capitalistic societies. The entry also focuses on the following themes: (a) the proliferation of competing forms of educa- tional reproduction theory in the 1970s and 1980s, (b) the subsequent rethinking of reproduction theo- ries in response to cultural and political shifts, and (c) the more recent revival of Pierre Bourdieu's non- Marxist, reflexive sociology and theory of cultural and educational reproduction. Functionalist Theory Functionalist or "consensus" sociological theory (from Emile Durkheim to Talcott Parsons's social system theory) was based on an organic analogy that viewed education as serving the functional EBSCO Publishing : eBook Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 2/14/ 2015 11:56 AM via UNIV OF ALBERTA LIBRARIES AN: 800416 ; Phillips, 0. C .. ; Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and Philosophy Account: s5940188
Transcript

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706 Reproduction Theories

what differentiates them as members of different sociocultural communities. Yet there are grounds for rejecting this assertion. Prohibition will be viewed (perhaps justifiably) as discriminatory and oppres­sive by many and will contribute to their sense of alienation from and resentment toward the state. It may lead many religious parents to withdraw their children from the public schools, which is liable to be detrimental to the prospective autonomy of those students who have been withdrawn as well as those students who remain in the suddenly less diverse public school setting. Furthermore, ban­ning religious dress in the public school would seem to deprive the entire school community of some very concrete examples of cultural and religious diversity-an understanding and appreciation of which is essential for the exercise of empathic and responsible citizenship in a liberal pluralist society.

Perhaps the conclusion to be drawn here is that the adoption of a blanket policy on the wearing of religious clothing and symbols in public schools is unwise. Across-the-board toleration may not be sensi­tive enough to the pressure and coercion that some children endure from those who insist they should wear such clothing. Blanket prohibition, on the other hand, seems likely to impose unequal burdens on already marginalized groups. Both policies, when implemented indiscriminately, run the additional risks of contravening the autonomy-related interests of children as well as the civic interests of the democratic state. Perhaps, then, addressing this issue on a case­by-case basis, after taking proper account of local cir­cumstances and contingencies, is the better approach.

Josh Corngold

See also Autonomy; Citizenship and Civic Education; Diversity; Identity and Identity Politics; Liberalism; Multicultural Citizenship; Multiculturalism; Religious Education and Spirituality; Rights: Children, Parents, and Community; Toleration

Further Readings

Galeotti, A. E. (2002). Toleration as recognition . Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Gereluk, D. (2008). Symbolic clothing in schools: What should be worn and why. London, England: Continuum.

Gutmann, A. (1996). Challenges of multiculturalism in democratic education. In R. K. Fullinwider (Ed.), Public education in a multicultural society (pp. 156-179). Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.

Levinson, M. (1999). The demands of liberal education. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press.

REPRODUCTION THEORIES

In his masterpiece Democracy and Education (1916), John Dewey pointed out that due to the ineluctable facts of the death of its members and the birth of their replacements, all societies face the need to reproduce their cultures, structures, and institu­tions, and education is the main process by which this is accomplished. More recent scholars across many of the modern social sciences have been inter­ested in the processes and forces by which socie­ties reproduce what can be regarded as their positive features, but they have displayed special interest in the ways in which their economic inequal­ities and differences in political power and status are preserved and reproduced over the generations. It has appeared obvious to many-following in Dewey's footsteps-that education plays an impor­tant role in the generational persistence of inequality.

This entry first looks at functionalist explanations of how the educational system serves as a mechanism of social reproduction and at the critique expressed in conflict theories such as that of Karl Marx, who saw class conflict as the basic root of inequities in many social institutions including education. Turning to the evolution of reproduction theories in the 20th century, the entry examines their shared concern with the generational persistence of unequal educational opportunities, a concern that is discussed in terms of the characteristics of economic structures; the rela­tions of domination based on class, race, and gender; and symbolic struggles related to culture, power, and ideology, especially in capitalistic societies.

The entry also focuses on the following themes: (a) the proliferation of competing forms of educa­tional reproduction theory in the 1970s and 1980s, (b) the subsequent rethinking of reproduction theo­ries in response to cultural and political shifts, and (c) the more recent revival of Pierre Bourdieu's non­Marxist, reflexive sociology and theory of cultural and educational reproduction.

Functionalist Theory

Functionalist or "consensus" sociological theory (from Emile Durkheim to Talcott Parsons's social system theory) was based on an organic analogy that viewed education as serving the functional

EBSCO Publishing : eBook Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 2/14/ 2015 11:56 AM via UNIV OF ALBERTA LIBRARIES AN: 800416 ; Phillips, 0. C .. ; Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and Philosophy Account: s5940188

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Phillips, D. C. Encyclopedia of Educational Theory and Philosophy. Thousand Oaks, California: SAGE Publications, Inc, 2014. eBook Collection (EBSCOhost), EBSCOhost (accessed February 14, 2015).

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ests of society as a whole. According to functional­ism, societies are like living organisms that need to sustain and reproduce themselves, and their struc­tures and systems that fulfill vital functions are inter­related, like the organs in a living animal. As alluded to earlier, the educational system had the function of ensuring that members of a society had the knowl­edge and skills necessary to maintain and reproduce its social and economic institutions.

From this liberal perspective, educational expan­sion was part of a process of democratization that resulted in social mobility. In contrast, conflict theo­ries that emerged as part of the revival of Marxist and neo-Weberian conflict sociologies in the late 1960s sought to reveal the broken promises of lib­eral reform.

Social Reproduction and Marxist Thought

Marx introduced the topic of social reproduction in passing to refer to the noneconomic precondi­tions of economic reproduction, starting with the social reproduction of labor power itself in institu­tions such as the family and education in a society's superstructure. The term reproduction theory is most closely associated with approaches-initially of neo-Marxist inspiration-that viewed education as part of a cultural superstructure that functioned to reproduce and maintain social structures and pat­terns of relations between classes in the interest of the dominant capitalist class.

The full implications of the neo-Marxist approach were not explored in depth until two independent theoretical innovations in the 1930s, though their reception was delayed until the late 1960s, largely because of World War IT and its aftermath.

Antonio Gramsci

The Italian Marxist theorist Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) developed a theory of cultural repro­duction based on the concepts of hegemony and counter-hegemonic resistance. He viewed hegemony as a form of control in which intellectual and moral leadership made domination seem "natural" to the dominated. Cultural hegemony refers to an entire system of beliefs and values that was accepted, or consented to, by the working class even though it was an ideology that did not serve their interests but rather supported the power of the ruling class. Thus, capitalist social reproduction in civil society was based not only on coercion but also on consent.

Reproduction Theories 707

Gramsci rejected the economic determinism of orthodox Marxism, arguing that even though class was a major factor in socialization, individuals had some choice in how they interacted with the edu­cational system. He emphasized the role of human agency and creative human action in historical development and viewed culture as the mediator between structural inequality and individual agency. Gramsci believed that for the working class to chal­lenge the hegemony of the capitalists, they would need to organize ideological alliances with other societal groups supportive of the interests of the working class-a counter-hegemony.

The Frankfurt School

Orthodox Marxist determinism was also rejected by the Frankfurt school, a group of "critical theo­rists" who initially worked within the framework of the Frankfurt Institute for Social Research after Max Horkheimer became its director in 1930. More pes­simistic than Grarnsci, early Frankfurt school criti­cal theorists proposed a theory of culture industries whereby capitalism produced forms of popular cul­ture that functioned to pacify the masses and encour­aged them to adjust to the "humiliating conditions" of their lives. Led by Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse, they argued that in the 20th century the mass media had become a new source of ideological reproduction that was reinforced by a positivist edu­cational culture that reduced all research and knowl­edge to the model of the quantitative methodology of the natural sciences. As Marcuse famously sug­gested, the result was a "one-dimensional" society in which critique was no longer possible.

Theories of Reproduction in Education, 1970s to 1980s

The canonical texts that founded reproduction theory in education appeared in rapid succession from 1970 to 1977, a confusing process that was influentially clarified by a critical differentiation of three types by Henry Giroux in a journal article in 1983: (1) economic reproduction theories, (2) cul­tural reproduction theories, and (3) emergent state­hegemonic theories of resistance.

Economic Reproduction Theories

Louis Althusser

The French neo-Marxist philosopher Louis Althusser (1918-1990) proposed the first version

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of economic reproductive theory that claimed to overcome economic determinism by recognizing the relative autonomy of the ideological superstruc­tures, contrasting the "repressive state apparatus" that exerts physical control over individuals with the "ideological state apparatus" composed of institu­tions such as religion, education, and law. Since the economic sphere was still determinant "in the last instance," however, Althusser's ahistorical struc­turalist methodology was widely criticized for an explanatory functionalism that could neither account for the agency necessary for his theory of revolu­tion nor provide guidance for empirical research. Though giving culture more autonomy than tradi­tional Marxism, structuralist interpretations denied agency because social actors were viewed as ulti­mately mere puppets of controlling coercive and ideological structures. As an abstract, speculative theory based on new "Marxist" conceptions of sci­ence, structuralism did not encourage empirical and historical comparison of how particular societies actually organize reproduction processes.

Samuel Bowles and Herbert Giotis

Independently, the American economists Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis developed a more influ­ential version of economic reproduction theory in Schooling in Capitalist America (1977). Drawing on a more traditional Marxist base-superstructure model, their empirical analysis of American educa­tion was based on a "correspondence principle" suggesting formal relations of interdependence between the economy and the classroom "hidden curriculum" that inculcated the docility and disci­pline appropriate for working-class jobs. "The divi­sion of labor in education," they wrote, "as well as its structure of authority and reward, mirror those of the economy" (Au & Apple, 2009, p. 84). Though Bowles and Giotis were also criticized for a mechanistic economic determinism, they later clari­fied their position by emphasizing contradictions and radical democracy. In periods of crisis, the func­tional correspondence between education and work could weaken (e.g., as evident in unemployment, the lack of jobs appropriate for given educational qualifications, or increased awareness of racial and gender discrimination). Revealing such contradic­tions in turn potentially contributes to large-scale democratic mobilization to contest the role of edu­cation and other institutions in the reproduction of inequality.

Cultural Reproduction Theories

Pierre Bourdieu

The origin of cultural reproduction theories is associated primarily with the French sociolo­gist Pierre Bourdieu (1930-2002), especially his Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture (1970/1977) coauthored with Jean-Claude Passeron. Opposing Althusser's structuralist Marxism, Bourdieu analyzed educational reproduction in terms of the contingent strategies of diverse class agents rather than conceiving of it as an automatic, even if relatively autonomous, functional outcome of production relations. Moreover, a Marxist binary class model was replaced, following the classical German sociologist Max Weber, by a relational and multidimensional one in which status competition was central. Whereas Marx's analysis focused almost exclusively on the conflict between the owners of capital and the relatively unskilled labor power of manual workers, Weber pointed out the significance of other, emerging class positions, especially the· mid­dle classes who, as owners of educational credentials and cultural capital, could use their professional status to justify work autonomy and higher salaries.

Among the central concepts in Bourdieu's theory of cultural reproduction were habitus, cultural capi­tal, fields, the cultural arbitrary, and symbolic vio­lence. The habitus, formed in the family household within the context of a system of class relations, is the enduring, internalized, and embodied disposi­tion of agents and the source of the cultural capital

. that increases the probability of success within the field of education. Schools in turn exert symbolic violence by imposing a "cultural arbitrary" in the sense that the content of much of the curriculum reflected the imposition of the cultural tastes and ideology of dominant groups rather than having any relation to either the skills required by the economy or the cultural interests of subordinated classes. The classifications of the cultural arbitrary cause agents to "misrecognize" that apparently legitimate culture is actually part of a dominant culture that contrib­utes to the social reproduction of the class system. Also associated with cultural reproduction theory is the British sociologist Basil Bernstein's (1924-2000) sociolinguistic analysis of restricted and elaborated codes, which, though initially developed inde­pendently, provided a theory of transmission that complemented Bourdieu's approach. Influenced by Bourdieu, the neo-Weberian conflict theorist Randall Collins developed in his The Credential Society

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(1979) a powerful analysis of educational expansion as part of a process of credential inflation that had more to do with status group competition for jobs than with technical skill. The reception of Bourdieu's approach in education from the 1970s into the 1990s, however, was limited, focusing on cultural capital as a predictor of educational outcomes and largely without reference to his subsequent publica­tions. Furthermore, Bourdieu's cultural reproduction theory also became the target of emerging theories of resistance that criticized the structuralism of both economic and cultural reproduction theories and their failure to provide an adequate understanding · of agency and resistance.

State-Hegemonic Reproduction Theories

State-hegemonic reproductive theories strongly influenced by Gramsci emerged in the wake of the publication in England of Paul Willis's ethnographic study, Learning to Labor: How Working Class Kids Get Working Class jobs (1977). The book became widely acknowledged as a turning point in reproduction theory-and an implicit refutation of Bourdieu- because of its ethnographic integra­tion of a structural theory of reproduction with a more phenomenological, agent-oriented study of resistance on the part of English working-class male adolescents. Such resistance primarily took the form of negative reactions to schools and the learning of intellectual skills, a self-destructive process that contributed to both the lowering of expectations in working-class schools and a fatalistic sense of being destined for manual working-class jobs. Ev~n though the resistance characteristic of the adoles­cent males studied by Willis largely served to ensure poor academic performance that led to working­class jobs, his analysis opened the door to more political interpretations. Henry Giroux's Theory and Resistance in Education (1983) provided an influen­tial synthesis, incorporating gender and race in a cri­tique of class reductionism that envisioned a critical theory of schooling in the United States based on a utopian "language of possibility" inspired by Paulo Freire's critical pedagogy. Michael Apple, as part of rethinking his earlier economic Marxist, class-based perspective, also converged on a similar position grounded in a theory of counter-hegemonic popu­lar movements and democratic struggles. Critics questioned, however, the hope placed by resistance theories on the potential of education to transform society.

Reproduction Theories 709

More Recent Debates: Post-1980s

Several historical developments contributed to the subsequent partial waning and rethinking of repro­duction theories in education: the further discredit­ing of Marxism following the collapse of the Soviet bloc; postmodernist critiques of the metanarratives of universalizing theory; the rise of neoliberal ide­ologies, which became the new polemical target of educational reproduction theories; and the suc­cess of neoliberal policies in generally stalemating the advance of the radical democratic and populist visions of transformative resistance. Nevertheless, all of the earlier approaches continued to have adherents and, though originating in research pub­lished in French and English, have now influenced educational research traditions worldwide. In the English-speaking world, however, state-hegemonic resistance theories based on the relative equivalence of class, race, and gender (now often interpreted as relations of "intersectionality") have remained the most influential, as evident in the writings of Apple and his diverse collaborators. The continuing development of resistance theories arose from con­structively responding to the challenges of postmod­ernism, as well as incorporating critiques of class reductionism developed in feminist and race theories influenced by critical social theory and poststruc­turalist theories of identity and difference, including thP. nsP. of Mic.hP.l Fonc.:::~nlt'.c; thP.01:y of power and knowledge to understand aspects of reproductive processes, especially the marginalization of the per­spectives and knowledge of subordinated groups. State-hegemonic theories have also responded to globalization by addressing transnational social reproduction in comparative analysis of the varie­ties of capitalism not only within but also outside the West. Nevertheless, some have continued to defend Marxist economic reproductive approaches and the primacy of the capital relation, rejecting theories that abandoned revolutionary Marxism by conced­ing too much to postmodernism, multiculturalism, and identity politics. Another significant develop­ment has been a remarkable revival of interest in the work of Bourdieu.

Future Directions: Bourdieu's Legacy

A new interdisciplinary reception of Bourdieu emerged in the late 1990s and accelerated in the decade after his death. By 2007, he had become the second most cited academic author in the world, just behind Foucault and somewhat ahead of Jacques Derrida

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(Thomson Reuters Web of Knowledge). A central concern has been locating the development of his work in relation to his own sociologically interpreted autobiographical reflections: early years in provincial southwestern France; elite training in philosophy in Paris, followed by a turn to structuralist anthropology and fieldwork in Algeria (recently recognized as the source of a "postcolonial Bourdieu"); a break with structuralism in the late 1960s-evident in a turn to a reflexive sociology based on synthesizing the work of Marx, Weber, and Durkheirn-and the formation of a sociological research group in Paris; election to a chair in sociology at the College de France in 1981; and a turn to political activism as a public intellectual in the 1990s until his death in 2002 .

From this revised perspective, it is now clear that the earlier reliance of educational researchers on the 1970 book on reproduction, Reproduction in Education, Society and Culture, contributed to unfortunate misreadings. As Bourdieu himself noted, it was a "work of youth" that still had vestiges of structuralism, limitations that were reinforced by being read independently of the empirical research on which it was based, as well as both his reflexive sociology and the theory of cultural and educational reproduction, the foundations of which appeared in his Outline of a Theory of Practice (1972/1977) and his later work, which included two books on French elite higher education: Homo Academicus (1984/1988) and The State Nobility (1989/1996). Beyond his book on Distinction (1979/1984 ), a widely discussed sociology of artistic taste, later publications also included topics such as the logic of practice, cultural production (especially art and literature), masculine domination, social structures of the economy, the state and power, television, and a sociological autobiography.

Several issues can be singled out in relation to educational reproduction theory. As against his alleged structuralism, Bourdieu's mature sociologi­cal position is now often characterized as a form of poststructuralism, or what he called "genetic structuralism" or "constructivist structuralism," that gives primacy to "strategies" over structuralist "rules." Furthermore, the resulting reflexive sociol­ogy is grounded in a radical historicist reflexivity and comparative methodology.

With respect to the frequent charge that he over­generalized the case of French education, many now argue that he provided the reflexive tools necessary for the historicist translation and respecification necessary for comparative research. For example,

though earlier efforts to apply the concept of cul­tural capital drew rather literally on his French high-culture examples from the 1960s (e.g., museum attendance), more recent work has focused on the culturally specific expectations of different educa­tional systems, drawing on both qualitative and quantitative comparative methods. As well, aware­ness of his later work has opened up a wide range of new educational topics.

Finally, despite earlier criticism that he neglected resistance, Bourdieu's project was based on the assumption that critical sociology contributed to liberation by revealing misrecognition, suggesting greater affinities with state-hegemonic resistance the­ories than previously realized. Moreover, his turn to a critique of neoliberalism as a public intellectual in the 1990s implied recognition of a changed histori­cal context, even though a posthumous compilation of texts relating to his activist interventions reveals the continuity of his concerns. Nevertheless, more recent discussions have raised questions about the consistency of his conception of practice, especially the tension between the relativism of the cultural arbitrary and his defense of scientific universaliza­tion and the autonomous "collective intellectual" in research. The claim that the curriculum-especially in the humanities-is arbitrary and ideological rather than having a universal meaning or economic function has the paradoxical effect of potentially legitimating neoliberal efforts to undermine uni­versity autonomy by reorienting higher education and research to focus primarily on the supposed needs of the economy. Particular attention has also been given to extending and revising his approach by clarifying the conditions under which habituses change-as in the case of Bourdieu's own tormented "cleft habitus" as an ambivalent provincial outsider in Paris-and the implications for theories of social movements and the public sphere.

Raymond A. Morrow

See also Apple, Michael; Capital: Cultural, Symbolic, and Social; Code Theory: Basil Bernstein; Critical Theory; Equality of Educational Opportunity; Freire, Paulo: Pedagogy of the Oppressed and Critical Pedagogy; Hidden Curriculum; Marx, Karl; Social Class

Further Readings

Atkinson, W. (2012). Reproduction revisited: Comprehending complex educational trajectories. Sociological Review, 60(4), 735-753.

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Au, W., & Apple, M. (2009). Rethinking reproduction: Neo-Marxism in critical education theory. In M. Apple, W. Au, & L.A. Gandin (Eds.), Routledge international handbook of critical education (pp. 83-95). New York, NY: Routledge.

Bourdieu, P., & Passeron, J.-C. (1977). Reproduction in education, society and culture (1st ed.; R. Nice, Trans.). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. (Original work published 1970)

Bourdieu, P., & Wacquant, L. J.D. (1992). An invitation to reflexive sociology. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.

Collins, J. (2009). Social reproduction in classrooms and schools. Annual Review of Anthropology, 38, 33-48.

Giroux, H. (1983). Theories of reproduction and resistance in the new sociology of education: A critical analysis. Harvard Educational Review, 53(3), 257-293.

Gorski, P. S. (Ed.). (2013). Bourdieu and historical analysis. Durham, NC: Duke University Press.

Grenfell, M. (2008). Pierre Bourdieu: Education and training. New York, NY: Continuum.

Lareau, A., & Weininge~; E. B. (2004). Cultural capital in education research: A critical assessment. In D. L. Swartz & V. L. Zolberg (Eds.), After Bourdieu (pp. 105-144). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic.

Morrow, R. A., & Torres, C. A. (1995). Social theory and education: A critique of theories of social and cultural reproduction. Albany: State University of New York Press.

Reed-Danahay, D. (2005). Locating Bourdieu. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

Silva, E., & Warde, A. (Eds.). (2010). Cultural analysis and Bourdieu's legacy. London, England: Routledge.

Susen, S., & Tume~; B.S. (2011). The legacy of Pierre Bourdieu. London, England: Anthem Press.

Xu, J., & Hampden-Thompson, G. (2012). Cultural reproduction, cultural mobility, cultural resources, or trivial effect? A comparative approach to cultural capital and educational performance. Comparative Education Review, 56(1), 98-124.

RHETORICAL CANONS

The Roman educational system emphasized five canons of rhetoric: ( 1) invention (inventio ), (2) arrangement (dispositio), (3) style (elocutio), (4) memory (memoria), and (5) delivery (pronuntia­tio). Together, these five elements of effective com­munication provide a guide for developing, as well as analyzing, rhetorical arguments. While devised for oratory, the canons were seen as applicable to any type of rhetoric, whether verbal or written, and they have remained influential in education since

Rhetorical Canons 711

their inception more than 2,000 years ago. Even in the modern technological world, far removed from the ancient Roman society and its emphasis on ora­tory as the primary means of communication, the canons are often used as a way of teaching rhetoric, whether in verbal, written, or multimedia formats.

Rhetorica ad Herennium

It is unknown today precisely how the rhetorical canons were developed and by whom. However, it is clear that by the time that Cicero (106-43 BCE) was a student of rhetoric, the Roman system of rhetorical education was established, and the rhetorical canons were firmly recognized as an important part of the pedagogical tradition. The most complete treatise on the rhetorical canons that survived antiquity is the text of the Rheturica ad Herennium, composed around 90 BCE. The document provides in-depth explanations of the five canons.

The author of the Rhetorica ad Herennium is unknown. Because the section on invention so closely resembles Cicero's On Invention, which was written when the statesman was a young man, it was believed for more than 1,000 years that Cicero was the author of Rhetorica ad Herennium. Today, scholars believe that the similarities simply exist because Cicero and the unknown author were likely contemporaries. They may not have known each other, but they would have both been students within the same system of rhetorical education.

The Rhetorica ad Herennium was not a novel or groundbreaking text at the time it was produced. It provided a summary of what was essentially common practice in Roman education. However, from a modern standpoint, because it provides the most complete picture of the rhetorical canons from ancient Roman education, it is one of the most important educational documents to survive from antiquity.

The Canons

The five rhetorical canons can be separated for the sake of study, but they were meant to be used together for an orator to develop an effective rhetor­ical act. Each canon influences the others, and with­out giving consideration to all, the rest would be ineffective. Invention (inventio) references devising the subject of a speech and what one will say about it. Arrangement (dispositio) is the organization of one's thoughts, giving careful consideration to the order in which an argument is made. Style (elocutio)

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