Commerce and Economy

in Ancient Egypt

Proceedings of the Third International Congress for Young Egyptologists 25-27 September 2009,

Budapest

Edited by

András Hudecz Máté Petrik

BAR International Series 2131 2010

Published by Archaeopress Publishers of British Archaeological Reports Gordon House 276 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7ED England bar@archaeopress.com www.archaeopress.com BAR S2131 Commerce and Economy in Ancient Egypt. Proceedings of the Third International Congress for Young Egyptologists 25-27 September 2009, Budapest

© Archaeopress and the individual authors 2010 ISBN 978 1 4073 0672 8 Printed in England by 4edge Ltd, Hockney All BAR titles are available from: Hadrian Books Ltd 122 Banbury Road Oxford OX2 7BP England bar@hadrianbooks.co.uk The current BAR catalogue with details of all titles in print, prices and means of payment is available free from Hadrian Books or may be downloaded from www.archaeopress.com

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Under the Protection of the Gods: the Divine Role for the Good Outcome of Trade and Mining Expeditions

Barbara Gilli

di.n n.f xAswt imt.sn m wD MnTw Hry-ib Iwn Imn nb nswt tAwy (Wadi el-Hudi no. 14) Introduction The understanding of the ancient Egyptian economy is an issue still debated; this situation is in part due to the ways used by Egyptian people to record their economic activities and transactions. The aim of this paper is not to conduct an analysis of economic reality but to comprehend the ideology behind the Egyptian economy outside the Nile Valley, in particular the role of the deities in desert economy. Thanks to rock inscriptions left in the desert,1 it is partially possible to reconstruct the Egyptian thought on rules governing the economy in peripheral territories. The economic activities undertaken in the desert (dSrt ‘The red Land’2) have been influenced by the perception of this environment felt by the Egyptians completely different compared to the Nile Valley (kmt ‘The black Land’). The desert caused anguish because it was a border region, outside of an ordinate world.3 Due to its red colour the desert was regarded as a manifestation of Seth4 who embodies the cosmic force of chaos and confusion, and who, in origin, was the god associated with the wilderness.5 Moreover, the existence of adverse natural conditions, such as sandstorms, and the presence of fantastic animals or demons were viewed as evocations of this deity.6 On the other hand, the desert7 could have a positive connotation as well, given that precious minerals or metals and fine hard stones grow as divine emanations within it.8 Most of the luxury products came from eastern regions9 by means of mining and quarrying expeditions and of commerce. In fact, the main

1 Blumenthal 1977 85-118. 2 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 13. 3 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 34-6; Keimer 1928. Cf. Mariette 1871 6, ro. VI, 1. 4 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 36-7; Te Velde 1967 115-6. 5 On Seth: Te Velde 1967. 6 In Beni Hassan’s tombs there are interesting representations of the desert hunt (Newberry 1894 Pls. 4 and 13). In these images, the Egyptians reveal their view on the fauna of this territory comprising both fantastic animals evoked by Seth (such as sDA, a hybrid animal half panther and half serpent; sfr, the griffin; SA, the Seth-animal) both real animals, which are typical of the desert (gazelles, panthers, antelopes etc.). By means of these representations, we can argue that the desert was deemed a place where the real world and the imaginary one were overlapped. The desert symbolizes the chaos to repel: through the hunt the owner of the tomb keeps under control the disorder. Keimer 1944. 7 The desert was frequently called xAs(w)t as well, a term used to indicate a mountain territory. Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 7-12. 8 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 314. 9 In eastern territories were also comprised part of Nubian Desert and Sinai.

trade routes towards the Land of Punt and the Levantine areas were set in this territory.10 In the eyes of the Egyptians the desert was an area of contact between two worlds where the human and divine realms were not completely separated. For that reason, it was regarded not only as an environment where negative events occurred, but also as a place in which the contact with the deities was favoured and the miracles could happen. Although the Eastern Desert and the mountain regions had some positive aspects, they were always characterized by difficult climatic conditions. The inscription of Harwerre, who was sent in Sinai during the summer season by Amenemhat III, offers a vivid report on the troubles encountered during a mining expedition:11

iwt.i Hr kmt Hr.i bdS.i StA m Hr.i gmt inm.s tA Sm(m) xAst m Smw Dww Hr Abw inmw Xn ‘When I came from Egypt I was discouraged, because I did not know to find the body12 for it, since the land was hot and the highland being in summer. The mountains burn and the bodies were upset.’13 By the reading of this type of account, it is easy to realize how difficult it was to live in these inhospitable territories. Nevertheless, the Egyptians were forced to go across the desert in order to reach the mines and quarries or the far countries for commercial aims.

The desert economy According to the Egyptians’ beliefs14 the desert was accounted as a divine domain15 and its economic exploitation, which comprises both mining activities and long-distance commerce, was integrated into a divine plan.

10 The eastern desert assumes positive connotation contrary to western one regarded the domain of Seth. 11 Translations in this article are the author’s own translations based on original texts. 12 On several translations of inm suggested cf. Iversen 1984 507-10. 13 Blackman 1931 97-101; Černý 1952 no. 90 Pl. 25; Černý 1955 97-9; Goedicke 1962 14-25; Iversen 1984 507-19; PM Vol. 7 348. 14 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 59-61. 15 For example, Horus, Sopdu and Thoth had got the epithet of ‘Lord of foreign countries’ already in the Old Kingdom: Goyon 1974 197; Strudwick 2005 85 C, D.

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The minerals were part of an astral theology16 in which the Myth of the Eye of Horus played an important role.17 S. Aufrère appropriately summarized the Egyptian position on the mineral aetiology:18 “Les dieux suscitent l’apparition des minéraux, le font croître, prospérer au sein des entrailles de la terre, en assurent la garde”.19 The divine creation of minerals is primarily attested in late sources but this conception is already present in the Pyramid Texts: ‘Oh Great striding goddess, [who strews the green], malachite and turquoise of the stars!’.20 Many gods were linked to the desert economy, such as Neith21, Horus22 or Amon23, but no one could be compared to the goddess Hathor24. In her temple at Dendera she is held as the creator of all minerals and metals25 and the possessor of precious stones26. She owns the epithets of ‘Golden One’ (nbwt),27 ‘Lady of Silver’ (nbt HD),28 ‘Lady of precious stones’ (nbt aAwt),29 ‘Lady of Malachite’ (nbt Ssmt),30 ‘Lady of Turquoise’ (nbt mfkAt) in Sinai (Wadi Magharah and Serabit el-Khadim),31 ‘Lady of Galena’ (nbt msdmt) at Gebel el Zeit32 and ‘Lady of Amethyst’ (nbt Hsmnt) in Wadi el Hudi (Nubia)33. Hathor nbt mfkAt was worshipped in the copper mines of Timna (Sinai) as well.34 Internationally speaking Hathor was one of most important Egyptian deities.35 The vast influence of Hathor could depend in part by the location of her main cultic centre; Dendera was connected to the ports on the Red Sea shore through the Wadi Qena and the Wadi Hammamat. Hathor was also regarded as the patroness of

16 For the symbolic value of precious stone see Aufrère 1991 Vol. 2 463-587. 17 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 213-303, 319-21. 18 Several scholars have already read up on the mineral creation and on the relation between the gods and the desert. On these topics and for related bibliography see Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 117-45, 307-21. 19 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 309. 20 PT 350. For translation: Allen 2005 75, 164. 21 Neith is linked to the Tura quarry and to quarries in general: Daressy 1901 239, doc. 1055 b; El-Sayed 1982 Vol. 1 92; El-Sayed, 1982 Vol. 2, doc. 461; Sauneron 1962 111-3; Sauneron 1968 261-2, text 330. 22 Cf. Chassinat 1935 Vol. 4 251, 3-4. In the Pyramid Texts Horus had already been defined ‘Lord of Malachite’ (PT 301; Allen 2005 56, 206; Leitz 2002 Vol. 3 646). 23 Barucq and Doumas 1980 199. 24 Hathor has this strong association with the minerals because of her connotation such as lunar goddess and her link with the myth of the Eye of Horus. Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 133-6. 25 Chassinat 1935 152, 7-11; Chassinat and Daumas 1978 135, 5. 26 Mariette 1870 67a. 27 Hathor of Dendera is ‘Gold of the Gods, Silver of the Goddesses and Lapis-lazuli of the Ennead’. For related bibliography cf. Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 369-70, 382-4; Leitz 2002 Vol. 3 179-180; Leitz 2002 Vol. 3 180-182. 28 Newberry 1893 82. 29 Engelbach 1933 72, no. 11, Pl. 3, 3. 30 Černý 1952 no. 121; Leitz 2002 Vol. 4 144. 31 Černý 1952 nos. 93-5, 104, 107, 112, 118, 158; Leitz 2002 Vol. 4 62-3; Pinch 1993 48-58. Cf. Erichsen 1933 78, 6: ‘I despatched inspectors and overseers to the turquoise desert of my mother, the goddess Hathor, the Lady of the Turquoise’. 32 Castel et al. 1989; Castel and Soukiassian 1985 291, no. 559, Pl. 64; Leitz 2002 Vol. 4 67; Pinch 1993 71-7. 33 Fakhry 1952 nos. 16:3, 17:3, 20:3, 22:4-5, 24:4, 25:3; Sadek 1980 nos. 16:3, 17:3, 20:3, 22:4-5, 24:4, 25:3. 34 Giveon 1978b 61, 65-6; Pinch 1993 59-70; Rothenberg 1967 53-70; Rothenberg 1970 28-35; Rothenberg 1973. 35 Giveon 1978b 61; Stadelmann 1967 4.

the shipmasters,36 and for this reason also the contact between Egypt and Canaan was felt under the patronage of this goddess:37 she was the ‘Lady of Byblos’ (nbt kpny) thanks to the identification with the local goddess Ba’alat Gebal.38 Furthermore, Hathor was connected with the Land of Punt as ‘Lady of Punt’ (nbt Pwnt).39 In addition, she was the owner of exotic products obtained from long-distance commercial exchanges: she was ‘Lady of Lapis-lazuli’ (nbt xsbD)40, ‘Lady of Incense’ (nbt snTr)41 and in the autobiography of Herkhuf all precious African wares that came from Yam were considered a gift of Hathor to the king.42 According to Egyptian thought, Hathor was the main deity linked to mining activities as well as to the long-distance trade with Nubia, Canaan and Punt. Although Hathor is considered as the undisputed owner of all minerals and metals, she is not the guardian of them43 contrarily to male divinities who can be both owners and protectors of mineral resources. For this reason, Hathor needs the support of some deities functioning as protector and prospector of the mineral resources. In Sinai for example, Sopdu44 must watch over her mineral domain and Min controls the eastern desert45 seeking metals or precious minerals by order of Hathor.46 The role of these male gods as guardians of Hathor’s properties is underlined by their connotation such as lords of the desert countries;47 Sopdu is often defined nb iAbtt ‘Lord of the East’48 and Min assumes the title of nb xAswt ‘Lord of the Highlands’.49 The presence of a specific god in peripheral areas probably depends by geographical reasons. The gods, who are worshipped in the cities set at the beginning of the trade routes or of the ways that lead to the mines and quarries, become rulers of that territory and owners or protectors of the desert’s products.50 For this reason, perhaps, Min turns out to be the most important male god connected to desert economy.51 His main cultic centre, 36 Cf. CT 61: ‘Hathor, Lady of Byblos, will steer your boat’. Erman 1934 349; Morenz 1960 235. 37 Bleeker 1973 73. 38 Allam 1963 142; Espinel 2002. 39 Leitz 2002 Vol. 4 52-3. On the epithet nb Pwnt cf. Leitz 2002 Vol. 3 629-30. 40 Allam 1963 77; Černý 1952, no. 102; Leitz 2002 Vol. 4 121; Sandman-Holmberg 1946 192. 41 Leitz 2002 Vol. 4 130. 42 Lichtheim 1973 26. 43 Hathor was rarely called nbt xAswt: Černý 1952 no. 200, pl. 59 (18th Dynasty); Dümichen 1877 Pl. 52 (Ptolemaic Period). Cf. Leitz 2002 Vol. 4 115. 44 On Sopdu see Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 118-21; Giveon 1984 777-84; Pinch 2002 205; Schumacher 1998. He was ‘Lord of true minerals’ (Chassinat 1935 147-8). 45 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 137-93. 46 Yoyotte 1952 125-37. 47 Aufrère 1991 Vol. 1 10-1. 48 Leitz 2002 Vol. 3 571. This epithet is particular frequent in Sinai: Černý 1955 42-3. 49 On ephitet nb xAswt cf. Leitz 2002 Vol. 3 711. 50 For sample it’s probable that the presence of Sopdu in Sinai depends by the location of his city, Persopdu, as starting and ending point of expedition in Sinai (Goyon 1985 152-3). 51 Min has no epithet that connected him directly with the mineral world but the Bekhen stone was considered his propriety since it grows in his territory.

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Coptos, lies in a strategic position at the opening of the Wadi Hammamat; consequently, Min extends his sphere of influence as far as the Red Sea shore. Not only Min but also several gods are associated with the places of mining exploitation because of the nearness of their city with the routes to the quarries or mines. For instance, Horus of Edfu is connected to the gold mined in the Wadi Barramiya and he controls the access to the gold mines such as ity n xAswt iAbtt ‘Ruler of the eastern desert’.52 Also Amon of Karnak becomes the ruler on the mountain regions thanks to his association with Min and is worshipped in the Wadi Hammamat and in several mining zones. The desert defined as xAswt nt Imn ‘Highlands of Amon’ is a property of this god.53 The divine role in the desert economy Due to religious beliefs, the desert economy is subjected to a particular theological structure: all precious goods coming from the desert are divine property given that the deities are the creators of minerals and the desert territories are their domains. This condition implies that the procurement of raw materials and long-distance trade must be integrated into a ceremonial scheme, in which the human beings and the deities have to interact: both of them play an important role in this economy.

spr(.f) r tA pn m Abd 3 prt sti n tr is pw n iwt r biA pn xtmw-nTr pn Dd.f xr srw iw.t(y).sn(y) r biA pn n tr pn im.Tn bdS.Tn Hr.s m.Tn dd st @wt-@r n wAs mAA.n.i r.i ‘(He) arrived at this country in the third month of winter, although this was not the time for coming to this quarry. This keeper of the god’s seal says to the officials who shall come to this quarry at this season: “Should not be discouraged for that reason. Behold, Hathor will turn it to luck. I myself have seen it”.’54 In the opinion of the ancient Egyptians, the gods can determine the fate of the expeditions and act in behalf of the good outcome of the expeditions in several ways. Water The gods can help the king or the members of the expeditions supplying them with water. The inscription carved in the Rock Temple at Kanais tells the divine aim given to Seti I when he decided to build a cistern in order to support his expeditions on the way to the gold mines of Wadi Miya: 52 Černý 1952 Pls. 2/7, 5/8, 6/10, 8/16. 53 Urk IV 319, 9; Ziegler 1981 125-32. 54 Černý 1952 no. 90 Pl. 25; Černý 1955 97-9; Iversen 1984 510.

(…)

dbnbn.in.f Hr xAst Hr wxA st irt Xnm ist grt nTr Hr sSm tw rf rdit sprt mr.n.f (…) Dd.in Hm.f m.k iry.n nTr sprt.i bsw n.i mw Hr Dww ‘Then he went in the desert seeking a place to make a watering station and also god was guiding him in order to grant the request that he desired (…) His majesty said: “Behold, god has granted my wish. He has made water came forth for me from the mountain”.’55 But also in Wadi Hammamat, the god Min is especially benevolent by means of the “Rain miracle”:

wHm biAt irt Hw mAA xprw nw nTr pn dit bAw.f n rxyt irt xAst m nwy bst mw Hr nHA n inr gmt Xnmt m Hr-ib int ‘The wonder was repeated, rain was made and the forms of this god were displayed. His will was shown to men, the highland was made a lake. The water went to the roughness of the stone. A well was found in the midst of the valley.’56 Discovery of resource The gods can also favour the discovery of the resources sought. In Wadi el-Hudi, whose mines was exploited for the Amethyst, a stele of the reign of Sesostris I informs us that the desert products are given to the king by the gods as a divine gift:57

tAw nbw Hr bAk n.f di.n n.f xAswt imt.sn m wD MnTw Hry-ib Iwn Imn nb nswt tAwy wnn mnn Dt ‘All Lands are working for him, the highlands gave to him what is within them, by order of Montu, who is in Armant, and Amun, Lord of the Thrones of Two Land,

55 Gauthier 1920 1-38, Pls. 1-20; KRI Vol. 1 65-71, §§ 32-3; Schott 1961; Weigall 1908 71-84. 56 Couyat and Montet 1912 97 no. 191, Pl. 36. 57 This idea was further developed in Late Period sources: cf. Aufrére 1991 Vol. 1 318-9.

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who exist and rest for eternity.’58 More or less, we find the same situation in Wadi Hammamat, with the well-known miracles happened in reign of Mentuhotep IV59. In the “Gazelle’s miracle” it’s the god of that territory, Min, who provides the king with the sarcophagus lid:

in Hm n nTr pn nb xAswt rdi mAa n sA.f Nb-tAwy-Ra anx Dt n mrwt Aw ib.f ‘Now, it was the majesty of this august god, lord of the highlands, who gave the offering to his son Nebtauyra, living forever, in order that his heart might be joyful.’60 Trade routes Apart from assisting the troops that are in their territories, the gods can help the king suggesting the trade route to him. In the inscriptions of the mortuary temple of Hatshepsut at Deir el-Bahri, her expedition to Punt turns out to be the direct result of the Amon’s instruction.

sDm wD m st-wrt nDwt-rA nt nTr Ds.f Dar wAwt r Pwnt wbA mTnw r xtjw-antjw sSm mSa Hr mw Hr tA r jnt bjAw m tA-nTr n nTr pn qmA nfrw.s jr.jn.tw mj wDt.n nbt Hm n nTr pn 'A command were heard from the Great Throne, an oracle from the god himself: “Explore the ways to Punt, open the roads to the Myrrh-terraces and lead the army on water and on land to bring marvels from the God's Land to this god, the creator of her beauty”. It was done, according to everything that the majesty of this god had commanded.’ 61 Protection The gods can protect the troops that are outside the Nile Valley from the dangers. In earlier time of its mineral exploitation, the Sinai territory was not yet under stable control of Egyptian kings, consequently they need the 58 Sadek 1980 Vol. 1 WH. no. 14, 12-4. 59 Couyat and Montet 1912 77-8, no. 110, Pl. 29; Couyat and Montet 1912 97-8, no. 191, Pl. 36; Gundlach 1980 89-113; Schenkel 1965 263-4, 267-8. 60 Couyat and Montet 1912 77-8, no. 110, Pl. 29. 61 Naville 1898 Pl. 84.

help of a fighting god to defeat the Asiatics. It’s Thoth who accomplishes this task during the Old Kingdom:62 in Wadi Kharig, the god is defined “Lord of terror, who smashes Asia” on Sahure inscription;63 in Wadi Maghara Thoth compares in two scenes where he is on the side of the king (of Khufu in the first scene64 and of Niuserra on the second one65) smiting the Mentju.66 But even when the expeditions were sent in the bordering areas, the Egyptians considered necessary the divine protection. In a recording left in Wadi Hammamat during the reign of Amenemhat III, we can read:

hA.n(.i) Hr xAst tn m Htp Hna mSa.i m bAw Mnw nb xAst ‘I came to this highland in safety with my army by the will of Min, Lord of the highlands.’67 The safety passage and voyage to near or far foreign countries was due to the divine will, as during the Hatschepsut’s expedition to Punt led under the protection of Amon68 and with the aid of Hathor:

sqdwt m wAD-wr Ssp tp-wAt nfrt r tA nTr wd r tA m Htp r xAst Pwnt in mSa n nb tAwy xft tpt-rA nb nTrw Imn ‘Sailing in the sea: beginning the goodly way toward God's-Land, arriving in peace to the land of Punt, by the army of the Lord of the Two Lands, according to the command of the Lord of Gods, Amon.’69

(…) n @wt-@r nbt Pwnt (…) in.s nf ‘To Hathor, Lady of Punt (…) that she may bring wind.’70 Until now it has been examined the role of the deities in the desert economy, but this economy is based on the interaction of two parts: the gods and the human beings. 62 Subsequently, when Sinai falls under Egyptian control, Thoth changes role becoming patron of the expedition’s scribes. 63 Giveon 1977 75, no. 226. 64 Černý 1952 no. 7 (now destroyed but some fragments are in the Cairo Museum). 65 Černý 1952 no.10 (now in Cairo Museum JE 38570). 66 Cf. Giveon 1978a 68, 116-7. 67 Couyat and Montet 1912 48, no. 43, Pl. 13. 68 Amon protects the return voyage as well, cf. Naville 1989 Pl. 75. 69 Naville 1898 Pl. 72. 70 Naville 1898 Pl. 72.

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The role of the human beings in desert economy Occasionally the gods spontaneously help the men but sometimes the men must acquire their help in order to solve a difficult situation. For example, during an expedition sent by Amenemhat I to Wadi Hammamat, the gods were invoked because no one was able to find the stone to bring to the king: in fact the divinities are the owners of the precious materials sought and they can decide to reveal but also hide them from the prospectors at will.

nn nw rx sSAwt.s nn pH s(y) Dar s(y) aHa.n ir.n(.i) hrw 8 Hr Dar xAst tn n rx.n(.i) bw.s im ‘There was no prospector who knew its characteristics, none who reached it by searching it. I spent eight days searching this highland; I didn’t know its places here.’71 Considering the failing search for the stone, the chief of the expedition was forced to plead the gods for help:

aHa.n di.n(.i) Hr Xt(.i) n Mnw n Mwt-Mnw Wrt-HkAw nTrw nbw xAst tn di(.i) n.sn sntr Hr sDt ‘Then I put myself on my belly for Min, for Mut-Min, the Great-in-Magic and all the gods of this highland, giving to them incense upon the fire.’72 The direct consequence of his prayer was the discovery of the stone:

aHa.n gm.n(.i) s r(m)T73 m Hb mSa r Dr.f Hr dwA rS 'Then I found it and people were in festivity and the whole troop was praying and rejoicing.’74 In the eyes of Egyptians, the good outcome of all activities carried out in the desert was due to the divine will. The deities can aid the people protecting them, favouring the discovery of the natural and mineral resources or indicating the commercial routes. This was the duty of the gods. But the human beings have to recompense the gods in order to keep this unstable system in balance. And this was the duty of men.

71 Couyat and Montet 1912 101, no. 199, Pl. 38. 72 Couyat and Montet 1912 101, no. 199, Pl. 38. 73 Read rmT and not inr, cf. Goedicke 1964 45. 74 Couyat and Montet 1912 101, no. 199, Pl. 38.

rdi.n(.i) Hknw n MnTw nb Hwt tn n nsw-bit %-Htp-ib-Ra ‘I gave praise to Montu Lord of this temple, for the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Sehetepibra.’75 The compensation to the gods can be given through prayers, votive offerings76 or building temples. The several expedition inscriptions left in the desert accomplish this task.77

wD Hm.f saHa wD pn n it.f mnw nb xAswt m Dw pn Sps pAwty ‘His majesty commanded to erect this stele to his father Min, lord of the highlands in this august, primeval mountain.’78 To commemorate the good outcome of the expeditions, the Egyptians carved on the rocks or steles their thanks to the divinities. On a stele found in Wadi Gasus there’s a scene where Amenemhat III is giving an offering to Min and Haroeris-Ra followed by a prayer:

dwA-nTr rdit iAw n @r-wr-Ra n Mnw Gbtiw ‘Praise god: Given a prayer to Haroeris-Ra and Min of Coptos.’79 As clearly the subsequent text displays, this stele was created in order to thank the gods for the good conclusion of the expedition to Punt and for the safety landing in %Aww port. The thanks scenes or inscriptions are frequently accompanied by texts describing the reason that the record was carved. Several times, however, the inscriptions do not make mention of the motivation of the recording itself. The majority of the rock inscriptions left in the desert countries belong to this category, so one can merely suppose what was the occasion commemorated by the most of epigraphic sources.80 For example, on stele found in the Wadi Gawasis, there’s a prayer addressed to Osiris, Horus and Haroeris-Ra, but this inscription does not tell us why the gods were thanked:

75 Couyat and Montet 1912 101, no. 199, Pl. 38. Notice that the thanks is given to Montu and not to the gods previously above mentioned. 76 On votive offerings to Hathor in peripheral regions cf. Pinch 1993. 77 I do not agree with Doxey’s position (Doxey 1998 18) on the aim of the expedition inscriptions. The purpose is certainly celebrative without historiographical intent. 78 Couyat and Montet 1912 98, no. 192, Pl. 37. 79 Sayed 1977 Pl. 8b. 80 For examples cf. Wadi el Hudi: Fakhry 1952 nos. 2:6, 16:3, 17:3, 20:3, 22:4-5, 24:4, 25:3, 143:A.4; Wadi Allaki: Černý 1947 52-8, nos. 14, 22, 24, 37, 38, 39; Hatnub: Anthes 1928, gr. 9, 11, 13, 17, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26.

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Htp dj nsw (n) Wsjr WAD-wr @r-wAD […] @r-wr-Ra ‘A Royal offering (to) Osiris of Uadj-Ur (to) Horus the Son, […] to Haroeris-Ra.’81 The human beings could recompense the gods not only with offering, steles and rock inscriptions but also with the building of cultic places:82

(…)

iw.i r qd xnt m st tn Hr rn itw nTrw (…) ir.in.tw m SAd m Dw pn Hwt-nTr nn n nTrw Imn im.s Ra m Xnw.s PtH Wsir m Hwt-aAt.s @r Ast Mn-mAat-Ra psDt imt Hwt-nTr tn ‘I will build a sanctuary in this spot, bearing the great name of my fathers, the gods (…) By cutting into this mountain a temple was made for these gods: Amun is in it, Ra is within it, Ptah and Osiris are in its great hall and Horus, Isis, and Menmaatra; the Ennead that is in this temple.’83 This is the dedicatory text of Seti I written in the rock temple of Kanais84, in Wadi Miya. The king built this temple on the way that led to the gold mines in order to compensate the gods for the discovery of the water. But other temples were built in peripheral regions:85 for instance, in Sinai some temples were dedicated to Hathor86; at Gebel el Zeit it’s know a place of worship dedicated to Hathor, Horus and Min;87 in the Wadi Hammamat there were a Min shrine88 (Bir Umm Fawakhir, now destroyed) and a temple of Amon.89 Final remarks Thanks to the expedition inscriptions the Egyptians have given to us the opportunity to understand some laws that influence the economic and commercial activities outside the Nile Valley, revealing the importance of the role played by the gods. In the eyes of Egyptians, this 81 Bard and Fattovich 2008 stele WG 28. Osiris was associated with the Sea, the Great Green, probably because of the green colour of the god’s skin. In ports of the Red Sea shore, Osiris was perhaps regarded a protector of the sea travellers. It’s possible that he had got more or less the same function as Hathor in the protection of the shipmasters. 82 Klemm 1988. 83 Lichtheim 1976 54; KRI Vol. 1 65-70, §§ 32-3. 84 Gauthier 1920 1-38; Schott 1961; Weigall 1908 71-84. 85 Gilli 2006 152-60; Giveon 1978b; Wimmer 1990. 86 Giveon 1978b 61-7. On the Hathor Temple at Timna cf. Rothenberg 1970 28-35; Rothenberg 1973. On the well-know temple of Hathor ‘Lady of Turquoise’ and Sopdu at Serbit el-Khadim cf. Valbelle and Bonnet 1996. 87 Castel et al. 1989; Castel and Soukiassian 1985. 88 Goyon 1957 carte. 89 Harrel and Brown 1992 97-9.

economy was deeply influenced by the divine will: the gods could determine the fate of commercial or mining expeditions. It’s possible to give an outline of the Egyptian view of desert economy as follows.

Gods can offer something90 to King/Men

King/Men must compensate the Gods

Men give something to Gods Gods are not obligated to give something to Men

The desert economy is based on exchange made between two parts, the gods and king or men,91 this is not a normal swap of goods, there was no price and the human beings could not decide the laws of this special kind of exchange. The divinities are owners of the mineral resources and of the products from long-distance trade; they are rulers of desert territories and patrons of commercial ways. The gods must consequently be rewarded for the materials took away or the help given to human beings. In the first kind of exchange the gods could begin the transaction and king or men had to reply. Contrarily, if the men offered something to the gods in order to ensure the good outcome of the expeditions and obtain their benevolence, the deities were not obligated to answer. The gods can have an active or inactive part in these activities but the divinities anyway obtain a reward or an offering. The compensation could be given to the gods not only in the desert territories. In fact, the precious items extracted from the mountains or the exotic goods obtained from commerce have to be also presented to the deities in the Nile Valley, through the offering,92 of course, but also using them in the temples: for instance, the fine hard stone was employed in more sacred part of the holy places and the gold was laid on the decoration of the sanctuaries.93 The desert economy had been subdued to a theological system in which the king is not the heart of the system itself; outside the Nile Valley the gods were deemed the focal point of each activity. References Allam, S. 1963. Beiträge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende

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