Post on 30-Jan-2023
transcript
Environmental Security and Ethnic Conflict in Eastern Burma
Claire Balani
Austin College
Paper presented at the annual meeting of the MPSA Annual National Conference, Palmer House Hotel, Hilton, Chicago, IL, Apr 03, 2008
Abstract
Traditional approaches to environmental security present the environment as a backdrop to larger
issues such as interstate conflict over scarce resources or protection of the global commons.
However, these approaches ignore underlying causes of long-running world conflicts, especially
the conflict in Eastern Burma, where the military junta pursues programs of development at the
expense of ethnic minority groups. This paper examines an alternative human-centered approach
to environmental security that centers on the human and environmental rights of marginalized
populations. Drawing from human rights and environmental reports, as well as analytical sources
detailing the human rights and environment situation in Burma, this paper traces the loss of
villagers’ livelihoods in Eastern Burma through a process of resource exploitation, militarization,
and environmental degradation, resulting in repression and conflict propagation. While
traditional approaches focus solely on state-mediated strategies to end conflict, this paper
presents solutions for individuals, corporations and other international actors in protecting the
livelihoods of marginalized populations, preventing violent conflict, and furthering
environmental sustainability in developing countries.
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Introduction
Analysts often ascribe the causes of long-running world conflict to political, social,
economic, and cultural factors. Conflicts approached solely through these lenses often result in
the viewing of an incomplete puzzle, with several integral pieces missing, which would have
added further complexity to the situation. This inability to develop different theories and motives
behind conflict complicates the very resolution of conflict, as solutions may not address the
conditions that have created the heart of the problem.
This is particularly true in Eastern Burma, the site of one of the longest-running conflicts
in the world. Solutions for the conflict have failed to arise since the first house arrest of pro-
democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi in 1989. There has been recent coverage of the sale of oil,
gas, and precious gems in keeping the regime afloat. Many argue that if the world ceases to
purchase Burma’s natural resources, regional actors will no longer bolster the regime, severely
weakening it. This analysis makes use of the traditional environmental security paradigm, which
places the potential for conflict over natural resources.
This essay argues that the traditional environmental security approach fails to adequately
explain the conflict in Eastern Burma in two ways: interstate conflict is unlikely to occur over
natural resources, and the continuation of the regime is not solely reliant on arms sales and other
revenue. Rather, a human-centered approach to environmental security reveals deeper motives to
the conflict by attributing programs of mining, dams, and logging in ethnic territories in Eastern
Burma to militarization and environmental degradation, resulting in environmental insecurity
through the loss of local villagers’ livelihoods. These acts of continuous repression allow for
conflict propagation by the Burmese army.
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This essay begins with a brief overview of Burmese history. It then examines the
traditional environmental security approach and applies it to two conflict scenarios in Burma
before offering reasons why the traditional environmental security is inadequate for explaining
the underlying motives of the conflict. The paper then offers an alternative human-centered
approach to environmental security, providing a model of militarization, environmental
degradation, and environmental insecurity that applies to three specific cases of resource
extraction in Eastern Burma, resulting in the propagation of conflict between the Burmese army
and the ethnic forces. This essay concludes with possible solutions to the conflict based upon
securing human-centered environmental security for the local people.
History of Burma
The history of the Burmese empire involved traditional kingdoms and other local
townships that evolved among Burma’s many ethnic groups until Britain’s 19th century conquest
of Burma, where modern Burmese history begins.
The British ruled Burma as a colony, bringing about widespread administrative and social
modernization while still allowing limited local self-government. However, British rule
gradually engendered socialist disintegration and provoked a nationalist movement. Aung San, a
student leader who assembled a military force and nearly monopolized popular support, helped
gain the Union of Burma’s independence. Aung San managed to unite Burma’s many ethnic
groups into a fragile coalition until he was assassinated just a year before Burma’s independence
in 1948. This foreshadowed the struggles of the new democratic government, as ethnic
minorities demanded the right to autonomy and succession from the Burman ethnic majority.
The representative government survived until a military coup in 1962 (Lansner 2001).
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Ne Win, the leader of the military coup, created a new totalitarian regime. Independent
political parties and media outlets were shut down. There were no free elections, and freedom of
expression and association were almost entirely denied. Torture, political imprisonment, and
other human rights abuses were common. Throughout this period, guerilla wars with ethnic
opposition groups within the country worsened (Lansner 2001). The military also took control of
the country’s economy. Under the “Burmese Way to Socialism,” Burma was plunged into an
isolationism that led its economy to the brink of disaster (Lansner 2001). Any business or
industry larger than a family-owned operation was taken over by the state. The government
halted imports of foreign goods, wearing down the state’s infrastructure. Ironically, at the time of
its independence, Burma was favored to surpass the other Southeast Asian states economically,
with its many natural resources, literate population, and successful agricultural infrastructure; it
was then the world’s leading exporter of rice (Lansner 2001). By mid-1988, however, rice
shortages created a near-famine in the country, and popular discontent with the regime reached
crisis proportions.
The police slaying of a student sparked demonstrations by university students that were
soon joined by people of all backgrounds in cities and towns all over Burma. On the eighth of
August—"8-8-88''—hundreds of thousands of people nationwide marched to demand the regime
be replaced by an elected civilian government. The government responded to the protesters with
brute force. Soldiers fired on crowds of unarmed protesters, killing thousands (Lansner 2001).
On September 18, 1988, the army finally responded to calls for democracy by
announcing a coup by the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) (renamed the State
Peace and Development Council, in 1997) (Lansner 2001). This move was effectively seen as a
mere change of name for the government; many of the same leaders remained in power. The
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junta's next action was to open fire with machine guns on demonstrators in Rangoon and other
cities. The carnage was immense. Conservative estimates place the number of people killed at
10,000. Thousands more were arrested; many were tortured.7 Twelve years later, Amnesty
International reported that about 1,700 political prisoners still remained imprisoned under harsh
conditions, and that torture "has become an institution" in Burma (Lansner 2001).
The military junta pledged that elections would be held after "peace and tranquility" were
restored in Burma, but the run-up to the elections inspired little hope in the prospects for
democracy. Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the most popular opposition party, the National League
for Democracy (NLD), was placed under house arrest in July 1989. The SLORC jailed many
other NLD officials, and barred the NLD’s access to media and key resources. But to most
observers' surprise, a relatively free, fair election did take place in 1990. The NLD won over
80% of parliamentary seats. The military-front won only ten seats, a resounding rejection of
military rule that demonstrated not only the depth of the Burmese peoples' alienation from the
military regime, but also the failure of the generals to recognize their own unpopularity (Lansner
2001).
The junta's response to this overwhelming defeat was to change the rules, declaring the
election not for a parliament, but for some members of an elected assembly to consider a new
constitution. After voiding the election results, repression intensified, and many NLD elected
representatives were arrested; some have died in prison, while others have fled into exile. The
junta has since ruled by decree, continuing its history of authoritarian rule.
Current political conditions remain consistent with the government’s policy of
totalitarianism and brutality. The State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) continues its
repression of all rights and freedoms, especially those of Burma’s ethnic minorities. The junta
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also continues its imprisonment and torture of political dissidents. Although political prisoners
have been released over the years, the iconic symbol of the democratic movement, Aung San
Suu Kyi, has been repeatedly placed under house arrest. Many senior NLD officials remain in
prison (Lansner 2001). In addition, the junta continues to fuel conflict between Burma’s many
ethnic minority groups. The military has burnt down more than 3000 villages in Eastern Burma,
forcing hundreds of thousands to flee to the borders or to live as internally displaced persons
deep within the jungle (Lansner 2001).
In September 2007, the pro-democracy movement appeared to have garnered enough
support among the masses, culminating into the largest anti-junta protests in Burma since 1988
(Associated Press 2007). However, the junta again responded to the protests with brute force,
from physical violence and gunfire directed at protesters, to mass arrests of opposition leaders,
Buddhist monks, and civilians (Amnesty International 2007).
The Traditional Approach to Environmental Security
As stated in the introduction, traditional environmental security offers explanations for
why the current regime in Burma is still in power, and what mechanisms enable it to remain in
power, in order to determine how to defuse security threats through environmental means. In this
case, the conflict centers on natural resources.
Clear definitions of environmental security are integral in applying the concept to world
conflicts. The traditional approach to environmental security focuses on “the prevention or
management of conflict over scare or degraded resources” (Brunnee 1997). It stems from an
expanded analysis of national security, integrating environmental threats in addition to military
threats (Brunnee 1997); more explicitly, it represents “the intersection of environmental and
national security considerations” (Allenby 2000). The growing concerns about environmental
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degradation, resource scarcity, and violent conflict arose from the new understanding in the mid-
twentieth century that “borders can be breached and national sovereignty undermined by non-
military external threats” (Eddy 2004). Possible conflicts that nation-states saw as threats to
environmental security included conflict over access to raw materials, especially the conflict
over water in the Middle East, and mass migration away from environmentally degraded areas;
these examples of population growth and resource scarcity, developments have caused “full-
scale wars between nations” (Eddy 2004).
Environmental security in terms of national security adds another dimension in the
explaining high-conflict areas. Violence between ethnic groups, civil strife, and insurgency can
arise not only from political or economic issues, but also from environmental change and
degradation: “…as resources become scarce or degraded, competition increases and may cross a
critical threshold beyond which conflict is inevitable” (Tarhule 2002).
This essay’s analysis and application of environmental security, including both traditional
and alternative approaches, relies upon identifying these factors: environmental security for what
and for whom; the most probable sources of security threats in the area; the mechanisms most
likely to trigger conflict; and the ways through which the conflict may propagate (Tarhule 2002).
Applying the traditional environmental security approach to the situation of Burma
involves identifying the above factors in two particular strands of conflict: the possible scenario
of interstate conflict over Burma’s natural resources, and the occurring practice of funding the
regime through sales of natural resources.
Interstate conflict over Burma’s natural resources is a likely environmental security
threat. Many countries, especially regional actors such as China, India, Thailand, and Singapore,
are capitalizing upon deals with the Burmese military government in order to obtain cheap and
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abundant natural resources from the oil and gas, mining, and logging industries (EarthRights
International, “Burma’s Resource Curse” 2007). Transnational oil and gas corporations are
especially prominent in financing the regime, as Burma represents “highly profitable new
investment and development opportunities” in the form of “future natural gas markets in
Southeast Asia and, most importantly, China” (Dale 2002).
The most important player in securing Burma’s natural resources is China, the growing
world regional power. Its involvement is significant; more than 26 Chinese multinational
corporations have been involved in more than 62 projects in Burma over the past decade
(EarthRights International, “China in Burma” 2007).
In its involvement with Burma, China stresses the development of its southwestern
provinces, building a transportation route through Burma to the Andaman Sea. This raises
concerns in India, which is considered a growing rival to China’s power in Southeast Asia. Some
analysts argue that India abandoned its pro-democracy stance in order to reap business deals with
the Burmese regime (McGivering 2006). If China does create trade links from Yunnan Province
to the Andaman Sea, India is “concerned about the probability of regular Chinese presence on
the coast” (Talbott 1998). Singapore also voiced concern about the elevated level of influence
China has in Burma (Talbott 1998).
The end result could escalate into regional conflict on both diplomatic and military levels.
The largest propensity for conflict is between China and India; if China does maintain a regular
presence in South Asia, then India may feel compelled to initiate military action in the name of
national security. The main instigator of this potential conflict is the continued moves by
regional actors for natural resources, creating competition and territorial conflict.
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The second conflict examined is real and occurring: the junta’s sale of natural resources
in order to provide hard currency to fund its military government (Smith 2007). Sales of natural
gas, in particular, “accounted for half of Burma’s exports and represents its single largest source
of foreign exchange” (Human Rights Watch, “Foreign Oil and Gas” 2007). Human rights groups
argue that the sale of oil, gas, gems, and other natural resources directly fund the military without
benefiting the local people (Human Rights Watch, “Foreign Investment” 2007).
This situation serves two purposes: to bolster potential environmental security threats and
to trigger existing national security threats abroad. Foreign investment through the sale of natural
resources propagates the regime, creating a cycle in which regional powers continue to clash
over who claims what resource, while the regime remains in power. The ultimate result is
regional instability.
The sale of natural resources also threatens national security interests elsewhere,
especially in Western countries such as the United States. The U.S. claims in its national security
agenda that oppressive regimes such as Burma are threats that the government can no longer
ignore (White House 2006). The U.S. is also concerned about the prolific heroin trade, as Burma
produces 50 percent of the world’s heroin (Talbott 1988). Besides direct foreign investment, no
other substantive revenue exists; this is due to the lack of direct foreign aid attributed to
sanctions and objections to the junta’s human rights practices (Smith 2007). The sale of natural
resources by the Burmese military creates security threats for other countries in its function of
funding the regime.
Both scenarios include identifiable factors of environmental security. In both cases, the
primary actors are nation-states. This is necessitated in the national security approach that the
nation-state is “absolute” (Allenby 2000). The nation-states involved seek security from regional
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instability, tyranny abroad and drug trade as the result of natural resource exploitation. The
mechanisms which drive conflict include regional rivalries between powers, democratic
opposition to the regime, and efforts to cease the heroin trade. The pathways for conflict take
place outside of Burma, whether in Southeast Asia or the Western world.
Refuting Traditional Environmental Security
While traditional environmental security adds crucial elements in explanations of
conflicts, there still remain several objections to its logic. In the case of interstate conflict, the
global trend has been that interstate wars have decreased, while domestic wars have increased
(Tarhule 2002). Burma itself has not engaged in any interstate wars for decades, while internal
civil wars with ethnic groups rage on (Granse 2005). Threats to environmental security often do
not override “international respect for the territorial integrity of nations” (Tarhule 2002).
The second scenario emphasizes a crucial source for the military’s revenue, but it does
not fully explain why the regime is still in power. It concludes that conflict persists because the
army has the funds to buy weapons and engage in violence. But in order to find solutions to the
conflict in Burma, it is necessary to determine why the regime engages in violence to begin with.
(Refer to the “Interstate Conflict” and “Foreign Revenue” models at the end of this paper.)
There are also general objections to traditional environmental security as a theory. The
very logic of national security is inapplicable, as “military threats are patently different from
environmental threats, particularly in that military threats are deliberately imposed” (Barnett 44).
The regional scramble for resources in Burma is not, at its core, militaristic on the part of the
buyers; Thailand is not seeking to militarily occupy Burma through natural gas sales.
The primary objection is that it wrongly focuses on who is threatened. The chance of
interstate war is unlikely. While resource exploitation encourages tyranny and the heroin trade in
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Burma, it is not the main cause of security threats to nation-states. The main cause is the
environmental degradation that results from resource extraction. The local people of Burma are
facing environmental degradation and threats to their livelihood, as opposed to the distant
security threats for nation-state actors.
Human-Centered Environmental Security
This alternative approach is seen as human-centered environmental security, which
“places the welfare of the people first and prioritizes the welfare of the most disadvantaged
above all else… as opposed to the hypothetical threats of the nation-states” (Barnett 2001). In
this manner, environmental security focuses on human security rather than national security.
Examples of fulfilling human security include “nutritious food, clean air and water, and
shelter” (Barnett 125). However, human security also involves the very social interactions on
which humans thrive upon, including an “emotional support network,” “strong family ties,” and
“opportunities for extended community interaction” (Barnett 2001).
In its quest for natural resources to provide to foreign countries, Burma causes both
environmental degradation and human insecurity. The army moves into areas largely inhabited
by ethnic minorities, such as Karen State. They force the villagers to relocate in order to allow
companies to extract resources, resulting in militarization and a host of human rights abuses. The
companies’ methods of resource extraction cause environmental degradation, which further
threatens the livelihoods of the local villagers. This process is the application of environmental
insecurity in Burma through “the impoverishment of people and the degradation of nature largely
through political-economic processes” (Barnett 2001).
An explanation of the ethnic minority groups in Burma is necessary. The estimated
population of Burma is 47 million. There are more than 100 different ethnic groups, including
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Karen, Karenni, Mon, Shan, Chin, Wa, Arakan, Rohingya, Kachin, and Burman. (Burma Issues,
“Ethnic Groups” 2004) Two-thirds of the population is Burman, with Karens and Shans being
the next largest ethnic groups with 10 percent each of the population (Wee 2006). The state of
ethnic group relations in Burma has been factitious, with “several of the larger ethnic groups... at
war with the military regime for decades” (Talbott 1998).
The Karen, in particular, have been fighting the longest-running struggle for
independence in the world (Sites 2006). The Karen began fighting for self-determination soon
after the independence of Burma from the British in 1947 (Burma Issues, “Karen” 2004).
Fighting continues in Karen State in Eastern Burma between the SPDC and the Karen National
Union (KNU). However, much of the violence by the Burmese army is directed at the Karen
villagers, which make up most of the population in Karen State (Burma Issues, “Karen” 2004).
The conflict in Eastern Burma can be explained through human-centered environmental
security through an ongoing cycle of militarization, environmental degradation, and
environmental insecurity. The cause of this cycle is resource extraction through mining, logging,
and dams. The result is conflict propagation between the Burmese army and the Karen. This
paper will examine the important connection of militarization and the environment before
examining three case studies in Karen State with respect to the states of the cycle described
above. (Refer to the “Human-Centered Environmental Security” model at the end of this paper.)
Militarization
Militarization is the single biggest environmental security risk to human beings; the
effects of militarization “come not merely from warfare, but also from the preparation for
warfare and the opportunities foreclosed by military expenditure” (Barnett 2001). The military
negatively affects environmental security in three ways.
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First, social disruption occurs when military bases are by local communities (Barnett
2001). In the case of Karen State, many village tracts are controlled by the SPDC. The army thus
has a policy of complete control over all ethnic territories. In Dooplaya District of southern
Karen state, the army seeks to control these villages through forced relocation of villages to
villages close to army bases, travel restrictions, and mandatory identification cards, among other
devices. The army also dictates to villagers what they must grow on their land; they justify this
by arguing that the land was the state’s property to begin with (Karen Human Rights Group,
“Systems of Repression” 2006) This is a sharp contrast to life in Karen villages before 1997,
when villagers maintained relative autonomy over their own lives (Karen Human Rights Group,
“Systems of Repression” 2006). Many instances of militarization in villages can be found in
Karen State, as described in the next section, as well as in the other ethnic states.
Second, environmental degradation occurs through militarization, though “not caused by
weapons specifically aimed at environmental destruction” (Environmental Literacy Council
2007). An example is the use of landmines. Landmines are used by the SPDC as well as rebel
army groups. In particular, the SPDC has forced civilians to act as minesweepers in order to clear
landmines in the jungle (Human Rights Watch, “Landmines Kill” 2006). Landmines have harsh
environmental effects long after the conflict has ended, including “soil degradation,
deforestation, pollution of water resources with heavy metals and possibly altering entire
species’ populations by degrading habitats and altering food chains” (Landmine Monitor 2000).
Finally, militarization causes the displacement of social welfare expenditure to military
funding. Myanmar spends $1.9 billion on its military, the fifth largest military expenditure in the
world; this facilitates the creation of Southeast Asia’s largest standing army during peacetime
(Barnett 2001). Myanmar spent 222% on its army, equivalent to health and education
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expenditure (Barnett 2001). Other government programs are affected as well. Non-military
branches of the government, such as the Forestry Department, receive little funding to pursue
essential environmental conservation programs (Rabinowitz 2001).
Militarization is a reality in the ethnic minority territories of Burma, especially in Karen
State. Both the SPDC and the KNU continue to fight for territory. Since the fall of the Karen
capital, Manerplaw, in 1997, the Burmese army has been rapidly gaining larger swaths of
territory, while the Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) has been forced to retreat into the
mountains and wage sporadic guerilla warfare (Karen Human Rights Group, “Background on
Burma”). The SPDC’s treatment of their acquired territories involves the progressive
regimentation of civilian life and pervasive militarization in villages (Karen Human Rights
Group, “Systems of Repression” 2006). In the cases of resource extraction in Karen State
described in the next section, the Burmese army facilitates the exploitation of natural resources
by allowing it to occur: namely, forcing villagers to relocate so that companies can extract
resources.
Thus, militarization leads directly to environmental insecurity. Villagers are unable to
resist the military due to mass displacement, fear and violence. Facing no resistance, the SPDC
continues to overtake Karen lands for resource extraction.
Three Cases of Resource Extraction in Shwegyin Township
This section examines three specific practices of resource exploitation: mining, logging,
and dams. These three methods are compounded by militarization, leading to environmental
degradation and increased environmental insecurity. These case studies occur in Shwegyin
township in Nyaunglebin District, western Karen State (EarthRights International, “Treasure”
2007). Although it covers a small area, a safe assumption can be made that much of the same
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practices happen wherever active ethnic resistance occurs (EarthRights International, “Treasure”
2007). General information about resource extraction in Burma is difficult to obtain due to
government secrecy, corruption, and the risk of sending documenters to conflict areas.
Militarization occurs in many areas which the SPDC occupies. Shwegyin township has
been another victim of the “central component of the Burmese Army’s strategy”: the forced
relocation of villagers to villages near army bases (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
Often, soldiers would loot their houses after the villagers relocated and then destroy them
afterward. Relocated villagers could not work the land around their new villagers, as it was
already owned. They faced travel restrictions, making it difficult for villagers to return to their
fields and to earn a living through farming. They also encountered exorbitant taxes and fees, as
well as forced labor to repair army camps and roads (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007)
The first case study of resource extraction is gold mining among the Shwegyin River.
Militarization allows for mining companies to inhabit prime land at the expense of the
villagers. Land confiscation is facilitated by the military after companies survey the land and
offer to buy it at a price below market value. The military steps in to ultimately persuade the
villager to sell (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
Small scale mining by mining companies makes up the majority of mining operations.
These include small scale mines involving mechanized equipment Small scale mining by mining
companies makes up the majority of mining operations. Mining companies have made use of
hydraulic machines to extract gold. They pump water through hoses at a very high pressure using
diesel engines. The water is aimed at the banks of rivers and streams to dislodge the soil and
rock. The sediment then goes into a sluice, which are lined with liquid mercury and captures gold
particles in the sediment through amalgamation. The remaining sediment, after the gold and
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mercury have been separated, is washed away downstream. This practice is “highly destructive
to the immediate natural environment and to the ecosystems downstream; it has been banned in
many countries” (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
Many other environmentally destructive factors directly affect the rivers in the area. The
extreme use of water has depleted some water sources and permanently altered others. There is
an increase in soil erosion and sediment levels; some river beds have collapsed due to the
removal of soil and silt from the riverbanks (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007). In
addition, diesel fuel from the mining equipment contaminates the river water that is used to
irrigate the villagers’ rice fields and plantations; many farmers have reported that their fruit trees
have died, and are unwilling to use water from the rivers (EarthRights International, “Treasure”
2007).
The pollution of rivers and streams by mercury has adversely affected the natural
environment, and also poses serious human health risks. Long-term exposure to mercury “can
lead to kidney failure and even death (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
Unfortunately, many villagers rarely realize the seriousness of the health risks associated with
mercury (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
Social disruption occurs when the mining companies destroy the land they occupy as well
as the neighboring land; this had “created inter-community conflict and has made cooperation
between villagers within the community very difficult” (EarthRights International, “Treasure”
2007).
Environmental insecurity thus occurs through militarization and environmental
degradation. Villagers are forced to relocate away from their fields, making it difficult for them
to earn a living and feed their families. Environmental degradation from mining has resulted in
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the loss of water sources, the poisoning of irrigation water for crops, severe health risk by
mercury poisoning, and conflict between villagers. These factors all affect human security and
people’s livelihoods; people are unable to feed themselves, obtain water, or live peacefully with
their neighbors.
The second case study of resource extraction involves logging. Logging is a very
lucrative business, with teak logs selling for 20,000 Kyat per ton (EarthRights International,
“Treasure” 2007). However, most of the commercially valuable trees in the township have been
cut. The amount of deforestation in Nyaunglebin District totals to 265,758 acres since 2003
(EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
Because of the vast deforestation, no logging operations are in effect. However, the
militarization of Shwegyin township has caused the SPDC to conquer more territories held by
the KNU in order to cut down trees. The army also has seized land from villagers; entire
plantations have been destroyed with no compensation to the villagers (EarthRights
International, “Treasure” 2007).
Environmental affects are adverse; at times, “loggers clear cut entire areas to access only
a few commercially valuable trees” (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007). Deforestation
has resulted in the increased possibility of “landslides, local climate change, and the loss of
seasonal streams, which have disappeared due to the loss of groundcover” (EarthRights
International, “Treasure” 2007).
Environmental insecurity results from entire plantations being seized, leaving the
villagers with no other source of income. Environmental degradation from deforestation has
caused increased risks for environmental disaster, harming villagers’ ability to survive. In
addition, villagers are no longer able to hunt and forage for herbs and vegetables, taking away
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another source of food and income from villagers’ livelihoods (EarthRights International,
“Treasure” 2007).
The final case of resource extraction involves the Kyauk Naga Dam. The dam began
construction in 2001 near Shwegyin town. Construction is expected to be complete by 2008
(EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007). Its purpose is for irrigation as well as an electricity
supply to the main power grid. Many are concerned that the dam will supply very little electricity
to the actual residents of Shwegyin township. This has proven the case in many other of Burma’s
hydroelectric dams; they provide electricity for urban areas and for export, but not for the
physical location of the dam (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
Militarization once again occurs through land confiscation. The army seized the people’s
plantations, destroying about 1000 acres of plantations with no compensation to the villagers
(EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007). Forced relocation has caused villagers to live in the
town against their wishes; many have had a difficult time adjusting. For example, farmers are
forced to work in the minds just to secure income (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007).
The environmental effects are significant. Once the dam is completed, many village sites
will be submerged, and about 150-200 plantations along the banks of the river will be destroyed
(EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007). This will leave villagers without a source of
income.
The dam also negatively affects the rivers in the area. Dams restrict the amount of
sediment that is washed downstream, resulting in the erosion of the downstream riverbed, which
threatens the groundwater table. This ultimately threatens vegetation in the area and local wells
(EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007). In addition, once the dam is completed, villagers
will be less able to use the Shwegyin River as a source of fish to supplement their diets. The dam
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physically blocks many fish from migrating upstream (EarthRights International, “Treasure”
2007).
Finally, changes in water flows adversely affect the floodplain. Annual floods deposit
nutrients in the floodplain but dams block this process, reducing the productivity of the soil
there. The result is “a change in the river and floodplain ecosystems” (EarthRights International,
“Treasure” 2007).
Environmental insecurity is compounded by the continued use of forced relocation and
property seizure and destruction. Environmental degradation results in the loss of livelihoods for
those whose villages and plantations will be flooded, in addition to the fishermen of the
Shwegyin river, as well as the farmers who cannot grow crops as well due to less soil
productivity.
The increased environmental security in all three of these cases results in conflict
propagation. This is because the SPDC has targeted the most valuable possession of any Karen:
their land (EarthRights International, “Treasure” 2007). The land holds an obvious economic
significance in securing their income through agriculture, but the land also has cultural
connotations as well. One Karen farmer has expressed sorrow that the next generation will not be
able to say where their parents lived, as the land they once had has been destroyed (EarthRights
International, “Treasure” 2007).
The SPDC has waged war with the Karens’ environment. The army forces the villagers
off of their land, seizes their land for resource extraction, and allows companies to destroy their
land for economic profit. Because the peoples’ livelihoods are tied to the land, they are unable to
resist; they remain forcibly relocated near army bases and are delegated to jobs closely
monitored by the military, such as mining. The cycle of militarization, environmental
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degradation, and environmental security results in fear, oppression, and loss of livelihood by the
villagers, which is the ultimate cause of conflict propagation.
Human-Centered Environmental Security and Its Solutions
Human-centered environmental security also contains four core identifiers. Human-
centered environmental security maintains standards of human security and environmental
sustainability for the world’s marginalized populations. The security threat derives from the
Burmese military’s militarization of the area and facilitation of natural resource extraction. The
mechanisms which are likely to result in conflict are the forced relocation of villagers and the
environmental degradation of their land. The method that propagates conflict is the oppression of
the local villagers, resulting in little resistance for the army in conquering other areas controlled
by the KNU.
Environmental security’s main goals, when applied to a particular situation, are to explain
the motives behind the situation as well as offer solutions to end the conflict. Unlike traditional
environmental security, solutions do not have to be propounded by nation-states. In the case of
Eastern Burma, the power of nation-states is limited. A large part of ending the conflict is the
responsibility of the Burmese government, and “in the absence of significant political and
institutional reforms in Burma, an end to the problems… is unlikely” (EarthRights International,
“Treasure” 2007). If nation-states have been unable to negotiate with the regime in terms of
ceasing human rights abuses, it is unlikely that they will influence the regime on environmental
policies as well.
Human-centered environmental security places much responsibility for conflict
transformation on the part of private actors. In the case of Burma, the actors that have the most
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potential to ending the conflict are multinational corporations (MNCs) and individuals
themselves.
Since the September 2007 pro-democracy protests in Burma, human rights groups have
called for MNCs to either withdraw from Burma or use their influence in order to help stop
human rights abuses (EarthRights International, “ERI Calls On” 2007). MNCs are able to cease
their support the military regime through the sales of natural resources by adopting Corporate
Social Responsibility (CSR) as company policy. CSR “commits the company to the pursuit of a
‘triple bottom line’: financial, social, and environmental” (Zarsky 2002). Companies must
evaluate the social and environmental impacts of their financial decisions. Shareholders and
stakeholders, including local communities affected by the company’s operations, all work to
raise ethnical standards for the company (Zarsky 2002). Companies can adopt CSR in order to
justify the withdrawal of foreign investment in Burma.
The most important actor for conflict transformation is the individual. Although the
individual is limited in what she can do in the face of the military junta, transnational advocacy
methods have enabled individuals to raise awareness of and influence government policy on the
situation in Burma. The power of the individual lies in the “the recognition that politics much
more than what occurs among and between political parties and legislative bodies” (Barnett
2001). Individuals can engage in community organizing through the Internet, volunteer their time
and resources to community organizations on the borders of Burma that assist with refugees and
conduct fact-finding missions, and lobby governments to enact sanctions and other policies
targeting the military regime.
The power of individuals has been the driving force of the transnational Burmese
democracy movement. Despite the continued existence of the military regime despite the
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democracy movement, individuals have enabled more information about what the Burmese
people are facing than what is possible without individual involvement. They obtain information
through fact-finding missions, often led by human rights groups such as EarthRights
International or Karen Human Rights Group. Thus, individuals acting in the name of human-
centered environmental security operate in the name of further understanding the conflict, in
hopes of one day transforming the conflict into peace and environmental sustainability.
Conclusion
The idea of the nation-state as the primary receiver of security fuels geopolitical
strategies of analyzing conflicts that are inadequate in fully explaining the situation. The risks to
the nation-state and resulting violent conflict are often hypothetical and unlikely to occur without
diplomatic intervention. This resulting one-sided analysis of conflicts ignores the cultural
realities of particular situations. Environmental security, especially in the case of Eastern Burma,
must focus on securing environmental sustainability and human dignity to the local villagers who
are directly affected by the military regime’s extraction of natural resources. The program of
militarization, environmental degradation, and environmental insecurity allow conflict to
continue in Eastern Burma. By targeting the villagers’ land, the SPDC has effectively destroyed
any resistance to their conquest of territory for the furthered exploitation of natural resources.
While the conflict itself has little chance of resolving itself without the direct intervention and
reform of the Burmese government, corporations and individuals can play key roles in
understanding the conflict and preventing the conflict from escalating. Individuals, in particular,
can support fact-finding human rights organizations such as EarthRights International and Karen
Human Rights Group; these organizations, among with many others, raise awareness of the
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experiences of local villagers in hopes that their situation may one day prove essential in
solutions for environmental security.
23
“Interstate Conflict” Model
Resource Extraction
Competition between regional actors for resources; security risks over territorial presence
Interstate conflict
Resource Extraction
Increased Funds for Military
Internal Conflict Propagation
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“Foreign Revenue” Model
“Human-Centered Environmental Security” Model
Resource Extraction
Militarization and control
Environmental insecurity; the military’s involvement has led to relocation and forced involvement in the degradation and loss of
their own land
Internal Conflict Propagation; conflict continues because villagers unwilling to fight, military continues to take control
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