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WORKING PAPER 2 AUGUST 2000 version

Annotated Bibliography:

Disarmament and Related Issues by

Christopher J. Fettweis

with the assistance of

Dr. Natalie J. Goldring

Alex Campbell

UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND

3140 Tydings Hall, College Park, MD 20742 http://www.bsos.umd.edu/pgd/pubs/annotbib.html

PROGRAM ONGENERAL DISARMAMENT

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This bibliography provides a starting place for learning about general disarmament and relatedissues. It has three sections: in the first, you will find the major primary sources relating to generaldisarmament the treaties, the negotiations, and the agreements. The second section containswhat we feel are some of the top secondary sources, which constitute the best places to finddescriptions and analysis of disarmament proposals. Additional sources can be found in section

three. In the future, we plan to add sources dealing with broader security issues such as humanrights, resources and technology, and environmental security. We would especially appreciateyour suggestions for sources on these topics, though proposed additions to any of the sectionsare welcome.

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Primary Sources

US Government

Primary sources available at these sites include official documents, speeches,correspondence, and treaties generated by national governments and internationalorganizations. Together, they provide detailed information on past and currentproposals, as well as key treaties.

The Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (archive site)

The Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) became part of the U.S. StateDepartment in April 1999. The University of Illinois at Chicago maintains an archive forthe Department of State that includes the former ACDA site as part of the university’sElectronic Research Collection of historic State Department materials.

At http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/acda/treaties.htm, you will find full texts of every arms control

treaty to which the United States is a party, including the Nuclear Non-ProliferationTreaty, the Limited Test Ban Treaty, the Chemical Weapons Convention, the SALTagreements, and many others.

http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/acda/reports1.htm ACDA's 1998 Report to Congress on Arms Control, Nonproliferation and DisarmamentStudies, which contains, in its words, a comprehensive list of studies relating to armscontrol, nonproliferation and disarmament issues concluded during the previous calendaryear by government agencies or for agencies by private or public institutions or persons.An excellent overview of ACDA’s activities, containing information on world militaryexpenditures and arms transfers; defense technologies, and a great list of official US

government defense-related links. The place to find official government positions andreports.

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http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/acda/treaties.htm


http://dosfan.lib.uic.edu/acda/reports1.htm




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International Sources

The Canberra Commission on t he Elimination of Nuc lear Weapons

http://www.dfat.gov.au/dfat/cc/cchome.html

This is a 1996 report by an independent commission sponsored by the AustralianGovernment. The commission proposed practical steps towards a nuclear weapon freeworld including the related problem of maintaining stability and security during thetransitional period and after this goal is achieved.

Recommended steps include taking nuclear forces off alert, removal of warheads fromdelivery vehicles and ending nuclear testing.

The International Court of J ustice

http://www.icj.org/~icj/

In July 1996, the International Court of Justice rendered a decision regarding nuclearweapons, declaring both their use and the threat of their use to be illegal under the rulesof international law. Its opinion is available at:http://www.prop1.org/2000/icjop5.htm

The United Nations

http://www.un.org

The United Nations Treaty Homepage-http://www.un.org/Depts/Treaty/enter.htm This set of pages contains every treaty deposited at the United Nations, from largemultilateral treaties such the Land Mines Ban and the Nonproliferation Treaty to smallerbilateral agreements.

http://www.unog.ch/frames/disarm/resolut/51/45.htm In January 1997, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution calling for a three-stage process toward general and complete disarmament, echoing prior proposals by

the Cold War superpowers. The full text of the resolution is available on line.




http://www.prop1.org/2000/icjop5.htm


http://www.un.org/

http://www.un.org/

http://www.un.org/Depts/Treaty/enter.htm


http://www.unog.ch/frames/disarm/resolut/51/45.htm




http://www.un.org/




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Other Sources

The Mc Cloy-Zorin Agreement

In the early 1960s the United States and the Soviet Union each proposed a path that theworld could take toward general and complete disarmament. The final documents,commonly referred to as the McCloy-Zorin Agreement, are available on line at:http://www.wagingpeace.org/nf/docs/mccloy_zorin_accords.html (The American version of the McCloy-Zorin proposals is at:http://www.voicenet.com/~wbacon/stdk7277.html)

Trevor N. Dupuy and Gay M. Hammerman, eds. Documentary History of Arms Control

and Disarmament. Dunn Loring, VA: T.N. Dupuy Associates, 1973, p. 469-502.

Shortly after the McCloy-Zorin Joint Statement was submitted to the United Nations, boththe Soviet Union and the United States drafted proposals for general and completedisarmament. The talks that followed are generally seen as the beginning of modernstrategic arms control negotiations. The multi-stage superpower proposals are availablein their entirety in this very useful volume.

Dr. Albert Schweitzer eloquently presented the case for the cessation of nuclear testingto President John F. Kennedy in April of 1962, from both a nonproliferation perspectiveand a concern for its effects on human health. The letter is available athttp://www.schweitzer.org/english/aseind.htm.

http://www.wagingpeace.org/nf/docs/mccloy_zorin_accords.html


http://www.voicenet.com/~wbacon/stdk7277.html


http://www.schweitzer.org/english/aseind.htm





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Top Secondary Sources

Alperovitz, Gar, Alex Campbell and Thad Williamson, “Down & Out: A Nuc lear Path,”

The Nation, Decem ber 30, 1996.

http://www.ncesa.org/html/downout.html

The authors argue that Bill Clinton should use his second term to pursue the path that

Kennedy had proposed - toward general and complete disarmament. Nucleardisarmament will not work if nations feel threatened by the conventional arms of theirneighbors, and in many regions general and complete disarmament is the only way toget to true security. Perhaps the best way toward this ultimate goal is by pushing fornew rounds of nuclear disarmament, at the global and regional level. There is precedentfor regional disarmament - various Nuclear Weapons Free Zones exist, and somenations have been persuaded to give up their arsenals. Global disarmament would beboth the right thing to do and consistent with post-Cold War US national interests.

Boulding, Elise and Randall Forsberg. Abolishing War . Boston: The Boston Research

Center for the 21st Century, 1998.

Boulding and Forsberg call for a post-Cold War order built on non-violent resolution ofconflict, world governance, and global citizenship to lay the foundation for a stable worldpeace for the next century. The first sections of this book are conversational-stylesummaries of four seminars sponsored by the Boston Research Council addressingvarious theoretical and practical aspects of the pursuit of peace. Each contains a round table critique of the ideas presented. The final section is devoted to generalresponses from seven authors (Winston E. Langley, Seyom Brown, Virginia Mary Swain,Elmer N. Engstrom, Barbara Hildt, Robert A. Irwin, and George Sommaripa), andconcluding thoughts by Boulding and Forsberg.

Bull, Hedley, “Arms Cont rol and World Order,” International Security, Vol. 1, No. 1

(Summer 1976), pp. 3-16.

In the first issue of International Security , Bull argues that if order is to be maintainedover the long-term in the international system of nations, and if the dangers of the

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proliferation of arms are to be met, then arms control agreements must take into accountthe concerns of all nations, not just the bilateral strategic interests of the superpowers.For example, vertical proliferation, not just horizontal, is inherently dangerous and mustbe addressed. During arms control negotiations, “it is the peace of the world that is atstake rather than merely the political convenience of the United States or the SovietUnion.”

Burns, Richard Dean, ed. Encyclopedia of Arms Control and Disarmament, New York :

Scribner’s,1993.

A three-volume set filled with essays and secondary sources covering arms control anddisarmament over the past century. This set covers arms control theory and practice aswell as regional issues.

Caldicott, Helen, Missile Envy: The Arms Race and Nuclear War . Revised edit ion. New

York: Bantam, 1986.

This work by a major figure in the modern peace movement suggests that desire forfeelings of sexual dominance may have played a role in key decisions that fueled theU.S.-Soviet arms race during the Cold War.

Dean, Jonathan, Randall Caroline Forsberg, and Saul Mendlovitz, “Global Action to

Prevent War: a Coalition-Building Effort to Stop War, Genocide and Other Forms of

Deadly Conflict .”

http://www.globalactionpw.org/global_action.html

"GLOBAL ACTION TO PREVENT WAR is a comprehensive project for moving toward aworld in which armed conflict is rare." The authors argue that for the first time in history,the world has the opportunity to free itself from the scourge of war. Their program hopesto bring together a large coalition to address the global problem of organized violence,examining military issues as well as poverty, human rights violations, environmentaldegradation, and all types of discrimination. They envision four phases of change, eachof which would last 5-10 years, eventually ending with the establishment of a permanentglobal security system. Each phase would entail arms reductions, confidence-building

measures, and greater involvement of multilateral international institutions such as theUnited Nations.

This piece was preceded by several other articles by these authors, including:

Dean, Jonathan, “More Comprehensive Approach Needed on ConventionalArms”http://www.igc.apc.org/disarm/deanconv.html

http://www.idds.org/globact0.html


http://www.igc.apc.org/disarm/deanconv.html




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Dean, Jonathan and Tim Barner. A Global Treaty for Reducing Conventional Arms and Armed Conflict . Task Force on Peace and Security, c/o Union ofConcerned Scientists, December 2, 1996.

Mendlovitz, Saul and Ronald C. Slye, “ Weapons Wars and Death: A

Problematique,” Social Alternatives , Vol. 15, No. 3 (July 1996) pp. 13-20.

In 1999, The Boston Review published a draft of the Global Action text, along withseveral short commentaries.

Cranston, Alan, “A Return to Peace,” Boston Review, February/March 1999.http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/cranston.html

Kaldor, Mary, “Missing the Politics,” Boston Review, February/March 1999.http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/kaldor.html

Lumpe, Lora, “Too Utopian,” Boston Review, February/March 1999.http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/lumpe.html

Tsipis, Kosta, “Irrational Interests,” Boston Review , February/March 1999.http://bostonreview.mit.edu/BR24.1/tsipis.html

Forsberg, Randall, “Randall Forsberg Responds,” Boston Review,February/March 1999.http://bostonreview.mit.edu./BR24.1/forsberg2.html

Krieger, David, “Nuclearism and Its Remedies,” Nuclear Age Peace Foundation Paper

(c. 11/97), available at the Toda Institute w ebsite,

http://www.toda.org/hugg_hon_papers/d_kreiger.html

“Nuclearism,” which is defined as “the belief that nuclear weapons and nuclear powerare essential forms of progress that in the right hands will protect the peace and furtherthe human condition,” is a common but extremely dangerous ideology. The paperreviews many aspects of this ideology - its roots, its uses, its spread - and concludes thata new way of thinking about nuclear technology is long overdue. Among its assertions isthat “nuclearism,” which has revealed its tremendous staying power after the end of theCold War, is a Western, commercial and military ideology that is poisoning the earth and

creating an acceptance of the “subordination of science and technology to militarypurpose.” Because the fate of the world remains tied to deterrence, nuclearism all butguarantees future disasters. The paper concludes with the assertion that due to theexperiences of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as Chernobyl and Three Mile Island,there may be, “some hope, albeit slim, that from the geographic East, from Asia, therewill be leadership for an end to nuclearism.”




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Raskin, Marcus G., Project Direct or; plus Howard Friel and Brian D’Agostino.

Abolishing the War System. Northampton Mass: Aletheia Press, 1992.

Raskin argues that the end of the Cold War has created an opportunity for the UnitedStates to shift away from the “war economy” toward a “peace economy.” The militaryexpenditures used in the struggle with the Soviet Union led to the erosion of theAmerican social fabric and have “ruined the economy” of the United States. In chapter1, Friel and Raskin propose that military spending should be cut by at least 70 percent;that the intelligence services be abolished; that all nuclear weapons be destroyed; inshort, that a entirely new conception of “national security” should be adopted. Chapter 2contains a 47-page “Draft Treaty Outline” which Raskin wrote, calling upon all nations ofthe world to disarm, and detailing how this could take place. Next Raskin presents anargument calling for the end of the CIA and secrecy in government. The final chapterexamines disarmament in the context of international law.

Rotblat, Joseph, Steinberger, Jack and Udgaonkar, Bhalchandra. A Nuclear Weapon-

Free World: Desirable? Feasible? Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1993.

Nobel-Prize Winner Rotblat and others look at past attempts to eliminate nuclearweapons, the doctrine of nuclear deterrence, feasibility of a nuclear weapons free world,and alternatives to getting there. Contributors include Carl Kaysen, Robert McNamara,and George Rathjens.

Roy, Arundhati, “The End of Imagination,” The Nation, Septem ber 28, 1998.

http://www.thenation.com/issue/980928/0928AROY.HTM

Novelist Roy eloquently makes the case against the Indian nuclear weapons program.She argues that in a nation where “more than 400 million of our people are illiterate andlive in absolute poverty, over 600 million lack even basic sanitation and about 200 millionhave no safe drinking water,” there can be no way to justify the bomb. It is not aninstrument of peace, as the nationalists argue, but the ultimate symbol of war anddestruction on the subcontinent, “deterrence will not and cannot work given the levels ofignorance and illiteracy that hang over our two countries like dense, impenetrable veils.”She makes a convincing case that India's nuclear bomb is “the final act of betrayal by aruling class that has failed its people.”

Sagan, Scot t D. The Limits of Safety. Princet on, N.J.: Princet on Universit y Press, 1993.

Sagan details the numerous near-misses that could have turned into an accidentalnuclear exchange between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. Sagan makes excellent useof "normal accident theory" in his examination of potential disasters during the CubanMissile Crisis, the 1968 Thule Bomber Accident, and other near-disasters.



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Schell, Jonat han. The Fate of the Earth. New York : Albert A. Knopf, Inc., 1982.

This book consists of three essays about the nuclear predicament. The first, entitled, “ARepublic of Insects and Grass,” describes what the health and societal effects of various

degrees of nuclear war would be on the civilian population. The second, “The SecondDeath,” is a reflection upon the possibility of extinction of the human species. He arguesthat this s so much more horrifying to the individual than personal mortality because itwould also mean the end of all that had come before, and all that would come after,which are central to the human sense of identity. “The Choice” presented by the thirdessay would allow the world to pull back from the brink of armageddon, and stop relyingon nuclear weapons and deterrence to keep the peace.

Schell, Jonat han, “The Gift of Time: The Case for Abolishing Nuclear Weapons,” The

Nation, February 2/9, 1998, pp. 9-60.

http://www.thenation.com/disarmament/home_txt.htm

In a special double issue of The Nation , Jonathan Schell’s essay “The Gift of Time: TheCase for Abolishing Nuclear Weapons” is followed by more than a dozen majorinterviews (five of which are included on the website - Robert S. McNamara, JosephRotblat, Bruce G. Blair, Mikhail Gorbachev and General George Lee Butler), all arguingthat now is the time to move toward the ultimate abolition of nuclear weapons.

Schwartz, Stephen I. Atomic Audit: The Costs and Consequences of U.S. Nuclear

Weapons Since 1940. Washington: Brook ings, 1998.

http://www.brook.edu/fp/projects/nucwcost/weapons.htm

This book presents an extensive analysis of the cost society has paid, and continues topay, to maintain its nuclear deterrent. Trillions of dollars have been poured into theseweapons systems with the understanding that they will never be used, and billions moreare slated to be spent in the near future.

Turner, Stansfield, Caging the Nuclear Genie : An American Challenge for Global Security.Boulder, CO, Westview Press, 1997.

Turner, former head of the CIA, calls for a new era in nuclear disarmament, including aproposal for US unilateral disarmament. Other concepts presented in the book include ano-first use pledge, a strategic escrow program, and supervised storage of nuclearweapons.







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Weiler, Lawrence D. “General Disarmament Proposals,” Arms Control Today,

July/August 1986, pp. 6-15.

A summary of the history of general disarmament proposals by the superpowers,beginning in 1928 when the Soviets first coined the term. Throughout the Cold Waryears, both sides continually reiterated their commitment to general and completedisarmament every time they drafted a treaty. The most serious discussions occurred inthe early 1960s and culminated in the so-called McCloy-Zorin Agreement, which beganthe as yet unfinished series of strategic arms control and disarmament negotiationsbetween the superpowers.

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For Further Study

Section Three is currently split into five general topics: general and completedisarmament, arms control, weapons of mass destruction, conventional weapons, andother issues. In the future, we plan to add sources dealing with broader security issuessuch as human rights, resources and technology, and environmental security.

General and Complete Disarmament

Baker, Noel. Disarmament. New York: Harcourt Brace & Co, 1926.

Part 1 is an eloquent post-Great War call for disarmament, reflective of both theoptimism and the determination of the age. Parts 2 and 3 address the theoreticalfoundation for disarmament, and the specific issues of the day, respectively. “Who inEurope does not know that one more war in the West and the civilization of the ages willfall with as great a shock as that of Rome?”

Barnett , Richard J. and Richard Falk A. eds. Security in Disarmament. Princeton, NJ:

Princet on University Press, 1965.

A collection of essays addressing both theoretical and policy issues surroundingdisarmament issues. Essays tend to cluster around two large areas: the problem ofverification, and methods for states to maintain acceptable levels of security whileprogressing toward a weapon-free world. Contributors include the editors, HansMorgenthau, Hans Linde, and Klaus Knorr, among others.

Dhanapala, Jayantha, ed. Regional Approaches to Disarmament: Security andStability. Brookfield, VT: Dartm outh University Press, 1993.

A region-by-region analysis of the obstacles to and opportunities for disarmament.Multiple essays by local experts are included for each of the following regions: NortheastAsia and the Pacific Rim; South East Asia; South Asia and the Indian subcontinent; theMiddle East; North Africa and the Magreb; Sub-Saharan Africa; and Central and SouthAmerica.

Section

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DiFlippo, Anthony. Arms Control Versus Disarmament. National Comm ission for

Economic Conversion and Disarmament , Briefing Paper 6, May 1991.

The author differentiates between arms control (“regulating, and hence managing acontinuing arms race - not bringing it to an end”) and disarmament (“a phased,comprehensive and verifiable multilateral process” at the end of which “national war-making institutions will no longer exist”). It reviews disarmament proposals throughoutthe Cold War, and argues that they were in reality never more than arms controlproposals. The conclusion calls for true disarmament to replace the arms race to pull theworld back from the brink of armageddon.

Independent Commission on Disarmament and Security Issues. Common Sense: A

Blueprint for Survival. New York : Simon and Schust er, 1982.

This book, which calls for an international common security system as a first step towardgeneral and complete disarmament, is one of the rare works that seems even morerelevant today than when it was published. The global cooperation it calls for is muchmore possible in the post-Cold War era, and its recommendations about how to get usthere are still thoughtful and useful. Cyrus Vance and Olaf Palme provide introductions.

Luard, Evan, ed. First Steps to Disarmament. New York : Basic Books, 1965.

Essays from an academic perspective (including Thomas Schelling and Morton Halperin,

among others) building on arms control theory to propose strategies that could start theworld down the road to disarmament, with Cold War limitations in mind. Many of theideas are still relevant today.

Myrdal, Alva. The Game of Disarmament: How the United States and Russia Run the

Arms Race. New York: Pantheon Books, 1976.

The former Swedish Minister for Disarmament shares her perspectives on thesuperpower arms race. She dismisses many arms control and disarmamentnegotiations as propaganda that neither side truly wanted to come to fruition. In the end

she recommends a more global approach to disarmament, one, which would not rely onsuperpower leadership and therefore would have a much better chance of success.

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Tate, Merze. The Disarmament Illusion: The Movement for a Limitation of

Armaments to 1907. New York : MacMillan and Co., 1942.

A detailed history of the first international arms control negotiations at Geneva aroundthe turn of the century, which unfortunately did not meet with much success. The authorsuggests that efforts failed because no nation truly wanted to disarm, despite theirrhetoric. This book reflects the pessimism surrounding disarmament that grew out of theoutbreak of the Second World War.

United Nations. Basic Problems of Disarmament. New York: UN, 1970.

Published at the close of the first UN Commission on Disarmament (1952-1970), thiswork tries to incorporate the wisdom of nearly two decades of thinking and acting aboutthe issue. It reviews the experiences of the Commission, both encouraging andfrustrating, and offers a long list of recommendations about how the world ought toproceed from there.

Arms Control

Blacker, Coit D. and Gloria Duffy. International Arms Control: Issues and Agreements,

2nd. ed. Stanford: Stanford Universi ty Press, 1984.

In this book, the Stanford Arms Control Group addresses a basic question: dointernational arms control agreements help prevent war? The history of twentiethcentury arms control, from the post-World War I period to through the detente era, is

examined for evidence to support the notion that arms control agreements can helpcreate a foundation for international cooperation and trust.

Brennan, Donald G., ed. Arms Control, Disarmament and National Security. New

York : George Braziller, 1961.

This is one of the first collections of essays approaching arms control from a variety ofangles. The authors (Thomas Schelling, Hubert H. Humphrey, Raymond Aron, HermanKahn, Edward Teller, Henry Kissinger, Morton Halperin, and others) address thebackground and theory of arms control, major issues and dilemmas, and the policies ofthe United States as well as those of other nations toward many aspects of disarmamentand arms control.

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Brodie, Bernard. “On the Object ives of Arms Control,” International Security, Vol. 1,

No. 1 (Summer 1976), pp. 17-36.

The vast majority of writing on arms control is of no use to the policy maker, according tothis author, because it fails to “clarify and analyze” its objectives. Common assumptionsabout the unstable and provocative nature of arms races are mistaken - the Cold Warsystem is extremely stable. “We have learned over three decades that nuclear weaponshave been with us that the balance of terror is not delicate.” (emphasis in original) Thereal objective of arms control, especially in the stable bipolar system of the Cold War,should be budgetary, to save money for governments by avoiding expensive armspurchases.

Brown, James, ed. Old Issues and New Strategies in Arms Control and Verification.

Amst erdam: VU University Press, 1995.

Twenty-seven essays on arms control issues relevant to the world at the turn of thecentury, including the NPT, the BWC, the CWC, nukes, inspections and verification,regional issues, etc. A helpful base of information for those who wish to begin learningabout the issues that are of great importance today.

Dunn, Lewis A., and Sharon A. Squassoni, ed. Arms Control: What Next? Boulder, CO:

Westview Press, 1993.

Essays speculating about what the future emphases of arms control could and shouldbe. Covers many different aspects - nuclear, conventional, naval, regional, etc. - and

calls for new thinking to spark new interest, and to create new results, for arms control inthe next century.

Fisher, Walter R. and Richard Dean Burns, ed. Armament and Disarmament: The

Continuing Dispute. Belmont , CA: Wadsworth Publishing Co., Inc . 1964.

An interesting collection of essays approaching the potential for arms control from thethree classic levels of analysis - from human nature and individual motivation, tobehavior of states, to the effects of the international system. Many contemporaryluminaries join the debate, including Kruschev and Kennedy, Barry Goldwater and Fred

Ikle, Inis Claude and Hermann Kahn, Curtis Lemay and J.D. Singer.

Gottemoeller, Rose, ed. Strategic Arms Control in the Post-START Era. London:

Brassey’s, 1992.

Produced by a working group on arms control at the International Institute for StrategicStudies, these essays explore the future of arms control between the nuclear

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superpowers. Although this book was written just before the Soviet Union collapsed,there is still a great deal of wisdom in it for today’s policy makers who will have thepotential to create a post-START world. Especially good for presenting a balancebetween American and Russian experts.

Isard, Walter. Arms Races, Arms Control and Conflict Analysis: Contributions from

Peace Science. New York : Cambridge University Press, 1988.

A review of the various academic approaches to arms control. Discusses variousquantitative and qualitative methods that have been used to understand the forces thatpropel arms races, and forecast the potential for curbing them. Includes sections onmodeling individual and group behavior as well as arms races, decision-making studies,world system models, conflict and negotiation principles, and methods of learning.

Kaufman, Robert G. Arms Control During the Pre-Nuclear Era. New York: Columbia

University Press, 1990.

Reviews history of arms control attempts, from the turn of the century to Hiroshima.Especially good detailed analysis of the negotiations surrounding the interwar navalrestriction conferences.

Long, Franklin A. and George W. Rathjens, eds. Arms, Defense Policy and Arms

Control. New York : WW Norton & Co., Inc ., 1976.

Essays on the state of arms control at the height of detente, many of which are stillrelevant for an environment of increased cooperation. Authors include Les Aspin,Graham Allison, Richard Falk, Thomas Schelling, and others.

Schelling, Thomas C. Strategy and Arms Control. New York: Tw entieth Century

Fund, 1961 (w ith Morton Halperin, assisted by Donald Brennan). Arms and Influence.

New Haven, CT: Yale Univers ity Press, 1966.

Often considered the intellectual father of the modern conception of arms control,Thomas Schelling mapped out the intellectual foundations of, and the motivations

behind, arms control strategies and negotiations techniques.

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Staar, Richard, ed. Arms Control: Myth vs. Reality. Stanford: Hoover Instit ution

Press, 1984.

A more skeptical but not entirely pessimistic look at the potential for arms control, withspecial emphasis on the inherent insecurity and anarchy of the international systemwhich makes states hesitant to disarm. Essays by Colin S. Gray, Edward Teller, RichardPipes, and others.

Weapons of Mass Destruction

(Including CBW and Nuclear Weapons)

Allison, Graham et al. Avoiding Nuclear Anarchy: Containing the Threat of Loose

Russian Nuclear Weapons and Fissile Material. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1996.

Presents the problem−

an enormous, under-funded and under-guarded Russian nucleararchipelago − and offers some solutions, all of which involve increased US aid to helpthe Russians control the situation. Helped create awareness of a truly frighteningsituation. Its conclusions are still quite relevant - not to be read by those hoping to avoidnightmares.

Alperovitz, Gar and Kai Bird. “The Centrality of the Bomb,” Foreign Policy, No. 94

(Spring 1994), pp. 3-20.

The authors argue that the Cold War was fueled by the presence of nuclear weapons.

There still might have been a post-war rivalry if the bomb had never been invented, butgreat power accommodation would have been more feasible without the insecurity thatnuclear weapons caused. The bomb affected the U.S. post war re-armament ofGermany and the war in Korea, which would never have been fought if the Soviet threatto Europe was not contained atomically. The “over-militarization” of the Cold War was inlarge part a result of the insecurity wrought by atomic weapons.

Bailey, Kat hleen. “Why Do We Have to Keep the Bomb?” The Bulletin of the Atomic

Scientists, January-February 1995.

There are six basic arguments for pursuing total nuclear disarmament: to eliminate therisk of nuclear war; to present an example for non-nuclear nations; to “cement the end ofthe Cold War and prevent its resurgence;” to fulfill obligations of the NPT; to enddiscrimination inherent between nuclear and non-nuclear states; and to “reduce themilitary might of nuclear weapons states” which often translates into political power. Theauthor argues that none of these objectives would be served by nuclear disarmament,and instead says that deterrence imperatives outweigh the arguments to pursue nuclearabolition.

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Blair, Bruce G., Harold A. Feiveson, and Frank N. von Hippel. “Tak ing Nuclear

Weapons off Hair-Trigger Alert,” Scientific American, Vol. 277, No. 5, (November

1997), pp.74-8.

http://www.sciam.com/1197issue/1197vonhippel.html

Since the end of the Cold War there have been a couple of incidents where accidentshave almost propelled the world into nuclear war. The authors explain that such dangerscould be avoided by taking nuclear weapons off the “hair-trigger” alert status that theyare now on, and give step-by-step procedures on how it could and should be done.

Gallagher, Carole. American Ground Zero: The Secret Nuclear War . Cambridge MA:

MIT Press, 1993.

A collection of photographs and interviews with "down winders," U.S. military personnel,and employees at the test sites who suffered the brunt of the negative consequences ofthe nuclear fallout from U.S. atmospheric tests in Nevada. A disturbing and movingindictment of government callousness in pursuit of the "national interest." Also exploresthe role that Mormonism played in limiting resistance to the test program.

Gompert, David, Kenneth Watman, and Dean Wilkening. U.S. Nuclear Declaratory

Policy: The Question of Nuclear First Use. RAND, 1995.

“Current American declaratory policy regarding the use of nuclear weapons, formulatedduring the midst of the Cold War, is both out of date and unnecessarily vague.” TheUnited States should change its declared policy from one that reserves the right to be thefirst to use nuclear weapons to one that promises never to use WMD first. This wouldstrengthen deterrence, and it would discourage the development of WMD programs inother nations by showing them that the United States will not be intimidated by WMDattacks.

Halperin, Morton H. “Defining >Eliminating= Nuclear Weapons,” Disarmament

Diplomacy, No. 19, July 1997.

http://www.gn.apc.org/acronym/19zero.htm

International nuclear arms control negotiations often become stalemated over thedefinition of what “elimination” of nuclear weapons truly means - true across the boardelimination, as advocated by non-nuclear weapons states, or the end of nuclearweapons production, as the “nuclear club” insists. One way around this impasse is toredefine “elimination” to take into account the true goals of nuclear arms control, Halperin







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argues. This would include offering strong multilateral security assurances, deferring tothe rulings of the International Court of Justice, and decreasing current arsenals to nomore than 200 warheads, none of which would be deployed in a ready-to-use fashion.

Jones, Rodney W., Mark G. McDonough et a l. Tracking Nuclear Proliferation: A Guide

in Maps and Charts, 1998. Washington DC: The Carnegie Endow ment for Internat ional

Peace, 1998.

A reference work containing a nation-by-nation breakdown of the proliferation of allaspects of nuclear technology, from nuclear power and plant locations to weaponsmaterials and delivery systems. Probably the best single-volume “who has what” workavailable.

Kier, Elizabeth and Jonat han Mercer. “Sett ing Precedents in Anarchy: Military

Intervention and Weapons of Mass Destruction,” International Security, Vol. 20, No. 4(Spring 1996), pp. 77-106.

A theoretical piece arguing that the actions taken in the post-Cold War years will set newprecedents, and establish new conventions, that will take us into the next century.Explains the theoretical importance of setting precedents both as a way to constructinternational norms and as a way to break them down. Points out that precedents arenot always successful - for example, the Gulf War did not set a precedent of responseagainst all acts of military intervention deemed illegal by the international community.Recommends that nothing be done to change the present international conventionssurrounding the use of weapons of mass destruction.

Krieger, David. “Nuc lear Genocide.” Nuclear Age Peace Foundation Paper.

http://www.napf.org/nucleargenocide.html.

Krieger argues that “if causing the deaths of large numbers of people with a singleweapon with the intent to kill these people is a reasonable definition of a genocidalweapon, then nuclear weapons are clearly genocidal,” and should therefore be outlawedand banned. The International Court of Justice agrees.

Manning, Robert A. “The Nuclear Age: The Next Chapter,” Foreign Policy, No. 109,

Winter 1997/98, pp. 70-84.

According to Manning, the likelihood of use of nuclear weapons is greater now than itwas during the Cold War. The three “catalysts of proliferation” are still with us: insecurity,war and aggression. Yet the debate over nuclear abolition is “unnecessary,counterproductive, and a diversion from advancing the real nuclear agenda,” which

http://www.napf.org/nucleargenocide.html



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should include: a ban on plutonium production, or at least international control over it;strengthened international nuclear safeguards; de-alerting missiles; shrinking arsenals;and adopting “no first use” policies, perhaps including an American “no first use of WMD”pledge.

Molander, Roger C. and Peter A. Wilson. “On Dealing w ith t he Prospect of Nuclear

Chaos,” The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 17, No. 3 (Summ er 1994), pp. 19-39.

Nuclear weapons should be de-emphasized as a “flagship element of national security.”The authors envision four post-Cold War scenarios for nuclear weapons “high entropy”deterrence, where the bomb spreads widely; a slowly expanding nuclear club, withcontrolled proliferation of weapons; continuation of the two-tiered have/have not system;and virtual abolition of nuclear arsenals. Without international leadership by key nations,the “high-entropy” scenario is “almost assuredly...the natural end state of the nuclearage.”

Moore, Mike. “The NAS Blueprint,” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists,

September/Oct ober 1997.

Reviews a report from the National Academy of Sciences that “Challenges the UnitedStates to rethink its Cold War-era nuclear weapons policies and seriously consider thegoal of nuclear disarmament.” The report does not call for complete nuclear abolition;instead, it makes the following recommendations: re-start START, de-alert missiles,dump the SIOP, preserve the ABM Treaty, adopt “no first use”, and cut deeply. The NASsays that the ultimate goal would be nuclear disarmament, but that “it is not clear how orwhen that goal can be accomplished.”

Newhouse, John. War and Peace in the Nuclear Age. New York: Knopf, 1989.

A balanced and comprehensive history of nuclear confrontation and arms control. Thecompanion volume to the PBS series of the same name.

Steinbruner, John D. “Biological Weapons: A Plague Upon all Houses,” Foreign

Policy, No. 109 (Winter 1997-98), pp. 85-96.

Merely relying on the “logic of deterrence” will not be adequate to keep the world safefrom biological weapons in the next century. International norms, backed up by strongagreements and disclosure arrangements led by the three nations with the largesthistorical programs (the United States, the United Kingdom and Russia), are the onlyeffective defense against this most unstable of mass destruction weapons. “As in thebattle with any disease, the key to success is systematic prevention.”

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The following articles are from the Special Issue on Nuclear ArmsControl

The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 20 No. 3 (Summer 1997)

Ik le, Fred C. “Facing Nuclear Realit y”

The state of nuclear weapons in the world today has not been re-examined in light of theend of the Cold War. Deterrence does not work against non-state actors, and thecornerstones of our stability, the ABM and START treaties, cannot guarantee our safety.The former should be jettisoned; the latter, expanded. International control over nuclearweapons must be established, despite the disturbing implications that this may have fornational sovereignty.

Goodpaster Commit tee, “The Declining Utilit y of Nuclear Weapons”

The Cold War reliance on nuclear deterrence entailed significant risks and costs: itdestroyed the political relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union; itcost both sides a tremendous amount of money, and drained both economies; and itraised the risk of accident leading to full-scale nuclear exchange. The logic of deterrencemade some sense during the Cold War, but now the risks and costs far outweigh thebenefits. In fact, there is a declining utility of nuclear weapons to address the securitythreats of the future, and global reliance on nuclear weapons should be curtailed.

Nitze, Paul H. “Is It Time to Junk Our Nukes?”

Post-Cold War deterrence of regional powers should not be based on nuclear weapons,but rather on conventional, and especially so-called “smart” weapons. They are safer,more cost effective, and because their use is plausible they deter much better. Themilitary utility of nuclear weapons is shrinking, but it is not time to get rid of our arsenaluntil we are sure that we face no nuclear threat.

Schlesinger, James R. “Nonproliferat ion and U.S. Nuc lear Polic y”

Transcript of the speech during congressional debate over renewal of the NPT in whichSchlesinger argues that the uncertainty at the end of the Cold War has increased theimportance of the treaty. The United State ought to extend the treaty indefinitely, and ifpossible strengthen its verification procedures, but should not weaken its nucleardeterrent in these times of uncertainty.

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Internat ional Generals and Admirals, “Stat ement on Nuclear Weapons”

Former military leaders from 17 nations declare that nuclear weapons “constitute a perilto global peace and security and to the safety and survival of the people we arededicated to protect.” They recommend that immediate international ratification andindefinite extension of the NPT, reduction of nuclear stockpiles, and de-alerting missiles;

as well as a long-term commitment to eliminating these weapons.

Sokov, Nikolai, “ Russia’s Approach to Nuclear Weapons”

By the end of the Cold War, the Soviet Union had embraced the policy of “second strike”for its nuclear arsenal, meaning that it would only use them in response to an attack. Thepolicy of “second strike,” which mandated waiting to launch a response until thewarheads hit the ground, replaced the older policy of “strike-on-warning” (which wasidentical to the U.S.’s “launch-on-warning”) called for launch before the incoming missileshit. However, the technology was not upgraded to reflect that change in policy, soRussia maintained a de facto launch-on-warning policy.

Speed, Roger D. “ Internat ional Cont rol of Nuc lear Weapons”

In order to ensure that proliferation does not spread unchecked, a 90s version of theBaruch Plan (which proposed international control over atomic energy) should beadopted. A three-phase approach to such a plan would unfold as follows: “in Phase I, anew international security regime would be established; in Phase II, a UN-ownedinternational nuclear deterrent force (INDF) would be created; and finally, in Phase III, allnuclear arsenals would be eliminated in favor of the INDF.”

Conventional Weapons

Goldring, Natalie J. “Bridging the Gap: Light and Major Conventional Weapons in

Recent Conflicts,” paper prepared for the annual meeting of the International Studies

Associat ion, Toronto, Ontario, 18-21 March 1997.

http://www.basicint.org.

The paper examines the roles of light and major conventional weapons in recentconflicts, and stresses the importance of addressing the entire range of weapons used in

such conflicts when formulating policy proposals. It seeks to help prevent a division ofthe analytic and activist community into one group that deals with light weapons and onethat deals with major conventional weaponry.

http://www.basicint.org/



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Hartung, William. U.S. Weapons at War: United States Arms Deliveries to Regions of

Conflict. World Policy Inst itut e: World Policy Inst itut e Issue Brief, May 1995.

http://worldpolicy.org/arms/wawrep.txt

In theory, the United States supplies armaments only to “responsible allies who usethese systems for legitimate defensive purposes.” This paper compares that theory withthe reality of international arms sales, and finds that US-supplied arms are being used inmany conflicts in the world today by groups that are decidedly irresponsible andillegitimate. The author calls for more transparency, accountability and morality beinfused into the process of US arms sales.

Internat ional Campaign to Ban Landmines. The Landmine Monitor Report, 1999. New

York: Human Rights Watch, 2000.

From the introduction: “The most comprehensive book to date on the global landminesituation, containing information on every country in the world with respect to mine use,production, trade, stockpiling, humanitarian demining and mine survivor assistance.” A49 page executive summary and order forms are available on line at www.icbl.org.

Lumpe, Lora. “Sw eet Deals, Stolen Jobs,” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists,

September/Oct ober 1994.

http://www.fas.org/asmp/library/articles/sweetdeals.htm

Documents the many side deals that arms manufacturers make to “sweeten” their armsdeals. The author argues that such deals “profoundly complicate efforts to limit [or evento measure] international arms transfers.” An informative exploration into how the armsmarket really operates.

Sidel, Vict or W., MD. “The International Arms Trade and its Impact Upon Health.”

British Medical Journal, Decem ber 23,1995.

Available at the website of the International Physicians for the Prevention of NuclearWar, http://www2.healthnet.org/MGS/Article5.html

Review of human consequences of the international arms trade, and efforts to stem (orat least control) its flow. Concludes by saying, “Doctors and other health professionalshave a special responsibility to participate in these efforts...Failure to accept thisresponsibility is a failure to live up to the trust our patients and our communities haveplaced in us.”





http://www2.healthnet.org/MGS/Article5.html





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“Small Arms, Big Problem,” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, Vol. 15, No. 1

(January/February 1999), pp. 18-70.

A special issue of the Bulletin containing thirteen articles devoted to the issue of smallarms proliferation. The problem is addressed from many angles, including the impact ofsuch weapons, the global small arms trade, domestic and international linkages,methods to approach the problem, and prognoses for the future. Authors includeMichael Klare, Natalie Goldring, Michael Renner, Lora Lumpe, Daniel Nelson, and manyothers.

Additional Issues

Chivian, Eric, MD, et al., ed. Last Aid: The Medical Dimensions of Nuclear War . San

Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Co., 1982.

The International Physicians for the Prevention of Nuclear War discuss what themedical, psychological, and societal consequences of nuclear war would be. Theexperiences at Hiroshima and Nagasaki, as well as subsequent research, force them toconclude that there would be no way for the medical community to save the majority ofpeople in the event of a nuclear exchange.

Cohn, Carol. “Slickems, Glickems, Christmas Trees and Cookie Cutters: Nuclear

Language and How We Learned to Pat the Bomb,” The Bulletin of the Atomic

Scientists, June 1987, pp. 17-24.

Defense intellectuals, the author argues, have built an entire miniature language aroundnuclear weapons to be able to discuss them rationally. This discourse, which is full ofsexual and religious imagery as well as cutesy acronyms and euphemisms, desensitizespeople to the ultimate purpose of the weapons they are creating. Cohn points out that“language and mode of thinking are not neutral containers of information. They weredeveloped by a specific group of men, trained largely in abstract theoretical mathematicsand economics, specifically to make it possible to think rationally about the use ofnuclear weapons.” In order to change the nuclear culture, it will be necessary todeconstruct and then reconstruct its “technostrategic” discourse.

Cortright, David. Peace Works: the Citizen’s Role in Ending the Cold War . Boulder, CO:

Westview Press, 1993.

An in-depth account of peace activism in the 1980s and the relationship and interactionsbetween the peace movement, particularly anti-nuclear activism, and arms control in the1980s and the end of the Cold War.

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Frye, Alton. “Zero Ballistic Missiles,” Foreign Policy, No. 88, Fall 1992, pp. 3-20; and

“Banning Ballistic Missiles,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 75, No. 6 (November/December

1996), pp. 99-112.

As Frye argues in these two articles, during the Cold War, technology drove strategy -now, in more relaxed times, the situation should be reversed. As a start, ballistic missilesshould be banned - not just regulated, but prohibited, as first proposed by PresidentReagan in 1986. This would help stabilize the continuing nuclear standoff, limitproliferation of missile technology and help create a safer world. Such a ban would betechnologically feasible, economical, and would probably receive wide support fromnuclear and non-nuclear states alike if only the heavyweights could be made tounderstand its benefits.

Gosh, Pradhip K., ed. Disarmament and Development: A Global Perspective.

Westport , CT: Greenw ood Press, 1984.

Essays by authors from all over the world addressing the linkages between disarmamentand development. They all cluster around the same theme: the failure to disarm bystates is the biggest single obstacle to economic and social development.

Heidenr ich, John G. “The Gulf War: How Many Iraqis Died?,” Foreign Policy, No. 90

(Spring 1993), pp. 108-125.

The author, an analyst for the Defense Intelligence Agency during the Gulf War, disputes

the Pentagon estimate of 100,000 Iraqi deaths during the Gulf War. Using mostlyestimates from numbers of wounded Iraqis captured by American forces, he asserts thattrue figure is no more than ten percent of that, and probably is about one percent. This isnot to imply that the allied military forces were not effective - just not as deadly aspreviously thought.

Note: William M. Arkin and Timothy R. Cote dispute these findings in Foreign Policy 91,and Heidenrich responds.

Irw in, Robert A. Building a Peace System. ExPro Press, 1989.

This handbook for "activists, scholars, students, and concerned citizens" covers a widerange of topics in an accessible manner, with useful citations.

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Klare, Michael T. Peace & World Security Studies: A Curriculum Guide, 6th ed. Lynne

Rienner Publishers, 1994.

Includes syllabi by leading professors focusing on security studies in the post- Cold Warera. Topics addressed include nuclear arms control, North-South relations, conflictresolution, international law and organizations, psychology and peace, the economics ofpeace and security, development, environmental security, human rights, race and ethnicconflict, feminist perspectives, and nonviolence, peace movements, and social change.

Mendlovitz, Saul and Peter Weiss. “J udging the Illegality of Nuclear Weapons: Arms

Control Moves to the World Court,” Arms Control Today, Vol. 26, No. 1 (February

1996), pp. 10-14.

The International Court of Justice met in October 1995 to discuss the legality of the useof nuclear weapons. This article, written before the Court had made its decision, briefly

reviews the genesis of the case, and assesses the arguments from the perspective ofcustomary rules of international law. It predicted that the weapons would be found to beillegal. If the Court were to render a strong anti-nuclear opinion, although it might nothave an immediate impact upon national policies, “both civil society and the vast majorityof non-nuclear-weapon states would be further energized to pursue disarmament.”

Odom, William E. “Transforming the Military,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 76 No. 4,

July/August 1997.

Odom argues that William Perry (in Foreign Affairs Vol. 75, No. 6 [11/96]) “grossly

mismatches means and ends.” The 21st century U.S. military should prepare itselftechnologically and strategically for the threats and challenges that they are likely to befacing. Specifically, he recommends retiring expensive and anachronistic aircraftcarriers and marine detachments, while maintaining “forward deployments,” which areuseful peacekeeping deterrents.

Orme, John. “The Ut ility of Force in a World of Scarc ity,” International Security, Vol.

22, No. 3 (Winter 1997/98), pp. 138-167.

This article begins with a review of the literature suggesting that war will become more

and more obsolete (especially John Mueller, Retreat from Doomsday ), and counterssuch optimism with three arguments: first, we are at the beginning of a revolution inmilitary affairs, and such major shifts in the way wars are fought tend to favor theoffense; second, the population explosion is putting great outward pressure on somenations; and finally, the spread of industrialization throughout the global south willincrease competition over resources. This increased demand for scarce resources,coupled with an increase in the utility of the offense provided by the “Revolution in

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Military Affairs,” leads to the conclusion that war may not be obsolete, as someforecasters have predicted.

Phillips, Alan. “Tw enty Mishaps That Might Have Started Acc idental Nuclear War,”

May 1996.

http://www.pgs.ca/pages/aphil971.htm

Tracks the ever-increasing number of events that almost led to accidental extinction asthey come to light. Luck, not deterrence, often kept armageddon at bay, as is apparentin this discussion of some of the most dangerous moments in the history of our species.

Redick , John R., Julio C. Carasales and Paulo S. Wrobel. “Nuc lear Rapproc hement :

Argentina, Brazil and the Nonproliferat ion Regime,” The Washington Quarterly, Vol. 18

No. 1 (Winter 1995), pp. 107-122.

Until the early 1990s, Argentina and Brazil were considered by most to be on thethreshold of acquiring nuclear weapons. By the time this article was written, they hadgiven up their nuclear weapons programs and joined the NPT. This is due to a few keyfactors: the desire for mutual security, the transition to civilian leadership in the 1980s,mutual interest in development, and an international system that supported their choices.This suggests that rapprochement between rivals is possible, especially if externalpressure and incentives are present. It also suggests that disarmament can contributeto the relaxation of tensions and the creation of mutual trust between states.

Roman-Morey, Enrique. “Lat in America’s Treaty of Tlatelolco: Instrum ent for Peace

and Development.”

http://www.iaea.org/worldatom/inforesource/bulletin/bull371/morey.html

In February 1967, the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons in Latin Americawas opened for signature in Tlatelolco, Mexico. Initially, 18 states signed it, but in theyears since, all nations of the region (with one exception - Cuba) have joined the “Treatyof Tlatelolco,” which pledges its signatories to maintain a military denuclearized zonewhile allowing for the peaceful use of nuclear energy. The author argues that similarregional agreements could provide an example for eventual global denuclearization.Note: The text of the treaty is available at:

http://193.135.136.30/genet/disarm/distreat/tlatelol.htm

Sivard, Ruth. World Military and Social Expenditures 1996. Washington, DC: World

Priorities.

From the introduction: “The report draws a stark contrast between how abundantly theworld, and especially the US, feeds its military machine and how meagerly it meets the









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social needs of its people. The 1996 edition maintains that the weapons and strategieselaborated by governments for defense are often irrelevant to the underlying instabilitiesand dangers of today.” The report provides extensive data on conflict and world socialand military expenditures.

Spencer, Mett a. “Political Scientist s,” The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, January-

February 1995.

http://www.bullatomsci.org/issues/1995/ja95/ja95.spencer.html

“Scientists, including many former weapons scientists, were partly responsible - perhapschiefly responsible - for persuading U.S. and Soviet political leaders that ending the ColdWar was doable as well as desirable.” Reviews’ efforts of Pugwash, the Federation ofAmerican Scientists, the CSS (Committee of Soviet Scientists for Peace and Against theNuclear Threat) as well as others to persuade governments to end the Cold War armsrace. The conclusions reached include the idea that citizens can influence the behavior

of their governments, that scientists often take responsibility for the social consequencesof their work, and that the Reagan-era nuclear arms build-up had little to do with endingthe Cold War.

Tirman, John. "How We Ended the Cold War," The Nation, November 1, 1999, pp. 13-

21.

Tirman argues that the role played by the peace and anti-nuclear movements in endingthe Cold War has been underrated. He rebuts interpretations from the right, which creditReagan and the defense build-up of the 80s, and the center, which de-emphasizeReagan's contribution by focusing on forty years of bi-partisan containment. Instead,argues Tirman, the peace activism surrounding nuclear issues in the early 1980s had adramatic effect on the way leaders on both sides thought about each other, and aboutthe possibility of war. He credits both public pressure and the influence of the scientificcommunity for changing the hearts and minds of the Cold War combatants.

Towle, Philip. Enforced Disarmament: From the Napoleonic Campaigns to the Gulf

War . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.

In an interesting approach to the possibilities for disarmament, the author gives a casehistory of forced demilitarizations and discusses their effect on the disarmed nations.Cases include many of the vanquished following the World Wars - Germany and Japan,as well as Central Europe following World War I - but also Vichy France and Iraq afterthe Gulf War.

The Program on General Disarmament gratefully acknowledges the support of the Ford Foundation and The John D.and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.




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