Huber 2012-Micro Migrations

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Origins and Migrations in the

Extended Eastern Himalayas

Edited by

Toni Huber and Stuart Blackburn

LEIDEN BOSTON

2012

BTSL.indd iiiBTSL.indd iii 12/22/2011 2:41:01 PM12/22/2011 2:41:01 PM


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84 TONIHUBER

simply been adopted and uncritically incorporated by scholars into their

writing. n more elaborate cases local oral narratives about origins and

migrations are articulated with written histories and cultural or linguistic

data. nstances of this can be found in various treatments of the Adi

complex of central-east Arunachal radesh by achin oy ai yori

and ogendra ath or in obert and Betty Morses study of the awang

further to the east.1 xamples of a less sophisticated order abound in the

literature on many of the hill peoples of Arunachal radesh.

hile it is not uncommon for scholars to incorporate local oral narra-

tive data into their accounts this process itself demands both theoretical

considerations and methodological cautions; neither seems to be much

in evidence in the writings am drawing attention to here. he statusof oral narratives as historical data is of course a crucial issue when

discussing a region in which almost all the languages of the diverse hill

populations lack a script and where the penetration of organised states

and their discourses practices and institutions is an experience only

of the past two or three generations in many places. Among scholars

who study hill populations in ndias northeast research approaches to

RUDOQDUUDWLYHVWHQGWREHTXLWHUPO\GLYLGHG2QWKHRQHKDQGORFDO

and regional scholars from ndia widely endorse oral sources as both

valid and valuable for recording or reconstructing historical facts with

virtually no reservations.3 n the other hand the few western scholars

working in the same region emphasise ongoing theoretical debates about

oral sources the cautions needed when using them and their inherent

limitations. his latter view holds that while local oral narratives may

in some cases be used to reconstruct past events their main importance

lies in understanding the contemporary social contexts in which narra-

tives are spoken or circulated and their role as a strategic and adaptable

resource for certain types of societies such as non-literate hill peoples.4

A second unsatisfactory aspect of existing writings on origins and

migrations of the hill peoples in Arunachal radesh is the poverty of

sources they employ beyond repeating local oral narratives. A minor

exception is that some authors have also introduced particular readings

1

oy 190:11-; yori 1993:chapt. and his map on p.59; ath 000:11-; Morse &Morse 19. n the actual arguments put forward in these sources see Blackburn 003/4. or recent examples see iddi 008 egu 008 Mibang 1998 and for earlier examples

Bhattacharjee 19 hasmana 199:1-3 and hastri 199.3 or instance see most recently Bath 008 Bhatttacharjee 008 Billorey 199 Biswas

199 Borang 008 ikan 008 and ingh 008.4 or instance see Blackburn 003 Blackburn 003/4 uber 010 and cott

009:chapt. 1/.


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85MICRO-MIGRATIONS

of regional history to frame oral narratives; the use of secondary sources

on early ibetan history and the Bn religion to support claims of the

origins of local hill peoples in neighbouring ibet being a case in point.5

Clearly the evidence that has most often been ignored or omitted by

writers is that which can demonstrate what happens on the ground that

LVUHOLDEOHDQGYHULDEOHGDWDUHYHDOLQJKRZZK\ZKHQDQGZKHUHUHDO

people actually move through the eastern imalaya. uch information

about human movement might come from a number of sources: the

recording of direct observations made over time (in written reports sta-

tistics photographs maps etc.); oral reports by eye-witnesses that can

EHFRQUPHGRUFURVVFKHFNHGDJDLQVWDOWHUQDWLYHGDWDPDWHULDOWUDFHV

and so on. hese types of sources that can inform us about populationmovements are more abundant than one might imagine for eastern

imalayan regions.

CASE STUDY: MICRO-MIGRATIONSIN NORTHERN SUBANSIRI6

eople and egion

,ZLOOQRZEULH\GLVFXVVPRYHPHQWVWKDW,WHUPPLFURPLJUDWLRQV7KHVH

are movements that have been made by various small highland communi-

ties who have been living in the northernmost parts of the ubansiri iver

catchment of Arunachal radesh ndia and sometimes also just to the

north of the de facto ndia-China border zoneJXUH

will have most to say about the Mra an exogamous mono-clan com-

munity but will also mention their near neighbours the a and ilo

as well as the clan-cluster dwelling around the present-day aba settle-

ment which includes small numbers of goju Bai uri and yali clan

members. ith the sole exception of the a who partly reside in the

administrative unit of aksing Circle on ndian territory and partly in

the oy (oyou on Chinese maps) settlement of the Chayl region of

southern ibet on Chinese territory all these clans are presently located

5 ee for example Blackburn 003/4:3-5 for discussion of the ibet hypothesis. ince 00 the research upon which this case study is based has been conducted

within the projectBetween Tibetanization and Tribalization: Towards a New Anthropology

of Tibeto-Burman-peaking ighlanders in Arunachal radesh funded by the eutsche

orschungsgemeinschaft Bonn. he post-1914 McMahon ine between ibet/China and ndia has become highly

contested and militarized since 1959 and is perhaps better described as a zone; the now

common ndian term ine of Actual Control (AC) points to the highly contingent nature of

any border in the region.


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8 TONIHUBER

within imeking Circle on the ndian side of the border. ach of these

communities contains between 00-400 persons living primarily in

small scattered settlements. here is every indication that their popula-

tions have remained relatively stable over the period that living memory

can report or for which lineage reconstruction is possible and censusdata available. All the communities are speakers of closely related ani

languages/ dialects (see the chapter by ost in this volume).

he Mra and their neighbours are typical of hill societies found

throughout the far eastern imalaya both before and after the advent

of the modern ndian and Chinese states in highland areas during the

1950s. hey were and still are mainly engaged in swidden cultivation

hunting and gathering wild food. Cross-border trade with ibetan part-

ners was very important to the Mra and a prior to the ino-ndian

border war of 19 after which it came to a halt. More recently a few

northern ubansiri households also have access to a cash income by

way of employment in a limited number of government posts or from

temporary contracts with state agencies (building or maintaining localLQIUDVWUXFWXUHUHZRRGFROOHFWLRQHWFDVZHOODVVWDUWLQJVPDOOSULYDWH

businesses. According to the overnment of ndia all the communi-

WLHVOLYLQJLQQRUWKHUQ6XEDQVLULDUHRIFLDOO\FODVVLHGDVPHPEHUVRI

a cheduled ribe known as agin although the application of this

identity label is an administrative invention dating from the 1950s only.

igure 5.1. Map of the northern ubansiri region.


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87MICRO-MIGRATIONS

n reality local clan and phratry identities are all that count within the

region today. he name agin is used with outsiders for convenience of

recognition and strategic positioning within the state system.8

2QHVLJQLFDQWFRPPRQIHDWXUHRIWKHVHQRUWKHUQ6XEDQVLULSHRSOHVLV

that their own origin and migration claims differ from the closely related

ethnolinguistic communities who live further downstream in the same

region. hese northern groups mainly stress their initial descent to earth

from ancestors in the sky9 followed by a migration off of the ibetan

lateau southwards to their present locations. his contrasts with many

RWKHUQHLJKERXULQJ7DQLVSHDNLQJJURXSVZKRVWUHVVWKHWULFNVWHUJXUH

Abo ani as their originating ancestor (see both Blackburn and Aisher in

this volume). Mra and their neighbours also maintain the narrative themeof migration and settlement generated by the social dynamics between

sets (often pairs) of siblingsoften brothers sometimes incestuous

brothers and sistersa theme which recurs throughout much of the

extended eastern imalyan region (see chapters by Aisher Blackburn

aenszle Mchann and ellens in this volume).10

ources

e are able to reconstruct a certain number of micro-migrations that the

peoples of northern ubansiri made over a period of approximately the

past one hundred years. his is possible because the upper catchment ofthe ubansiri and its main tributary the sari Chu and the peoples living

in and using the area regularly attracted the attention of outside observ-

ers for a variety of reasons. A major ibetan Buddhist pilgrimage the

sari ongkor regularly traversed a section of the areas occupied and

used by both Mra and a; due to this until 195 both groups usually

8 he a are the only local group to have actively contested the agin label having

petitioned the Arunachal radesh state government several times for a (or ah) to be

recognised as a separate tribe. his is now recognised at the state level of administration

but not formally at the national level.9'HVFHQWIURPWKHVN\QDUUDWLYHVRIYDULRXVW\SHVDUHPDLQWDLQHGE\VSHFLFVRFLHWLHV

in what appears to be a distinctive zone of the eastern imalayas. n western Arunachal

radesh they are spread from the Mra and a area of northern ubansiri westward amongthe evai/Bangru and ukoik/ulung in northern ameng in groups within the Monyul

Corridor including ruso/Aka and Bugun/howa and into eastern Bhutan among ancient

ung (gung) peoples such as the ra; see uber 010:308-9 n.18 Aris 199:15-

euri 198:4 ennedy 1914:1 andey 199:15. otably most of these peoples speak

QRQ7DQLODQJXDJHVQDPHO\WKRVHSUHVHQWO\FODVVLHGZLWKLQ+UXVLVKKR%ZDDQGDVW

Bodish by van riem (001 :43-481 908ff.) and others.10 n such narratives among the Mra and elsewhere see uber 010.


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88 TONIHUBER

received a form of tribute from the ibetan government in hasa. 11 he

ibetan border settlement of Migyitn used Mra land at ongju for

cultivation and thus ibetans paid taxes to the Mra until 1959 while the

ongju area marked the approximate position of the McMahon ine

and so both ibetan and British observers collected information on the

area and its inhabitants. he area has a very high rainfall with complex

vegetation communities and stark ecological transitions between wet

imalayan and dry ibetan lateau zones. t thus attracted the visits of a

number of British naturalists who also reported what they saw. orthern

ubansiri was one of the last politically autonomous regions within the

claimed boundaries of independent ndia to be penetrated and incor-

porated into the new state. As a result we have a long series of ndianUHFRUGVEHJLQQLQJZLWKUHSRUWVRIWKHUVWFRQWDFWH[SHGLWLRQVRIWKH

mid-1950s up until the 001 Census of ndia and the current lectoral

oles. hen surveyed all of these sources together with extensive oral

history interviews that conducted among local clans between 00-

0081 was able to discover and cross-check movements into out of

and around the region as a whole. he results of my research are sum-

marised chronologically in the sections to follow.

Movements

'LVSODFHPHQWGXHWR/RFDO&RQLFW

7KH UVW VLJQLFDQW SRSXODWLRQ PRYHPHQW LQ WKH UHJLRQ DSSHDULQJ LQ

RXUUHFRUGVZDVGXHWRVHYHUDOFRQLFWVEHWZHHQ7LEHWDQVDQGWKHDD

people whom the ibetans refer to as ungtu opa or halo.137KHUVW

FRQLFWZKLFKZDVWULJJHUHGE\GLVSXWHVRYHUWUDGHPRQRSROLHVWRRN

place in 190 when 14 a were killed by local ibetans from Chayl

and troops from the urab amgye zong. he a had originally

resided at ung on the ubansiri iver (Chayl Chu) about 8 km above

WKHFDKRQLQHRQWKH7LEHWDQVLGH7KLVFRQLFWGLVSHUVHGWKHD

and by 1919 the survivors had settled around aksing approximately 15

11 ee uber 199 uber 1999.1 lsewhere (uber 010) have dealt extensively with local oral narratives that

explicitly report notions of origin and migration among peoples of northern ubansiri. My

study concluded that such sources vary according to the social location and interests of the

tellers the intended recipients and the context of delivery and that without an intimate

knowledge of this context and the various languages involved local oral narratives have very

limited value for understanding migrations.136HH+XEHUIRUDFRPSOHWHGLVFXVVLRQRIWKHVRXUFHVRQWKHD7LEHWDQFRQLFWV

and sarong harps activities in the area.


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89MICRO-MIGRATIONS

km downstream from ung along the ubansiri and technically on the

British ndian side of the McMahon ine as it appears on the maps. A

second ibetan military action against the a at aksing led by sarong

harp asang randul (1888-1959) commander-in-chief of the ibetan

army followed at the beginning of the year 190 with subsequent actions

several years later. hese attacks on a were partly related to ibetan

attempts to establish experimental tea plantations in northern ubansiri

DQGSDUWO\GXHWRYLROHQWFRQLFWVZKLFKDFFRPSDQLHGWKH

sari ongkor pilgrimage. nce again the a were dispersed and by

the late 190s or early 1930s the remaining a population had resettled

as two separate groups one at aprang about km above ung on the

Char Chu iver and the other around the aksing area once again. hesetwo a populations still exist around the same sites today on Chinese

and ndian territories respectively.14

uring the late 190s the warrior Mra using who was then the local

big man among the Mra and his clansmen from the apuk lineage

had a feud with the Migyitn ibetans. hen Mra using and his party

were ambushed at ongju using two of his followers and some female

servants were executed by the ibetans. his set in train a series of retal-

iatory killings of local ibetans by Mra. rior to the feud Mra using

and his clansmen had maintained a small settlement at ongju just to

the south of Migyitn mainly to enable trading and to enforce their

claims over land in the area for use of which the Migyitn ibetans paid

them an annual rent or tax. ollowing usings execution the Mra at

ongju were displaced back down around the area known as elling

6LQ\LNQHDUWKHFRQXHQFHRIWKH7VDULKXDQG6XEDQVLULDGLVWDQFHRI

approximately 5 km.15

t is worth emphasizing here that such complex political relations between

ibetans and groups of hill peoples in northern ubansiri and at other points

along the frontier between the ibetan lateau and far eastern imalayan

highlands can readily be traced back centuries prior to the examples given

KHUHE\XVLQJ7LEHWDQKLVWRULFDOGRFXPHQWV7KXVZHFDQKDYHFRQGHQFHWKDW

these have been much older and ongoing processes throughout the region.1

14 ollowing Chinese occupation of ibet the a who remained at aprang after 19

eventually moved upstream about another km to oy (oyou on the Chinese maps).15UDXVLQJVVWRU\ZDVUVWUHFRUGHGIURPKLVGDXJKWHULQODZE\*LWDULVKQDWU\LQ

195 about 30 years after the events it describes (see rishnatry 195:entry for 5 March

emeking-ing). Almost identical oral versions are still maintained by senior Mra males

(interviews: yamen Mra ogam Mra April 00; Bekab Mra aser Mra ecmber

00) and ibetan informants from Migyitn (interviews: angdu orje angdu ompo

ebruary 00).1 vents in the sari-northern ubansiri area (see uber 199 1999 011) offer an


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90 TONIHUBER

Bamboo lowering and Migration

Around 19501 D PDRU EDPERR RZHULQJ HYHQW RFFXUUHG LQ WKH

ubansiri gorges throughout the whole of the area inhabited by the

Mra the ilo and the clans around aba as well as many areas fur-

ther downstream. he bamboo species concerned was chizostachyum

arunachalensis18 locally known as tok which is particularly abundant

around aba and areas downstream. All tok plants in any given area

RZHURQO\RQFHEXWGRVRVLPXOWDQHRXVO\LQPDVVRZHULQJHYHQWVDIWHU

long intervals of 40-50 years; the last recorded (and remembered) tok

RZHULQJ LQ LPHNLQJ LUFOH ZDV LQ 6XFK RZHULQJVDUH

well-known for their profound ecological consequences.

19

loweringsproduce enormous quantities of bamboo seedsand tokhas large seeds

compared with other local bamboos. eeds are consumed by jungle rats

which then breed rapidly due to the sudden availability of high quality

food. hen the seeds germinate and are no longer available to rats as

food mass infestations of these rodents then migrate into adjacent areas

where planted crops granaries and human habitations are located and

they consume every type of edible foodstuff in an area which leads to

human famine. igh rodent numbers can also result in the outbreak of

plague-like illnesses that infect human populations.

he tokEDPERRRZHULQJHYHQWDURXQGLQQRUWKHUQ6XEDQVLUL

resulted in both famine and disease for many local communities between

iyum and aba causing deaths and migrations out of the area. Althoughall Mra settlements also experienced an infestation of rats they were

H[DPSOHUHHFWLQJSKDVHVRI7LEHWDQUHOLJLRXVSROLWLFDODQGHFRQRPLFH[SDQVLRQVDORQJWKH

IURQWLHUZKLFKZHFDQGRFXPHQWEDFNIRXURUYHFHQWXULHVZLWKFHUWDLQW\DQGWKDWKLJKO\

OLNHO\JREDFNDWOHDVWHLJKWFHQWXULHVLIQRWPRUH7LEHWDQFRQLFWVZLWK'XQJJ'XQJ

peoples in southern ibet and subsequent ung migrations into Bumthang awang-Monyul

and other places south of the ibetan lateau are events datable with certainty to the mid.-

14th century; see Ardussi 004 Aris 199:chapt.5. As historical scholarship develops we

are likely to have more such examples available.1 $PRQJ HLJKW H\HZLWQHVV LQIRUPDQWV WKH GDWLQJ RI WKLV EDPERRRZHULQJ YDULHG

between 194 1949 1950 (four reports) and 1951. orthern ubansiri peoples had no

pre-modern system for numbering years thus calculating estern calendar equivalents

LVRIWHQLPSRVVLEOH%DPERRRZHULQJHYHQWVDQGHDUWKTXDNHVDUHWKHWZRPDLQ UHPRWH

chronological reference points used by my elderly Mra informants to calculate their ages.18 thank r. .C. rivastava Botanical urvey of ndia tanagar for kindly identifying

my specimens.19 %DPERR RZHULQJ HYHQWV LQ QRUWKHDVW ,QGLD WDNH SODFH DFURVV FDOHQGDU \HDUV

RZHULQJRFFXUVDIWHUWKHPRQVRRQ6HSW2FWVHHGVKHGFRQWLQXHVIURP'HFHPEHULQWR

May the following year; seed germination then commences in une when the monsoon

begins at which time seed is no longer available to rodent seed predators and they move

en mass into adjacent areas of cultivation and human habitation to seek food; see ohn and

adgauda 00 ag 1999 umar and athak 000.


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91MICRO-MIGRATIONS

buffered against its effects since they practiced little cultivation and

instead derived their income mainly from trade with both the ibetans

and their partners in the amla alley. he amla peoples who experi-

HQFHGQREDPERRRZHULQJDQGWKHIRRGFULVLVLWHQWDLOHGFRQWLQXHGWR

supply the Mra with all their staple food grains. he higher altitude a

area of aksing was not affected at all by the crisis. hus the upstream

Mra and a territories were seen by refugees from acho and aba as

the only possible place to try and survive and over one hundred persons

from downstream clans (including uri Bai goju yali errah ai

Chokkar alo and ingming) eventually migrated up the ubansiri and

resettled around ilo in the Mra areas of yar and upper ing on the

south bank of the ubansiri at the abandoned Mra site of ongju onthe sari Chu which they resettled and in a areas around aksing. A

few migrants also went higher up into ibetan areas when recruited as

porters and labourers.0

he resettlement distribution of these migrants during the mid-

WZHQWLHWKFHQWXU\EDPERRRZHULQJZDVQRWUDQGRP,QGLYLGXDOVDQG

households from downstream clans who already had established contacts

through friendship marriage or trade relations with ilo Mra and a

went directly to their respective partner families seeking permission to

move into nearby jungle and live by swiddening gathering and hunting

or to join the domestic labour force as porters ferrying trade goods back

and forth to ibetan settlements. All of these migrants were displaced

back down to their home areas again during the ino-ndian war of 19

along with most of their Mra and a hosts. owever their dozen years

living among Mra and a resulted in quite a number of new marriages

WRUDDQGDSDUWQHUV7KLVZDVVLJQLFDQWVLQFHDFKRDQGDEDFODQV

were the least favoured marriage partners among Mra and a prior to

this time. Additionally a number of these migrant households returned

back to aksing after 1983 and were absorbed into the a community

where they still live today.

Movement via lave Trading

lave trading was a normal part of economic life among the communi-

ties of northern ubansiri. he practice was only effectively brought to

a halt in the region by the ndian administration during the mid-190s.

he trade throughout northern ubansiri gradually moved almost all

0 nterviews: Chab Cheddar ay Cheddar March 004; amey goju ogam Mra

aming Cheddar March 005; alok Mra March 00; ayak Mra ovember 00; abin

uri Bekab Mra aser Mra yamen Mra Bai ara ebruary 00.


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9 TONIHUBER

enslaved persons northwards towards the ibetan border. ownstream

slaves generally entered Mra and a possession in two ways: as part of

economic transactions involving ibetan goods being traded southwards/

downstream; or as part of negotiated settlements for marriage contracts

and compensation payments to resolve disputes. Mra households tended

to keep few slaves during the mid-twentieth century since they were

viewed as a potential security liability in maintaining the travel and trade

blockade against downstream communities. hus most slaves acquired

by Mra were traded directly up to ibetan buyers at Migyitn. he a

on the other hand not only traded slaves into ibet but kept quite a few

in their own domestic labour force.

hile slaves could originate in neighbouring communities the vastmajority were persons from more distant communities who had been ini-

tially acquired as kidnap victims or prisoners during raiding or who had

already been passed on one or more times between a series of adjacent

groups as payment for trade deals and negotiated settlements. etailed

data is available on slave holdings by the a settlements around aksing

IRU WKH SHULRGZKHQWKH ,QGLDQ JRYHUQPHQW UVW FRQWDFWHG WKH DUHD1

and this provides a good impression of the distances that slaves had

been forced to migrate away from their original home areas. n 195

a households kept a total of 3 slaves (8 male 35 female) who

ZHUHLGHQWLHGDV%DQJQL6XOXQJLHXURLN7DJLQDQG

ibetan (1). At least 41 of these slaves (Bangni and ulung) are recorded

as originating in the hru alley. At its closest the hru is 50 km as

WKHFURZLHVIURP7DNVLQJDSUHPRGHUQODQGRXUQH\ZKLFKZRXOG

entail crossing at least two major ranges and one major river valley and

passing through numerous separate clan territories.

hile many slaves were integrated into the household structure and

worked and lived alongside other household members they were sub-

ject to various social and ritual restrictions. ow status slaves could

not marry into local clans and could only marry other slaves. Certain

slaves who were from highly regarded families or lineages (typically

kidnap victims or prisoners of war) could become socially integrated

via marriage and permanently join local communities. lavery was also

intergenerational since the offspring of established slave families withina household also served their owners. hus through such mechanisms

many slaves subject to forced migration into northern ubansiri became

1 ailo 195:Appendix C.RZVWDWXVLQWKLVFRQWH[WUHIHUVVSHFLFDOO\WRSHUVRQVZKRZHUH6XOXQJXURLNRU

from known poor families (and thus not worth having alliances with) or from the families

or lineages of known enemies.


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93MICRO-MIGRATIONS

long-term or permanent residents. hile all a domestic slaves were

freed by the government after 195 a separate community consisting

entirely of former ulung/uroik and Bangni slaves still resides in the a

area today.3 ne informant who resided at aksing for 4 years during the

early 1950s reported that ulung/uroik males from the hru alley vol-

untarily migrated to a settlements where unwed ulung/uroik female

slaves were being kept in order to marry them and to join the a domestic

workforce.4 hus slavery could also generate voluntary migration.

4 atrilocal Marriage

$QRWKHUVLJQLFDQWIRUPRIKXPDQPRYHPHQWWKURXJKRXWWKHUHJLRQKDV

resulted from marriage practices. he Mra have always been an exoga-

mous community and almost every married woman in all Mra house-

holds has migrated in from elsewhere. n larger polyganous households

RQHFRXOGQGFRZLYHVIURPWKUHHRUIRXUFRPSOHWHO\GLIIHUHQWUHJLRQV

imilarly virtually all Mra girls who married would migrate out to new

patrilocal households in other distant areas. rior to the 190s preferred

Mra marriage alliances were nearly all arranged with trading partner

communities and immediate strategic allies. Brides were exchanged

especially with clans in the oreng-ingpu area of the pper amla

iver with the a clans settled around aksing and less so with the ilo

and the aba clans immediately downstream. oreng-ingpu was three

days travel southwards from Mra lands across the high etch ass aZDVWKUHHGD\VWUDYHOZHVWZDUGVXSWKHGLIFXOW6XEDQVLULJRUJHVZKLOH

ilo and aba were only one days travel away down the ubansiri. ach

of the distant clans with whom the Mra preferred to exchange brides

also maintained several additional favoured communities with whom

they in turn forged alliances via marriage and who themselves all lived

HYHQ IXUWKHU DHOGYHU\ HOGHUO\ UD ZRPDQ, LQWHUYLHZHG NQHZ DW

least the home place of her mother and grandmotherbut occasionally

also great-grandmother. t is thus easily possible to trace how arranged

patrilocal marriages with constellations of favoured partners continually

moved women through a series of adjacent areas and also mixed each

community via matrilineages.5

3 his is edding village in aksing Circle with a population of 3 persons in 14

households during 001; see irectorate of Census perations 00: village no. 00185000.4 nterview: amey goju March 005.5 rer-aimendorf 194:84 gives evidence of family and community migration between

marriage partner groups in the Mengo-anior region during the mid-twentieth century.


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94 TONIHUBER

abour Migration

ith the incorporation of Mra and a territories into the ndian state

during 195-195 administrative headquarters (..) were established

DWERWKLPHNLQJDQG7DNVLQJDFK+FRQVLVWHGRIDQ$VVDPLHV

post a civil administrator and his support staff with various agencies

to build and maintain mule and porter tracks and bridges up to the

McMahon ine boundary zone plus supply depots for airdrops and

RWKHU IDFLOLWLHV $W WKH WLPH RI WKH LQLWLDO UVW FRQWDFW H[SHGLWLRQV

into the area during 195-5 and prior to any direct contacts with the

northern ubansiri populations the ndian state had to rely on recruiting

large numbers of local labourers from settlements further downstreamof imeking Circle to work as porters guides track-cutters and runners.

hese peoples from areas such as acho and iyum had never or only

very rarely ever visited the upstream areas due to the travel and trade

monopoly with ibet that the Mra had enforced for their own economic

EHQHW 7KHUH ZDV WKXV D KLVWRU\ RI PXWXDO KRVWLOLW\ DQG FRPSHWLWLRQ

between the Mra and their downstream neighbours in acho and iyum.

et government penetration into the Mra area now meant that down-

stream groups could travel freely into the upstream areas due to their

employment as labour corps for the administration. At the same time

the Mra were resistantand mostly refusedto be engaged as menial

labourers for the government because they had been enjoying a superior

economic and political status due to their relations with ibet vis--visRWKHUFODQV7KH\FRQVLGHUHGVXFKZRUNWRQO\IRUVODYHV7KLVPHDQW

that government agencies came to rely almost entirely upon porters

and labourers from the poorer downstream areas of acho and iyum.

nitially all such local government staff were merely transient residents

at imeking .. owever by the late 190s many acho- and iyum-

based workers moved to and settled in imeking. hey resided there in

houses they erected on small plots of land loaned to the government by

Mra belonging to the unyu and unya lineages upon whose swidden

area the imeking .. was established. Many of these workers married

and had children and these families still live in imeking today.

,QWHUYLHZGDWDLVFRQUPHGLQWKHHQVXVRI,QGLDVHH%DUWKDNXU1 104-05 108 11-13: he total cheduled ribe () population of imeking .. was

9 with 8 males and 19 females (note that in Mra villages sex ratios are close to even);

total workers was 110 male and 11 female (including non- persons) of whom 5 male

and 11 female were cultivators (note that in Mra villages cultivator is the only recorded

occupation for all workers) and 105 males were listed as engaged in other services. he

VXUSOXVRIPDOH67QRQFXOWLYDWRUVLQWKHVHJXUHVDUHQRQUDODERXUHUVVHWWOHGDWLPHNLQJ he extent and origins of these non-Mra cheduled ribe residents in imeking ..


14/25

95MICRO-MIGRATIONS

DERXUPLJUDWLRQKDVKDGVSHFLFVRFLDOHIIHFWVXSRQWKHUDSRSXODWLRQ

ne development has been due in part to the presence of the children

of migrant labourers from acho and iyum alongside Mra children in

the only government school in the area established at imeking .. in

193. arallel to the existence of the school and other social factors

a strong increase in preference for love marriages has developed since

the 190s. A number of Mra love marriages in recent decades have been

with partners from acho and iyum migrant labourer families whom

the Mra partners met and got to know as co-students in the imeking

school. reviously acho and iyum clans had been among the least

favoured marriage partners for Mra arranged marriages.

,QWHUQDWLRQDO&RQLFWVDQG7HPSRUDU\0LJUDWLRQV

Chinese military occupation of the ibetan lateau throughout the 1950s

eventually resulted in a mass migration of ibetan refugees south across

the McMahon ine into ndian territory during 1959. efugees from

ibetan border villages adjacent to the ubansiri who where trading

partner communities for the a and Mra sought and were given refuge

among them. hus Chayl ibetans became settled with a at aksing

and sari ibetans were settled with Mra at ing. he ndian govern-

ment permitted this settlement and the ibetans desired it. All parties

needed to wait and see how the situation would develop and there was

initial hope that it might be possible for the refugees to return homeagain before too long. Any hopes of return were dashed in 19 when

WKH6LQR,QGLDQERUGHUFRQLFWEHJDQWREUHDNRXWDORQJWKHFDKRQ

ine and all the refugees who had migrated into northern ubansiri and

remained there for 3 years had to move southward ahead of a Chinese

invasion. hey never returned to the region again being resettled in

RIFLDOUHIXJHHFDPSVLQIDUGLVWDQWORFDWLRQV

ith the 19 Chinese invasion south of the imalayan watershed

including the sari Chu and northern ubansiri valley down through the

whole of aksing and imeking Circles many a Mra ilo and aba

inhabitants migrated out of the area either down the ubansiri alley

to aliha and arporijo or southwards across passes into the amla

alley where there were no Chinese troop movements. he remaining

Mra deserted their settlements and migrated upwards into the dense

is clear from the clan names from acho and iyum Circles on the current electoral role

HVSHFLDOO\ 6LQJPLQJ 6L\XPDLDFKR DQG EL\D VHH OHFWRUDOHJLVWUDWLRQ 2IFHU

008:-9.


15/25

9 TONIHUBER

forests on the higher slopes of the main ubansiri alley. here they

ZHUHZHOOUHPRYHGIURPWKHDFWXDOJKWLQJEHWZHHQ,QGLDQDQGKLQHVH

troops which mainly occurred along the strategic government trail and

around administrative centres like imeking next to the river. Messages

dispatched by both armies had made it known that neither side wanted

WRLQYROYHRUKDUPWKHORFDOSRSXODWLRQLQDQ\ZD\GXULQJWKHFRQLFW

provided they did not take sides and stayed out of harms way. hus

Mra refugees only needed to wait out the short war in the high hills

where they easily survived by harvesting wild sago palm and tree fern

pith and by hunting game. hese refugees returned back downhill to

their settlements along the river within weeks of the ndian retreat from

the area to be warmly welcomed by the temporary Chinese occupationIRUFH7KRVHUDZKRKDGHGGRZQWR'DUSRULRZLWKWKH,QGLDQWURRSV

RUFURVVHGLQWRWKHDPODDOOH\WR VKHOWHUZLWKWKHLUDIQHVDQGWUDG-

ing partners were slower to return and in some cases stayed away from

imeking Circle for up to months before moving back to their homes.

Almost all the movements by local individuals and families in and out

of and around the area during this period were transitory and residential

status quo was restored once again within half a year.

oads esettlement and Migration

ne of the most profound and accelerating population movements

throughout the eastern imalayas in recent decades has been due toinfrastructure development in the form of new roads extending into

KLJKODQGDUHDVKLOH WKHLQFUHDVLQJVRXWKZDUGRZRIUXUDOPLJUDQWV

out of middle hill villages and down to growing administrative and

commercial townships in the valleys and lower hills is a well-known

phenomenon in Arunachal radesh such migration has to date not taken

SODFH LQQRUWKHUQ6XEDQVLUL WRDQ\ VLJQLFDQW GHJUHH 7KHPDLQ UHDVRQ

IRU WKLV ORFDOODJ EHKLQG WKH UHJLRQDOWUHQG LV WKDW WKH UVW URDG RQO\

reached imeking .. a decade ago and it has yet to be connected to

aksing .. evertheless the presence of the new road caused imme-

diate micro-migrations to occur throughout imeking Circle in the form

of settlement relocation.

S XQWLO WKH UVW ,QGLDQ JRYHUQPHQW DGPLQLVWUDWLYH SHQHWUDWLRQ LQ

195 the main Mra trade route through the area up to the sari Chu and

ibet followed along the north bank of the ubansiri iver. Apart from

a few households of the unyu and unya lineages all Mra maintained

their settlements on the north bank since the south-facing slopes there

provide sunnier sites for dwellings and swidden plots not to mention


16/25

97MICRO-MIGRATIONS

a series of rock bluffs which allowed for highly defensible settlement

locations in case of surprise attack. hile this last strategic advantage

ceased to be important after the ndian administration took control of the

region most Mra swidden plots continue to be worked on the sunnier

north bank even today. he ndian government chose imeking on the

south bank as its administrative .. for two reasons: it was the only

open site in the otherwise steep heavily forested upper valley where

airdrops could easily be made and recovered; and it possessed a small

DWDUHDIRUFRQYHUVLRQLQWRDKHOLSDG7KXVWKHSRUWHUDQGPXOHWUDFN

to supply imeking and points north was constructed along the south

bank of the ubansiri to reach imeking without the need for expensive

DQGGLIFXOWEULGJHEXLOGLQJDFURVVWKHPDLQ6XEDQVLUL7KHQHZURDGof today follows this original government supply track along the south

bank. As soon as the road got near to imeking during the late 1990s

all north bank Mra settlements began to relocate themselves across to

new locations on the south bank.8 oday Mra abandonment of the north

bank is virtually complete with only a few lone households remaining

there and each of these is now serviced by its own durable hanging

bridge and thus better connected with the south bank than at any time in

the past. he readiness and speed with which this movement of dwell-

ing occurred is not surprising when one considers that Mra and their

near neighbours have no history of constructing permanent dwellings

RUXVLQJ[HGYLOODJHVLWHV7KHPDLQUHDVRQVIRUUDPLJUDWLRQDFURVV

the ubansiri to the south bank areas in so many similar communi-

ties throughout the highlandsthe local wish for direct and easy access

to transportation possibilities goods and services and new economic

opportunities which the road has brought with it.

Complex Micro-Migrations

n this attempt to move beyond speculative and narrowly sourced dis-

cussions of origins and migrations among hill peoples of the eastern

imalaya the types of data have employed will never allow us to probe

very far back in time. evertheless the data can tell us with certainty

DERXWZK\ZKHUHDQGZKHQVSHFLFKLOOSHRSOHVKDYHDFWXDOO\PRYHG

8,QWHUYLHZGDWDLVFRQUPHGE\WKHERWKDQGHQVXVRI,QGLD7KHPDS

of imeking Circle still marks Muri and Mepu the major Mra settlements on the north bank

of the ubansiri as villages with a population size below 00 (enapati 1995: imeking

Circle) while the 001 map of imeking Circle marks them (along with rak Camp

formerly also on the north bank) as uninhabited villages (irectorate of Census perations

00:90 map 4 ()).


17/25

98 TONIHUBER

ZLWKDKLVWRULFDOGHSWKRIDERXW\HDUV7KHUVWIRXUH[DPSOHVRI

PRYHPHQW , SUHVHQWHG WKRVH LQYROYLQJ ORFDO FRQLFWVEDPERR RZ-

ering events slave trading and patrilocal marriage practices are all

phenomena we can safely assume have a longer history of occurrence

throughout the region. he remaining three examples involving labour

PLJUDWLRQLQWHUQDWLRQDOFRQLFWDQGURDGEXLOGLQJDUHDOOHIIHFWVRIPRG-

ern state formation in the region and clearly have no direct parallels in

WKHUVWJURXSRIH[DPSOHV+RZHYHULIZHFRQVLGHUWKHZD\VLQZKLFK

the hill peoples under study here have responded to all of these different

phenomenawhether pre-modern or modernin terms of their move-

ments some commonalities are evident. hat we see in responses to

these various push and pull factors are generally small numbers of indi-viduals or smaller-sized groups moving relatively short distances that is

movements characterise as micro-migrations.9HDOVRQGWKDWVXFK

micro-migrations are not only simple or unidirectional: some moves can

be temporary with return back to the original sites occurring; temporary

movements can produce a socialnot to mention a linguisticresidue

in the form of persons remaining behind at a temporary residence when

RWKHUVUHWXUQWRRULJLQDOVLWHVRIGHSDUWXUHDOVRSHUVRQVFDQRZLQWZR

or more directions as part of processes of socio-economic exchange

such as marriage and slaving and so on.

he century of known movements of northern ubansiri peoples pre-

sented in our case study equates to a complex whole in terms of their num-

ber causes distances directions and destinations and participants. his

complexity contrasts strongly with the longer distance unidirectional

en masse types of movements of hill people that have been described or

assumed so often under the heading of migration in the literature on

the eastern imalayas. urthermore in social terms the results of all the

movements documented above indicate long-term processes of ongoing

mixing and diffusion rather than the maintenance of any essential and

tightly bounded ethnic corporate such as the monolithic tribes who

populate the recent literature on Arunachal radesh. Another departure

that our results take from the existing literature concerns the nature of

push and pull factors. hen a reason has been put forward to explain the

migration of a particular eastern imalayan group one of the most com-mon proposals by various authors is increase in population and perhaps

a subsequent search for new land.30 At least for northern ubansiri (see

9 ere one might compare rer-aimendorfs 1955:10-1 observations on small-

VFDOHJUDGXDOPRYHPHQWVRISRSXODWLRQZKLFKKHWHUPHGLQOWUDWLRQLQWKHHQJRDQLRU

region during the mid-twentieth century.30 or examples see yori 1993:41 Bhattacharjee 19:3 Bhattacharjee 1983:14 oy


18/25

99MICRO-MIGRATIONS

also the Bokar of northern iyom below) we know that these factors

have not played any role in precipitating micro-migrations.31

ethinking Claims of rigins in Tibet

ur case study of the known movements of northern ubansiri peoples

in relation to the neighbouring ibetan lateau should also cause us

to challenge a persistent claim in the existing literature that many of

the highland tribes of Arunachal radesh must have had their origins

in and migrated from ibet.3 Authors making this claim mostly base

themselves upon local oral narratives collected from hill peoples in theregion. As a clear example of many such claims in the scholarly litera-

WXUHZHQGWKHUHVSHFWHGOLQJXLVW7LDQ6KLQDFNVRQ6XQVWDWLQJ$

number of facts suggest that the ani speakers represent relatively recent

waves of ibeto-Burman migrations to Arunachal radeshirst the

migration routes recorded in the oral traditions of many northern ani

tribes such as amo Bokar agin and imong point unambigously

to southern ibet as their original habitat.33 ther writers also freely

interpret such narratives of migration using speculative readings of an

older generation of largely superceded scholarship on the early history

of ibet the ibetan Bon religion and so on.

ur data reveal that small groups of hill people managed when neces-

sary or to their advantage to migrate back and forth between lower hilland valley areas and higher altitude sites along the southern margins of

the ibetan lateau. uch migrants came from societies of swidden cul-

tivators and hunter-foragers with a material culture based heavily upon

bamboo and other sub-tropical forest products and dwelling in an alti-

tudinal zone of ca. 1300-500m. owever they were able to relatively

easily adapt to living at altitudes up to around 3500m by selectively

borrowing from and adapting ibetan material culture and productive

systemstypically in terms of dwelling construction clothing and

190:1 arkar 1999:1-. All such statements can only be speculation since there was no

usable demographic data for the entire eastern imalayas prior to the 190s.31 All peoples of northern ubansiri regularly rotate their use of swidden plots around

different areas; however these rarely result in residential migrations and the rotation cycle

LVIDLUO\[HGDQGSUHGLFWDEOHDVIDUEDFNDVZHFDQDVFHUWDLQ+HQFH,GRQRWFRQVLGHUWKHP

as micro-migrations.3 Blackburn 003/04 reviews most of these sources.33 un 1993:10. ere un refers to achin oys oft-cited 190 work Aspects of adam-

Minyong Culture which seems to have played a key role is shaping the ibet origins

discourse among scholars based upon oys particular presentation of oral narratives.


19/25

100 TONIHUBER

animal husbandry. hile we have only discussed the Mra and a (see

JXUHKHUHLQRXUFDVHVWXG\RWKHUSDUDOOHOH[DPSOHVRIVXFKVPDOOadaptive migrant groups can also be found along the entire far eastern

imalayan-ibetan lateau interface. ike the a population of today

many of these transient frontier groups became divided between ndia

and China after 19 and now live separated on either side of the con-

tested international border.

$QRWKHUVXFKFDVH,NQRZRIUVWKDQGLVWKDWRIWKH%RNDUSHRSOHRI

northern iyom who developed small and often semi-permanent enclaves

in neighbouring ibet along the ey hu Chu just north of the om a

pass mainly in order to trade with nearby ibetan settlements.34 Bokar

adopted certain aspects of ibetan dress (e.g. heavy woolen cloth

34 By the mid-1950s there were 15 small Bokar hamlets in the ey hu Chu across

the om a pass; aldipur 195: olitical annex following p.5. hese people are often

depicted as examples of the opa ethnicity (Chinese: uobazu) in Chinese publications

about ibet (see the photographs in Cai iansheng 1981:144-) although they only

represent one of several quite different ethnolinguistic groups encompassed by this blanket

EXW RIFLDOminzu FODVVLFDWLRQ2Q WKHSROLWLFDODQG HFRQRPLF UHODWLRQVKLS EHWZHHQ WKH

Bokar of northern iyom and ibetans see uber 011:4-5.

igure 5.. artly ibetanized a living near aksing northern ubansiri

(photograph by .. ailo 195).


20/25

101MICRO-MIGRATIONS

and jewelry) albeit worn according to their own particular style35

VHH JXUH DQG PDQ\ VSRNH VRPH 7LEHWDQ ODQJXDJH +RZHYHU

ibetans maintained a strict pre-modern marriage bar towards Bokarwhichtogether with tradingensured a regular circulation of people

up and down between the southern Monigong and northern ey hu

Bokar settlements.

As a result of their ibetan outposts the Bokar became rather unique

among neighbouring ani-speaking hill peoples in the region prior to

the 190s in adopting a simple form of ibetan diary production. airy

products are in fact a culturally proscribed (ari) food for the Bokar

themselves and not traditionally consumed; the butter they produced

was solely for trade and tax payments to their highland ibetan neigh-

bours. n addition to material culture linguistic evidence provides

another enduring and typical marker of strategic adaptation by such

forest-dwelling swidden cultivating hill peoples of Arunachal radeshWR KLJKHU DOWLWXGH 7LEHWDQ ODWHDX HQYLRUPHQWV 'XULQJ HOGZRUN LQ

356HHJXUH%RNDUPHQDOZD\VZHDUSDLUVRIWKH7LEHWDQJROGVLOYHUDQGWXUTXRLVH

earrings known as nalong(rna long) in southern ibet. hereas ibetan men only wear a

single nalong in their left ear it is ibetan women who always wear a pair. imilarly the

ibetan sleeveless tunics made of heavy dark wool and belted at the waist which Bokar men

wear are primarily a womans garment in neighbouring ibetan regions to the north.

igure 5.3. Bokar man wearing ibetan wool tunic and nalongearrings

Monigong iyom (photograph by oni uber 00).


21/25

10 TONIHUBER

northern iyom (00) discovered that the Bokar who have a ani

language highly cognate with those of all their hill-dwelling neighbours

and one rich in terminology for swidden cultivation and hunting have

borrowed virtually all of their vocabulary for diary production directly

from neighbouring ibetan.3 Between 1959 and 19 due to political

tension and military action some Bokar living north of the om a pass

migrated southwards back onto ndian-controlled territory while others

remained in Chinese-controlled territory. ther very similar examples

of such pre-modern shifting frontier populations can also be found

scattered along the ibetan lateau-Arunachal radesh interface north

of the amla iver in the upper iang iver and around the Mishmi

ills region.hus rather than scholars uncritically claiming (and accepting local

claims of) the origins and past migrations of eastern imalayan hill

peoples from ibet on the basis of a handful of oral narratives we can

now propose a much more sound hypothesis based upon our current

knowledge. n the past some groups could indeed have migrated from

the southern fringes of the ibetan lateau to their present territories

in neighbouring highland regions of Arunachal radesh. owever

such moves would have been part of longer cycles ofshifting back and

forth between higher and lower sites in response to a range of chang-

ing conditions including known economic political and ecological

factors of the kind we have presented in our examples above. e can

historically prove that certain factors propelling these movements are

many centuries old in the region (i.e. political relations) and safely

assume that others (i.e. recurrent ecological events) are too. uch move-

ments back and forth between higher and lower sites as we have ample

evidence for in northern ubansiri northern iyom and elsewhere do

not offer any explanation for the origins or original habitatto use

ian-hin ackson uns phaseof highland ani-speakers and their

hill neighbours on the ibetan lateau. evertheless local memories

of more recent movement phases down from ibetan areas southwards

may have indeed been preserved in the surviving oral traditions which

various authors have exclusively focused upon when claiming origins in

ibet for highland peoples in Arunachal radesh.3

3 or example Bokar have borrowed ba lang o ma mar mar khal mar phye mdong mo

o mdongand other terms for dairy production from neighbouring ibetan speakers.3 or example it is hardly surprising that peoples in the iang iver basin here reported

they came from the north given the known history of regular incursions down the river

by ibetans and their ibetanzied agents which usually triggered displacements; see uber

011.


22/25

103MICRO-MIGRATIONS

his single case-study of northern ubansiri hill peoples cannot be

simply simply generalised for the entire the entire eastern imalayas.

owever it does demonstrate the value of a different and more sophis-

ticated method of documenting and understanding origins and migration

in the region. A focus on relatively recent history within a limited geog-

raphy enables us to look at the detailed and textured pattern of popula-

tion movements and their causes. As small populations living right along

the frontier groups such as the Mra a and Bokar might be viewed as

VRPHZKDWDW\SLFDO\HWSDWULORFDOPDUULDJHEDPERRRZHULQJHYHQWV

VODYHWUDGLQJDUPHGFRQLFWDQGQHZURDGVKDYHDOOEHHQFRPPRQWR

the expereince of most groups throughout the region. imilar studies of

micro-migration may also help us to build up a more accurate pictureof distant events and identify their underlying causes throughout the

extended eastern imalayas.

Appendix: omanized Tibetan Names and roper pellings

Char Chu byar chu

Chayl bya yul

Chayl Chu bya yul chu

om a dung la

halo kha klourab amgye zong sku rabs rnam rgyal rdzong

hasa lha sa

ongju lung mjug

ung klung

ungtu opa klung tu klo pa

Migyitn mi khyim bdun

ey hu Chu gnas yul phu chu

aprang rab phrang

sari tsa ri

sari Chu tsa ri chu

sari ongkor tsa ri rong skor

sarong harp asang randul tsha rong zhabs pad zla bzang

dgra dul


23/25

104 TONIHUBER

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105MICRO-MIGRATIONS

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Huber 2012-Micro Migrations

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