Jonas, Monument as Ex-Voto (1993)

8/12/2019 Jonas, Monument as Ex-Voto (1993)

1/22

Monument as Ex-Voto, Monument as Historiosophy: The Basilica of Sacre-CoeurAuthor(s): Raymond A. JonasSource: French Historical Studies, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Autumn, 1993), pp. 482-502Published by: Duke University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/286877

Accessed: 08/08/2009 05:28

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you

may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=duke.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed

page of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with the

scholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform that

promotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Duke University Pressis collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to French

Historical Studies.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/stable/286877?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=dukehttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=dukehttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/286877?origin=JSTOR-pdf


2/22

Monument as Ex-Voto, Monument as Historiosophy:The Basilica of Sacre-CoeurRaymond A. Jonas

A sense of imminent and momentous change animated the crowd ofpilgrims gatheredat Chartres n Mayof 1873.The 1873pilgrimage,perhapsinevitablypoliticized because it occurredthreedaysafterthefall of the governmentof AdolpheThiers,wasmarkedby thepresenceof over one hundredand forty deputies from the National Assemblyand many of the leading bishops of France.A yearning for spiritualrenewal, prompted by shattering national defeat, had followed theFranco-PrussianWar,and at this delicatepolitical moment,such adis-tinguishedassemblageseemedtodemonstrate hat thenewspiritualityspilled over the boundaryseparating privatesentiments from publiclife. The featuredspeakerwas Bishop Pie of Poitiers, easily one ofFrance's most imposing bishops, both in physical and intellectualterms.Pie formonths had been telling congregationsof the advent ofan era markedby the christianization of public institutions. At eachopportunityhe enunciatedthemessagewith new fervor:"Thehourofthe Church has come. . . . The hour approacheswhen Jesus Christwill return not only to the hearts and minds of men, but also to theinstitutions, thesocial life, and thepublic life of peoples."' In the con-

RaymondA. Jonasis associateprofessorof historyat theUniversityof Washington.He iscurrently tudyingthe cult of the SacredHeart in nineteenth-century rance.The author wishes to acknowledge the support of the National Endowment for the Humani-ties, which provided funding in the form of a Summer Stipend and a Travel to Collections Grant,and the University of Washington Graduate School Research Fund. Portions of this article werepresented at the Colloquium in Nineteenth-Century French Studies, New Orleans, 17 October1991, at the Conference of the Western Society for French History, Reno, 8 November 1991, and at

the 1992meeting of the American Historical Association in Washington D.C. I would also like tothank Philippe Farge at Hachette and Francois Furet for their help in securing permission to re-produce the banner of the Sacred Heart.Louis Baunard, Histoire du cardinal Pie, eveque de Poitiers, 2 vols. (Poitiers, 1886), 2:480.

Monument as Ex-Voto, Monument as Historiosophy:The Basilica of Sacre-CoeurRaymond A. Jonas

A sense of imminent and momentous change animated the crowd ofpilgrims gatheredat Chartres n Mayof 1873.The 1873pilgrimage,perhapsinevitablypoliticized because it occurredthreedaysafterthefall of the governmentof AdolpheThiers,wasmarkedby thepresenceof over one hundredand forty deputies from the National Assemblyand many of the leading bishops of France.A yearning for spiritualrenewal, prompted by shattering national defeat, had followed theFranco-PrussianWar,and at this delicatepolitical moment,such adis-tinguishedassemblageseemedtodemonstrate hat thenewspiritualityspilled over the boundaryseparating privatesentiments from publiclife. The featuredspeakerwas Bishop Pie of Poitiers, easily one ofFrance's most imposing bishops, both in physical and intellectualterms.Pie formonths had been telling congregationsof the advent ofan era markedby the christianization of public institutions. At eachopportunityhe enunciatedthemessagewith new fervor:"Thehourofthe Church has come. . . . The hour approacheswhen Jesus Christwill return not only to the hearts and minds of men, but also to theinstitutions, thesocial life, and thepublic life of peoples."' In the con-

RaymondA. Jonasis associateprofessorof historyat theUniversityof Washington.He iscurrently tudyingthe cult of the SacredHeart in nineteenth-century rance.The author wishes to acknowledge the support of the National Endowment for the Humani-ties, which provided funding in the form of a Summer Stipend and a Travel to Collections Grant,and the University of Washington Graduate School Research Fund. Portions of this article werepresented at the Colloquium in Nineteenth-Century French Studies, New Orleans, 17 October1991, at the Conference of the Western Society for French History, Reno, 8 November 1991, and at

the 1992meeting of the American Historical Association in Washington D.C. I would also like tothank Philippe Farge at Hachette and Francois Furet for their help in securing permission to re-produce the banner of the Sacred Heart.Louis Baunard, Histoire du cardinal Pie, eveque de Poitiers, 2 vols. (Poitiers, 1886), 2:480.

French Historical Studies, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993)Copyright ? 1993 by the Society for French Historical StudiesFrench Historical Studies, Vol. 18, No. 2 (Fall 1993)Copyright ? 1993 by the Society for French Historical Studies


3/22

HISTORICALVISION-SACRE-COEURISTORICALVISION-SACRE-COEUR

text of the interregnum brought about by Thiers's resignation, pilgrimscould only guess at what Pie might mean when he opposed the Rightsof God to the Rights of Man as the condition for the regeneration ofFrance-surely some thought it was the answer to their prayers forspiritual renewal in France. In fact, it amounted to an agenda for whatwould be called the Government of Moral Order.2 The hopes for suchan integriste restoration would fade over the next four years, but onthat day all things seemed possible. Pie addressed the crowd of pilgrimson the theme of an imminent national redemption and rebirth; he of-fered a vision of a public realm thoroughly rechristianized, a formulafor social renewal through the recreation of l'ordre moral.Moral order as a philosophical category and as a political pre-scription enjoyed a long history in nineteenth-century France. It was akey category for Joseph de Maistre and the Vicomte de Bonald, whounderstood the French Revolution as having profound consequencesfor the moral order.3 Felicite de Lamennais, another key Catholictheorist of the nineteenth century, found the concept of moral orderindispensable in his Essai sur l'indifference en matiere de religion andexplicitly linked the dissolution of the moral order with the executionof the king.4 For de Maistre, de Bonald, and Lamennais, if the killing ofthe king had ruptured the moral order,by implication its restoration inFrance would follow upon the restoration of monarchical authority.It is doubtful that Adolphe Thiers, whose fall announced the arriv-al of the Government of Moral Order, fully understood the politicallyprescriptive nature of the term "moral order"in Catholic philosophicaland political discourse. He evidently did understand the importanceattached to the term by Catholics and by monarchists of a theocraticbent, however, and he was not averse to employing the term himself,although in a less politically and philosophically precise way. WhenThiers sacked his prefect of the Rhone early in 1872 in an evidentattempt to appease his monarchist critics, the action was justified as

2 FranCois Pie, "Discours prononce dans la solennit6 de cloture du pelerinage national aNotre-Dame de Chartres, 28 mai 1873," in Oeuvres de monseigneur l'eveque de Poitiers (Poitiers,1884), 7:542. Here is how Baunard described the mood among the pilgrims in the wake of the fallof Thiers: "Les pelerins, encore tout emus de l'evenement du 24 mai, le consideraient deja commeun premier exaucement de tant de prieres portees a tous les sanctuaires." Baunard, Histoire ducardinal Pie, 2:498. See also Thomas Kselman, Miracles and Prophecies in Nineteenth CenturyFrance (New Brunswick, N.J., 1983), 125.3 Joseph de Maistre, Des Constitutions politiques (Paris, 1959), 11. On de Maistre, see alsoIsaiah Berlin, "Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism," New York Review of Books, 27Sept. 1990, 57-64. For an example of de Bonald's use of the term, see his Essai analytique sur leslois naturelles de l'ordre social ou du pouvoir, du ministre et du sujet dans la societe (Paris, 1836;1982 reprint), 15-16.4 Oeuvres completes de F. de La Mennais, 12 vols. (Paris, 1836-37), 1:224.

text of the interregnum brought about by Thiers's resignation, pilgrimscould only guess at what Pie might mean when he opposed the Rightsof God to the Rights of Man as the condition for the regeneration ofFrance-surely some thought it was the answer to their prayers forspiritual renewal in France. In fact, it amounted to an agenda for whatwould be called the Government of Moral Order.2 The hopes for suchan integriste restoration would fade over the next four years, but onthat day all things seemed possible. Pie addressed the crowd of pilgrimson the theme of an imminent national redemption and rebirth; he of-fered a vision of a public realm thoroughly rechristianized, a formulafor social renewal through the recreation of l'ordre moral.Moral order as a philosophical category and as a political pre-scription enjoyed a long history in nineteenth-century France. It was akey category for Joseph de Maistre and the Vicomte de Bonald, whounderstood the French Revolution as having profound consequencesfor the moral order.3 Felicite de Lamennais, another key Catholictheorist of the nineteenth century, found the concept of moral orderindispensable in his Essai sur l'indifference en matiere de religion andexplicitly linked the dissolution of the moral order with the executionof the king.4 For de Maistre, de Bonald, and Lamennais, if the killing ofthe king had ruptured the moral order,by implication its restoration inFrance would follow upon the restoration of monarchical authority.It is doubtful that Adolphe Thiers, whose fall announced the arriv-al of the Government of Moral Order, fully understood the politicallyprescriptive nature of the term "moral order"in Catholic philosophicaland political discourse. He evidently did understand the importanceattached to the term by Catholics and by monarchists of a theocraticbent, however, and he was not averse to employing the term himself,although in a less politically and philosophically precise way. WhenThiers sacked his prefect of the Rhone early in 1872 in an evidentattempt to appease his monarchist critics, the action was justified as

2 FranCois Pie, "Discours prononce dans la solennit6 de cloture du pelerinage national aNotre-Dame de Chartres, 28 mai 1873," in Oeuvres de monseigneur l'eveque de Poitiers (Poitiers,1884), 7:542. Here is how Baunard described the mood among the pilgrims in the wake of the fallof Thiers: "Les pelerins, encore tout emus de l'evenement du 24 mai, le consideraient deja commeun premier exaucement de tant de prieres portees a tous les sanctuaires." Baunard, Histoire ducardinal Pie, 2:498. See also Thomas Kselman, Miracles and Prophecies in Nineteenth CenturyFrance (New Brunswick, N.J., 1983), 125.3 Joseph de Maistre, Des Constitutions politiques (Paris, 1959), 11. On de Maistre, see alsoIsaiah Berlin, "Joseph de Maistre and the Origins of Fascism," New York Review of Books, 27Sept. 1990, 57-64. For an example of de Bonald's use of the term, see his Essai analytique sur leslois naturelles de l'ordre social ou du pouvoir, du ministre et du sujet dans la societe (Paris, 1836;1982 reprint), 15-16.4 Oeuvres completes de F. de La Mennais, 12 vols. (Paris, 1836-37), 1:224.

48383


4/22

FRENCH HISTORICAL STUDIESRENCH HISTORICAL STUDIES

necessary to the defense of moral order.5 And when Thiers courtedMonsignor Guibert, archbishop of Tours and Thiers's candidate tosucceed the murdered Darboy as archbishop of Paris, moral orderplainly was at the top of the agenda. Thiers, in a statement intended toenlist Guibert as an ally in a common cause but also designed to re-mind the prelate of his dependence on Thiers, confided to hisarchbishop-elect that the reconstruction of moral order would rankamong their common concerns as spiritual and secular authorities."Material order is assured," Thiers wrote, "moral order will be thework of time, good government and religious influence wisely andforcefully applied by the prelate we have chosen."6 Indeed it would,Guibert might plausibly have replied, but reconstruction of the moralorder, at least properly understood, would not be the work of AdolpheThiers The establishment of the Government of Moral Order a meretwenty-one months later marked a sharp turn toward monarchist poli-tics tightly coupled with a search for national spiritual renewal.The basilica of Sacre-Coeur holds a special place in the history ofthe era of Moral Order. Indeed, it is arguably Moral Order's most en-during accomplishment and certainly its most tangible. Moral Orderas a political project derived its vigor from events such as the 1873 pil-grimage and the piety of the deputies who participated in it as well asfrom the fleeting circumstances attendant upon the conclusion of thewar. Monarchists were the party of Peace during the elections of Feb-ruary 1871, an advantage that disappeared with the negotiation of finalterms with Bismarck. The national search for renewal after the war,whether expressed in secular or religious terms, was a widely sharedambition.7 However, until 1877 moral order served as rhetorical short-

5 See Republiquefrancaise, 27 Jan. 1872. See also Jacques Gadille, La Pensee et l'action poli-tiques des eveques francais au debut de la Troisieme Republique, 1870-1883, 2 vols. (Geneva,Paris, 1967.)6 BN, MSS n.a.f., 20.623cited in vol. 2 of Paguelle de Follenay's Vie du cardinal Guibert (Paris,1896), 515, and in Gadille, La Pensee, 251. On Thiers's life and political career, see J. P. T. Buryand R. P. Tombs, Thiers, 1797-1877: A Political Life (London, 1986);and Pierre Guiral, AdolpheThiers, ou de la necessite en politique (Paris, 1986).Jean Dubois, who has rigorously studied thelexical field of French politics between 1869 and 1872, cites two postwar uses of the expressionordre moral, dating from June and December 1871. See Le Vocabulaire politique et social enFrance de 1869 a 1872 (Paris, 1962), 360.7 The sentiment was part of Darboy's pastoral letter of 10 March 1871:"La nation tout entierea besoin d'un changement moral auquel le malheur ne parait pas encore nous avoir amenes. Ellesouffre de vices qui lui sont chers et dont elle ne consent pas a se deprendre." J. A. Foulon [Mgr.archeveque de Lyon], Histoire de la vie et des oeuvres de Mgr. Darboy, archeveque de Paris (Paris,1889),500. For a secular statement of the need for renewal, see Ernst Renan in La Reforme intellec-tuelle et morale de la France (Paris, 1871), excerpted and translated in David Thomson, France:Empire and Republic, 1850-1940 (New York, 1968),and reprinted in Jan Goldstein and John W.Boyer, eds., Nineteenth-Century Europe: Liberalism and its Critics (Chicago, 1988), 351-55.

necessary to the defense of moral order.5 And when Thiers courtedMonsignor Guibert, archbishop of Tours and Thiers's candidate tosucceed the murdered Darboy as archbishop of Paris, moral orderplainly was at the top of the agenda. Thiers, in a statement intended toenlist Guibert as an ally in a common cause but also designed to re-mind the prelate of his dependence on Thiers, confided to hisarchbishop-elect that the reconstruction of moral order would rankamong their common concerns as spiritual and secular authorities."Material order is assured," Thiers wrote, "moral order will be thework of time, good government and religious influence wisely andforcefully applied by the prelate we have chosen."6 Indeed it would,Guibert might plausibly have replied, but reconstruction of the moralorder, at least properly understood, would not be the work of AdolpheThiers The establishment of the Government of Moral Order a meretwenty-one months later marked a sharp turn toward monarchist poli-tics tightly coupled with a search for national spiritual renewal.The basilica of Sacre-Coeur holds a special place in the history ofthe era of Moral Order. Indeed, it is arguably Moral Order's most en-during accomplishment and certainly its most tangible. Moral Orderas a political project derived its vigor from events such as the 1873 pil-grimage and the piety of the deputies who participated in it as well asfrom the fleeting circumstances attendant upon the conclusion of thewar. Monarchists were the party of Peace during the elections of Feb-ruary 1871, an advantage that disappeared with the negotiation of finalterms with Bismarck. The national search for renewal after the war,whether expressed in secular or religious terms, was a widely sharedambition.7 However, until 1877 moral order served as rhetorical short-

5 See Republiquefrancaise, 27 Jan. 1872. See also Jacques Gadille, La Pensee et l'action poli-tiques des eveques francais au debut de la Troisieme Republique, 1870-1883, 2 vols. (Geneva,Paris, 1967.)6 BN, MSS n.a.f., 20.623cited in vol. 2 of Paguelle de Follenay's Vie du cardinal Guibert (Paris,1896), 515, and in Gadille, La Pensee, 251. On Thiers's life and political career, see J. P. T. Buryand R. P. Tombs, Thiers, 1797-1877: A Political Life (London, 1986);and Pierre Guiral, AdolpheThiers, ou de la necessite en politique (Paris, 1986).Jean Dubois, who has rigorously studied thelexical field of French politics between 1869 and 1872, cites two postwar uses of the expressionordre moral, dating from June and December 1871. See Le Vocabulaire politique et social enFrance de 1869 a 1872 (Paris, 1962), 360.7 The sentiment was part of Darboy's pastoral letter of 10 March 1871:"La nation tout entierea besoin d'un changement moral auquel le malheur ne parait pas encore nous avoir amenes. Ellesouffre de vices qui lui sont chers et dont elle ne consent pas a se deprendre." J. A. Foulon [Mgr.archeveque de Lyon], Histoire de la vie et des oeuvres de Mgr. Darboy, archeveque de Paris (Paris,1889),500. For a secular statement of the need for renewal, see Ernst Renan in La Reforme intellec-tuelle et morale de la France (Paris, 1871), excerpted and translated in David Thomson, France:Empire and Republic, 1850-1940 (New York, 1968),and reprinted in Jan Goldstein and John W.Boyer, eds., Nineteenth-Century Europe: Liberalism and its Critics (Chicago, 1988), 351-55.

48484


5/22


6/22


PROCESSIONAL BANNER OF THE VOEU NATIONAL AU SACR -COEUR. Reproducedby permission of Jean-Loup Charmet.PROCESSIONAL BANNER OF THE VOEU NATIONAL AU SACR -COEUR. Reproducedby permission of Jean-Loup Charmet.

basilica of Sacre-Coeur would be a central feature of official and layCatholic piety.The origins of the basilica of Sacre-Coeur can be found in the cultof the Sacred Heart, a movement of Catholic popular piety that ante-dated the French Revolution but acquired a Catholic counterrevolu-haine s'obstine, alors . . . il fait retentir le tonnerre de sa voix, la menace de ses vengeances . .et si ce solennel avertissement n'est pas entendu, il passe de la menace aux effets, et, dans l'exces desa fureur, il trouble, il deconcerte, il ebranle, il arrache,il deracine ces insolents ennemis." Charlesde Freycinet expressed a similar sentiment in a secular form. "Un ensemble de coincidences mal-heureuses . . . s'est joint a la faiblesse organique de la France pour dejouer tous ses efforts. Et cetensemble a ete tel que veritablement, quand on l'envisage, on est tente de se demander s'il n'y a paseu la quelque raison superieure aux causes physiques, une sorte d'expiation de fautes nationales,ou le dur aiguillon pour un relevement necessaire." Charles de Freycinet, La Guerre en provincependant le siege de Paris, 350-51, cited in Francois Pie, Oeuvres, 7:323.

basilica of Sacre-Coeur would be a central feature of official and layCatholic piety.The origins of the basilica of Sacre-Coeur can be found in the cultof the Sacred Heart, a movement of Catholic popular piety that ante-dated the French Revolution but acquired a Catholic counterrevolu-haine s'obstine, alors . . . il fait retentir le tonnerre de sa voix, la menace de ses vengeances . .et si ce solennel avertissement n'est pas entendu, il passe de la menace aux effets, et, dans l'exces desa fureur, il trouble, il deconcerte, il ebranle, il arrache,il deracine ces insolents ennemis." Charlesde Freycinet expressed a similar sentiment in a secular form. "Un ensemble de coincidences mal-heureuses . . . s'est joint a la faiblesse organique de la France pour dejouer tous ses efforts. Et cetensemble a ete tel que veritablement, quand on l'envisage, on est tente de se demander s'il n'y a paseu la quelque raison superieure aux causes physiques, une sorte d'expiation de fautes nationales,ou le dur aiguillon pour un relevement necessaire." Charles de Freycinet, La Guerre en provincependant le siege de Paris, 350-51, cited in Francois Pie, Oeuvres, 7:323.

48686


7/22

HISTORICAL VISION-SACRE-COEURISTORICAL VISION-SACRE-COEUR

tionary focus during the Revolution.13 The symbol of a wounded hearttopped by a crucifix on a "Bourbon white" field became synonymouswith rebellions on behalf of "God and King" in the Vendee and else-where in the 1790s. Louis XVI, whose own sufferings often blended inthe popular mind with those of the Sacred Heart, was widely believedto have dedicated France to the Sacre-Coeur shortly before his execu-tion.14The "martyred" king became the focus of the desire to atone forthe collective sins of revolutionary France and a symbol of Catholicroyalism's desire to see France united with its Most Christian King.15This cult's adherents believed in a deity who intervened directly in na-tional affairs in such a fashion that the moral status of the nation couldbe "read" through its status in the world. Seen through this optic, therecordof France since 1789was transparently one of national decline-both moral and political. The final chastisement, following the ex-travagant, amoral, and sensual Second Empire, came with France'sdefeat by Prussia in 1870, after which pious lay Catholics vowed tobuild a church to the Sacred Heart, an expression of their spiritualitybut also of their political will to see France return at last to "God andKing."16In this sense, moral order was more than simply a convenient wayof identifying a conservative regime; it was more than public order orgood conservative government. Moral order was historiosophy: a logi-cally consistent and internally coherent vision of the past, a philosophyof history. It expressed a view of France and its history in terms of

13For the cult of the Sacre-Coeur, see Jacques Bainvel, "Devotion au coeur-sacre de Jesus,"Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique (Paris, 1938), 3:271-351; Louis Baunard, Histoire de Ma-dame Barat, fondatrice de la Societe du Sacre-Coeur de Jesus, 2 vols. (Paris, 1876). For importantepisodes in the political history of Sacre-Coeur, see Jean-Clement Martin, La Vendee et la France(Paris, 1987);Jean Huguet, Un Coeur d'etoffe rouge: France et Vendee 1793, le mythe et l'histoire(Paris, 1985); Louis Baunard, Le General de Sonis (Paris, 1891).14See "Le Sacre-Coeur et l'art chretien," in L'Union, 26 Oct. 1875, in Archives historiques dudiocese de Paris (henceforth AHDP), Basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 3, and "Discours du R. P.Monsabre," reproduced in Guide officiel du pelerin au Sacre-Coeur deMontmartre (Paris, 1892),27-28, in AN, F192371, Eglise du Sacre-Coeur de Montmartre.15On these themes, see also Mona Ozouf, "Ballanche: L'Idee et l'image du regicide," inL'Homme regenere: Essais sur la Revolution francaise (Paris, 1989), esp. 188.16 For a secular variant of the mood after Sedan, see Renan, La Reforme. See also Allan Mit-chell, Victors and Vanquished: The German Influence on Army and Church in France after 1870(Chapel Hill, N.C., 1984);on the war itself, see Michael Howard, The Franco-Prussian War:TheGerman Invasion of France, 1870-1871 (London, 1989).Turning to the Sacre-Coeurduring gravecrises was already a well-developed reflex. For example, municipal officials in Marseille andAmiens invoked the Sacre-Coeur when threatened by epidemics in the eighteenth century. SeeJacques Bainvel, "Devotion au coeur-Sacre de Jesus," 337, 344. Iconographic representations ofthese incidents in the history of the Sacred Heart devotion were planned for the interior of thebasilica. A letter from Hubert Rohault de Fleury, dated 6 Apr. 1891, enumerates dozens of appro-priate topics for the decoration of the basilica. AHDP, basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 1.

tionary focus during the Revolution.13 The symbol of a wounded hearttopped by a crucifix on a "Bourbon white" field became synonymouswith rebellions on behalf of "God and King" in the Vendee and else-where in the 1790s. Louis XVI, whose own sufferings often blended inthe popular mind with those of the Sacred Heart, was widely believedto have dedicated France to the Sacre-Coeur shortly before his execu-tion.14The "martyred" king became the focus of the desire to atone forthe collective sins of revolutionary France and a symbol of Catholicroyalism's desire to see France united with its Most Christian King.15This cult's adherents believed in a deity who intervened directly in na-tional affairs in such a fashion that the moral status of the nation couldbe "read" through its status in the world. Seen through this optic, therecordof France since 1789was transparently one of national decline-both moral and political. The final chastisement, following the ex-travagant, amoral, and sensual Second Empire, came with France'sdefeat by Prussia in 1870, after which pious lay Catholics vowed tobuild a church to the Sacred Heart, an expression of their spiritualitybut also of their political will to see France return at last to "God andKing."16In this sense, moral order was more than simply a convenient wayof identifying a conservative regime; it was more than public order orgood conservative government. Moral order was historiosophy: a logi-cally consistent and internally coherent vision of the past, a philosophyof history. It expressed a view of France and its history in terms of

13For the cult of the Sacre-Coeur, see Jacques Bainvel, "Devotion au coeur-sacre de Jesus,"Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique (Paris, 1938), 3:271-351; Louis Baunard, Histoire de Ma-dame Barat, fondatrice de la Societe du Sacre-Coeur de Jesus, 2 vols. (Paris, 1876). For importantepisodes in the political history of Sacre-Coeur, see Jean-Clement Martin, La Vendee et la France(Paris, 1987);Jean Huguet, Un Coeur d'etoffe rouge: France et Vendee 1793, le mythe et l'histoire(Paris, 1985); Louis Baunard, Le General de Sonis (Paris, 1891).14See "Le Sacre-Coeur et l'art chretien," in L'Union, 26 Oct. 1875, in Archives historiques dudiocese de Paris (henceforth AHDP), Basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 3, and "Discours du R. P.Monsabre," reproduced in Guide officiel du pelerin au Sacre-Coeur deMontmartre (Paris, 1892),27-28, in AN, F192371, Eglise du Sacre-Coeur de Montmartre.15On these themes, see also Mona Ozouf, "Ballanche: L'Idee et l'image du regicide," inL'Homme regenere: Essais sur la Revolution francaise (Paris, 1989), esp. 188.16 For a secular variant of the mood after Sedan, see Renan, La Reforme. See also Allan Mit-chell, Victors and Vanquished: The German Influence on Army and Church in France after 1870(Chapel Hill, N.C., 1984);on the war itself, see Michael Howard, The Franco-Prussian War:TheGerman Invasion of France, 1870-1871 (London, 1989).Turning to the Sacre-Coeurduring gravecrises was already a well-developed reflex. For example, municipal officials in Marseille andAmiens invoked the Sacre-Coeur when threatened by epidemics in the eighteenth century. SeeJacques Bainvel, "Devotion au coeur-Sacre de Jesus," 337, 344. Iconographic representations ofthese incidents in the history of the Sacred Heart devotion were planned for the interior of thebasilica. A letter from Hubert Rohault de Fleury, dated 6 Apr. 1891, enumerates dozens of appro-priate topics for the decoration of the basilica. AHDP, basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 1.

48787


8/22


covenant, a formal relationship between God and a select people. In1871the bishop of Angers freely employed the language of covenant andexplicitly assimilated the French nation with Israel when he asked him-self if France were destined to receive "the same chastisements as thedeicide nation of the Old Testament," presumably diaspora.'7 Thus thenadir of 1870 suggested that it was time to renew the pact of Clovis-analogue to the covenant of Abraham-to prepare the renaissance ofFrance through the rechristianization of public life.18 Restoring themoral order was thus to be both a spiritual and political enterprise. Infact, it became an overt political issue in 1873 when, once the Mont-martre site for the Sacr6-Coeur was chosen, the archbishop of Parisrequested parliamentary authorization to acquire the construction site.Such expropriations required a parliamentary declaration of "publicutility." The only way that the church of the Sacre-Coeur would bebuilt on that site, given that it was already occupied by several owners,was if the deputies of the Assembly could be persuaded that the proposed"Church of the National Vow to the Sacred Heart of Jesus" was a mat-ter of national interestand public utility. On 5 May 1873, the archbishopof Paris requested the legal authority he needed. In a letter to JulesSimon, the author of a work on natural religion and, for a few days stillThiers's minister of religion, he described the church as "a monumentthat must be like a new profession of our faith" and asked if it could bebuilt "anywhere but on the holy mountain which was the cradle of theChristian religion in our old France."'9Legislative approval came exactly eight weeks after the fall ofThiers when, by a vote of 382 to 138, the National Assembly declared it amatter of "public utility to build a church on Montmartre.' 20Orleanist

17See lettre de Freppel (eveque Angers) a Pie (eveque Poitiers) 14 Nov. 1871, Archives dio-cesaines Poitiers cited in Gadille, La Pensee et l'action politiques des eveques, 222.18 On the pact of Clovis (A.D. 496) Francois Veuillot wrote, "Des cette epoque . . . notrepatrie se fait la servante de Dieu, et Dieu, de son c6te, consent a devenir le protecteur de notrepatrie." See "Le Drapeau du Sacre-Coeur," Bulletin du Voeu national au Sacre-Coeur de Jesus(henceforth Bulletin), 23, n. 8 (15 Apr. 1898), 313.19Lettre du cardinal Guibert au ministre des Cultes, 5 March 1873, cited in Gadille, La Pen-see, 232. See also Guide officiel du pelerin au Sacre-Coeur de Montmartre (Paris, 1892), 33, in ANF'92371, Eglise du Sacre-Coeur de Montmartre. On what possible grounds did Archbishop Gui-bert believe that the anticlerical Jules Simon was approachable on this subject?Perhaps Guiberthoped Simon could be influenced by his wife. Madame Jules Simon, unlike her husband, wasdevout. She was also apparently caught up in the sentiments which inspired the Sacre-Coeur.According to a police report she was among the hundreds of dignitaries who crowded into theChapelle expiatoire to attend mass on 21 January 1872, the anniversary of the execution of LouisXVI. See AN F192379, Lieux de cultes speciaux. "Brefpolice." Unsigned report assembled in Jan-uary 1882.20 Thiers resigned on 24 May 1873;the law was passed on 24 July 1873.For the parliamentarydebate, see Journal officiel de la RKpubliquefranfaise, 22 June 1873, 4084; 24 June 1873,4149; 25July 1873, 5012-14. See also AN C 2870, Eglise de Montmartre.

covenant, a formal relationship between God and a select people. In1871the bishop of Angers freely employed the language of covenant andexplicitly assimilated the French nation with Israel when he asked him-self if France were destined to receive "the same chastisements as thedeicide nation of the Old Testament," presumably diaspora.'7 Thus thenadir of 1870 suggested that it was time to renew the pact of Clovis-analogue to the covenant of Abraham-to prepare the renaissance ofFrance through the rechristianization of public life.18 Restoring themoral order was thus to be both a spiritual and political enterprise. Infact, it became an overt political issue in 1873 when, once the Mont-martre site for the Sacr6-Coeur was chosen, the archbishop of Parisrequested parliamentary authorization to acquire the construction site.Such expropriations required a parliamentary declaration of "publicutility." The only way that the church of the Sacre-Coeur would bebuilt on that site, given that it was already occupied by several owners,was if the deputies of the Assembly could be persuaded that the proposed"Church of the National Vow to the Sacred Heart of Jesus" was a mat-ter of national interestand public utility. On 5 May 1873, the archbishopof Paris requested the legal authority he needed. In a letter to JulesSimon, the author of a work on natural religion and, for a few days stillThiers's minister of religion, he described the church as "a monumentthat must be like a new profession of our faith" and asked if it could bebuilt "anywhere but on the holy mountain which was the cradle of theChristian religion in our old France."'9Legislative approval came exactly eight weeks after the fall ofThiers when, by a vote of 382 to 138, the National Assembly declared it amatter of "public utility to build a church on Montmartre.' 20Orleanist

17See lettre de Freppel (eveque Angers) a Pie (eveque Poitiers) 14 Nov. 1871, Archives dio-cesaines Poitiers cited in Gadille, La Pensee et l'action politiques des eveques, 222.18 On the pact of Clovis (A.D. 496) Francois Veuillot wrote, "Des cette epoque . . . notrepatrie se fait la servante de Dieu, et Dieu, de son c6te, consent a devenir le protecteur de notrepatrie." See "Le Drapeau du Sacre-Coeur," Bulletin du Voeu national au Sacre-Coeur de Jesus(henceforth Bulletin), 23, n. 8 (15 Apr. 1898), 313.19Lettre du cardinal Guibert au ministre des Cultes, 5 March 1873, cited in Gadille, La Pen-see, 232. See also Guide officiel du pelerin au Sacre-Coeur de Montmartre (Paris, 1892), 33, in ANF'92371, Eglise du Sacre-Coeur de Montmartre. On what possible grounds did Archbishop Gui-bert believe that the anticlerical Jules Simon was approachable on this subject?Perhaps Guiberthoped Simon could be influenced by his wife. Madame Jules Simon, unlike her husband, wasdevout. She was also apparently caught up in the sentiments which inspired the Sacre-Coeur.According to a police report she was among the hundreds of dignitaries who crowded into theChapelle expiatoire to attend mass on 21 January 1872, the anniversary of the execution of LouisXVI. See AN F192379, Lieux de cultes speciaux. "Brefpolice." Unsigned report assembled in Jan-uary 1882.20 Thiers resigned on 24 May 1873;the law was passed on 24 July 1873.For the parliamentarydebate, see Journal officiel de la RKpubliquefranfaise, 22 June 1873, 4084; 24 June 1873,4149; 25July 1873, 5012-14. See also AN C 2870, Eglise de Montmartre.

48888


9/22


deputies provided a significant portion of the margin of victory. Theydid not share with the partisans of the project any enthusiasm for thecult of the SacredHeart, linked, as it was, to a historical narrative whichgave pride of place to the memory of a martyredBourbon king. But theydid not wish to alienate their Legitimist allies, some of whom wishedfor a flat-out dedication of France to the Sacre-Coeur. The final word-ing of the legislation only mentioned the public utility of building achurch on Montmartre, an initiative that perhaps even a VoltaireanOrleanist could support.2' Legitimists knew that the church inquestion would be dedicated to the Sacre-Coeur, while Orleanistslooked the other way.But what public utility was there in the construction of a church atMontmartre? Montmartre already had its parish church and, in anyevent, the church envisioned was not destined for the ordinary affairs ofa parish. The answer was that the church at Montmartre was to be boththe vehicle for and the symbol of the renewal of France. This idea wasneatly expressed in the so-called National Vow drafted in 1871, a vowthat sought to bring an end to France's troubles-seen as having Pro-vidential origins-and offered a church in return and as a token of thenational will to atone. Thus the basilica was to be a massive "ex-voto,"the embodiment of the prayerful wish that the spiritual union of Francewith God be restored. This is how the archbishop of Paris expressed theidea in 1873 in a special episcopal letter to provincial bishops, a letterthat took the form of a direct address to God. "The blood that ran fromyour side redeemed the world; may a drop of this divine blood, throughits all-powerful capacity to expiate, redeem once again this France thatyou loved and who, turning from her many errors, wishes to return toher Christian vocation. . . . May the temple that is going to be builtby our hands . . . become for us an impenetrable citadel which willprotect Paris and our patrie."22In their replies to the appeal of the archbishop of Paris, the bishopsof provincial France elaborated on the theme of national redemptionthrough the church of the National Vow. Here is how the bishop ofFrejus et Toulon put it, "This appeal to divine pity will complete theexpiation for the impious acts that have brought upon France thewrath of God and, with France regenerated, the church will emerge

21 For minutes of the discussion, see AN C 2870, Eglise de Montmartre. Projet de construction.22 Mandement de son eminence Monseigneur l'archeveque de Paris touchant le projet deconstruction a Montmartre d'une eglise votive au Sacre-Coeurde Jesus (Paris, 1873), p. 9, in AHDPbasilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 2.

deputies provided a significant portion of the margin of victory. Theydid not share with the partisans of the project any enthusiasm for thecult of the SacredHeart, linked, as it was, to a historical narrative whichgave pride of place to the memory of a martyredBourbon king. But theydid not wish to alienate their Legitimist allies, some of whom wishedfor a flat-out dedication of France to the Sacre-Coeur. The final word-ing of the legislation only mentioned the public utility of building achurch on Montmartre, an initiative that perhaps even a VoltaireanOrleanist could support.2' Legitimists knew that the church inquestion would be dedicated to the Sacre-Coeur, while Orleanistslooked the other way.But what public utility was there in the construction of a church atMontmartre? Montmartre already had its parish church and, in anyevent, the church envisioned was not destined for the ordinary affairs ofa parish. The answer was that the church at Montmartre was to be boththe vehicle for and the symbol of the renewal of France. This idea wasneatly expressed in the so-called National Vow drafted in 1871, a vowthat sought to bring an end to France's troubles-seen as having Pro-vidential origins-and offered a church in return and as a token of thenational will to atone. Thus the basilica was to be a massive "ex-voto,"the embodiment of the prayerful wish that the spiritual union of Francewith God be restored. This is how the archbishop of Paris expressed theidea in 1873 in a special episcopal letter to provincial bishops, a letterthat took the form of a direct address to God. "The blood that ran fromyour side redeemed the world; may a drop of this divine blood, throughits all-powerful capacity to expiate, redeem once again this France thatyou loved and who, turning from her many errors, wishes to return toher Christian vocation. . . . May the temple that is going to be builtby our hands . . . become for us an impenetrable citadel which willprotect Paris and our patrie."22In their replies to the appeal of the archbishop of Paris, the bishopsof provincial France elaborated on the theme of national redemptionthrough the church of the National Vow. Here is how the bishop ofFrejus et Toulon put it, "This appeal to divine pity will complete theexpiation for the impious acts that have brought upon France thewrath of God and, with France regenerated, the church will emerge

21 For minutes of the discussion, see AN C 2870, Eglise de Montmartre. Projet de construction.22 Mandement de son eminence Monseigneur l'archeveque de Paris touchant le projet deconstruction a Montmartre d'une eglise votive au Sacre-Coeurde Jesus (Paris, 1873), p. 9, in AHDPbasilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 2.

48989


10/22


11/22


vengeful God; atonement as the only possible means to regeneration.25The rhetoric conveys a vision of France's past which recapitulates thebasic soteriological narrative:original stateof harmony - transgressionand rupture - decadence and chastisement - atonement and redemp-tion. Within this narrative the Sacre-Coeur would symbolize the workof atonement and the ardent desire for redemption.In his reply to the archbishop of Paris, the bishop of Perpignanfashioned for the church of the Sacre-Coeur a memorable image ofhope and protection against any future divine retribution: "Raised likea lightning rod on the highest point of [France's] capital, this churchwill protect us against the lightning bolts of divine anger. Foundedupon faith and patriotism, [the church] will recount to future genera-tions the sad story of our sufferings and their causes-as a monumentof expiation, the church will call down upon our dear France the mostabundant blessings of heaven."26The basilica was inspired by the fearof an angry God, but also by the hope that it would intercept futurechastisements. Its purpose was to renew the special relationship be-tween God and the people of France.The themes of a broken covenant, a chosen people, and of deliver-ance were taken up in broader appeals to the faithful. From the pagesof the Bulletin of the Oeuvre, a monthly pamphlet produced by the layCatholics charged with building the Sacre-Coeur, the appeal went out.Withoutanyexaggeration,maywenot consider his monument...a reproductionof the arkof the covenantwhich servedas a sign, asymbol, to the people of God and which remindedthem of the en-gagementsundertaken or all time with theGodof Abraham, saac,andJacob?All prayers,all sacrifices,all invocationswill bedirectedtowardtheplacewherethearkof the covenantresides, t having be-come the center,the foyerof the religious life of thechosen nation.

According to this vision, the church of the national vow was to becomea kind of powerhouse of prayer and grace. "We ask our associates toform a current of prayers, of pious acts. . . . These rivers of grace willreturn to their source and there will thus be a perpetual movement oflife and regeneration."27

25 On violence, sacrifice, ndthesacred, ee Ren6Girard,La Violence t leSacre Paris,1972),27-52.26Lettredel'evequedePerpignan,19Sept.1873, n AHDP,BasiliqueduSacre-Coeur,arton2. 27 See"VeniteAdoremus,"Bulletin 9 (10Dec.1884),947.The imageryrecalls hatof thestoryof the flood in Genesis9:12-13andof theaccountof the arkof the covenant n Exodus25:8"Andlet them makeme a sanctuary;hatI maydwell amongthem."

vengeful God; atonement as the only possible means to regeneration.25The rhetoric conveys a vision of France's past which recapitulates thebasic soteriological narrative:original stateof harmony - transgressionand rupture - decadence and chastisement - atonement and redemp-tion. Within this narrative the Sacre-Coeur would symbolize the workof atonement and the ardent desire for redemption.In his reply to the archbishop of Paris, the bishop of Perpignanfashioned for the church of the Sacre-Coeur a memorable image ofhope and protection against any future divine retribution: "Raised likea lightning rod on the highest point of [France's] capital, this churchwill protect us against the lightning bolts of divine anger. Foundedupon faith and patriotism, [the church] will recount to future genera-tions the sad story of our sufferings and their causes-as a monumentof expiation, the church will call down upon our dear France the mostabundant blessings of heaven."26The basilica was inspired by the fearof an angry God, but also by the hope that it would intercept futurechastisements. Its purpose was to renew the special relationship be-tween God and the people of France.The themes of a broken covenant, a chosen people, and of deliver-ance were taken up in broader appeals to the faithful. From the pagesof the Bulletin of the Oeuvre, a monthly pamphlet produced by the layCatholics charged with building the Sacre-Coeur, the appeal went out.Withoutanyexaggeration,maywenot consider his monument...a reproductionof the arkof the covenantwhich servedas a sign, asymbol, to the people of God and which remindedthem of the en-gagementsundertaken or all time with theGodof Abraham, saac,andJacob?All prayers,all sacrifices,all invocationswill bedirectedtowardtheplacewherethearkof the covenantresides, t having be-come the center,the foyerof the religious life of thechosen nation.

According to this vision, the church of the national vow was to becomea kind of powerhouse of prayer and grace. "We ask our associates toform a current of prayers, of pious acts. . . . These rivers of grace willreturn to their source and there will thus be a perpetual movement oflife and regeneration."27

25 On violence, sacrifice, ndthesacred, ee Ren6Girard,La Violence t leSacre Paris,1972),27-52.26Lettredel'evequedePerpignan,19Sept.1873, n AHDP,BasiliqueduSacre-Coeur,arton2. 27 See"VeniteAdoremus,"Bulletin 9 (10Dec.1884),947.The imageryrecalls hatof thestoryof the flood in Genesis9:12-13andof theaccountof the arkof the covenant n Exodus25:8"Andlet them makeme a sanctuary;hatI maydwell amongthem."

49191


12/22


CHURCHSEX-VOTO. kneeling Cardinal Guibert, archbishop of Paris, holds the model of Sacre-Coeur. Study for Sculpture. AHDP. Photo: author.CHURCHSEX-VOTO. kneeling Cardinal Guibert, archbishop of Paris, holds the model of Sacre-Coeur. Study for Sculpture. AHDP. Photo: author.

Such statements lay barea profound anxiety about social order andan ardent desire for restoration. The lessons of the annee terrible of1870-71 showed that the Revolution had commenced not the regenera-tion of France but a near-centuryof political disorder and social chaos.28The Sacre-Coeur would inaugurate a new beginning and fix it symbol-ically in one place, the "foyer," the hearth, the charismatic center of thereligious life of a select people. Many devout Catholics of the earlyThird Republic thus saw the construction of the church of the Sacre-Coeur as an act of paramount national as well as spiritual importance.The church was to be an enormous ex-voto, a votive offering, expressingthe prayerful wishes of the French nation to restore the holy covenant,the only sound foundation for a restored moral order. They would buildthis ex-voto at a point of intersection between heaven and a chosen

Such statements lay barea profound anxiety about social order andan ardent desire for restoration. The lessons of the annee terrible of1870-71 showed that the Revolution had commenced not the regenera-tion of France but a near-centuryof political disorder and social chaos.28The Sacre-Coeur would inaugurate a new beginning and fix it symbol-ically in one place, the "foyer," the hearth, the charismatic center of thereligious life of a select people. Many devout Catholics of the earlyThird Republic thus saw the construction of the church of the Sacre-Coeur as an act of paramount national as well as spiritual importance.The church was to be an enormous ex-voto, a votive offering, expressingthe prayerful wishes of the French nation to restore the holy covenant,the only sound foundation for a restored moral order. They would buildthis ex-voto at a point of intersection between heaven and a chosen

28 On the Revolution as the opening of an extended crisis of authority, see Lynn Hunt, TheFamily Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley, 1992).28 On the Revolution as the opening of an extended crisis of authority, see Lynn Hunt, TheFamily Romance of the French Revolution (Berkeley, 1992).

49292


13/22


people. Nothing less than the future of France and the life of the nationdepended upon its completion.If the Sacre-Coeur were to be France's sacred lightning rod, pru-dence dictated that it be put in place as soon as possible. As the work ofthe Oeuvre dragged on into the 1880s, the leaders of the National Vowremarked that the work of a providential Hand was visibly active inworld affairs. The portents were not good. They cited as proof the"constant menace of dreadful evils, of war, of scourges of all kinds."Such jeremiads made them easy targets of ridicule, but in reply to thosewho scoffed at such an interpretation of events they offered a warning:"Take care, for if Our Lord bides His time, if He threatens us but doesnot follow through on His threats, it is because there remain a few justpersons among us; but open your eyes to the warning signs, because ifHe waits to condemn us, He continues to warn us that we are un-worthy. Therefore, attend to what He asks of us and do not hesitate toaccomplish it."29This image of the patient God, withholding a fullymerited chastisement for the sake of a handful of the just, recalls thestory of Sodom. But Sodom was destroyed, and for that reason the storyoffers little reassurance; the Bulletin's audience knew that even divinepatience has its limits.On the eve of the centenary of the French Revolution, the sense ofurgency to complete the monument increased. In a letter to France'sprovincial bishops, Rohault de Fleury, secretary general of the com-mittee for the Oeuvre, underlined the special importance of the Sacre-Coeur among the many worthy projects undertaken by Catholicsthroughout France.

Weknow how muchtheprovinces, ike Paris,areoverburdenedwithprojectsof various kinds. But we also know that these projectsarethreatened nd thattheywill perishin thegeneraldisaster hatwearemaking everyeffort to forestall;thereforewe all have an interest nhasteningthecompletionof the Vow of France,and thatis what em-boldensus to demand hehelpofeveryoneand todo so to thepointofimportunity,becausewearecertain that we workfor the salvationofall.30All the works of Catholic France remained at risk as long as the Na-tional Vow remained unfulfilled.

29 Bulletin 13 (supplement of June 1887), 3-4.30Lettre de Rohault de Fleury, secretaire general du Voeu National au Sacre-Coeur de Jesus,June 1888, in AHDP, basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 2.

people. Nothing less than the future of France and the life of the nationdepended upon its completion.If the Sacre-Coeur were to be France's sacred lightning rod, pru-dence dictated that it be put in place as soon as possible. As the work ofthe Oeuvre dragged on into the 1880s, the leaders of the National Vowremarked that the work of a providential Hand was visibly active inworld affairs. The portents were not good. They cited as proof the"constant menace of dreadful evils, of war, of scourges of all kinds."Such jeremiads made them easy targets of ridicule, but in reply to thosewho scoffed at such an interpretation of events they offered a warning:"Take care, for if Our Lord bides His time, if He threatens us but doesnot follow through on His threats, it is because there remain a few justpersons among us; but open your eyes to the warning signs, because ifHe waits to condemn us, He continues to warn us that we are un-worthy. Therefore, attend to what He asks of us and do not hesitate toaccomplish it."29This image of the patient God, withholding a fullymerited chastisement for the sake of a handful of the just, recalls thestory of Sodom. But Sodom was destroyed, and for that reason the storyoffers little reassurance; the Bulletin's audience knew that even divinepatience has its limits.On the eve of the centenary of the French Revolution, the sense ofurgency to complete the monument increased. In a letter to France'sprovincial bishops, Rohault de Fleury, secretary general of the com-mittee for the Oeuvre, underlined the special importance of the Sacre-Coeur among the many worthy projects undertaken by Catholicsthroughout France.

Weknow how muchtheprovinces, ike Paris,areoverburdenedwithprojectsof various kinds. But we also know that these projectsarethreatened nd thattheywill perishin thegeneraldisaster hatwearemaking everyeffort to forestall;thereforewe all have an interest nhasteningthecompletionof the Vow of France,and thatis what em-boldensus to demand hehelpofeveryoneand todo so to thepointofimportunity,becausewearecertain that we workfor the salvationofall.30All the works of Catholic France remained at risk as long as the Na-tional Vow remained unfulfilled.

29 Bulletin 13 (supplement of June 1887), 3-4.30Lettre de Rohault de Fleury, secretaire general du Voeu National au Sacre-Coeur de Jesus,June 1888, in AHDP, basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 2.

49393


14/22


Mobilizing the Many for the OeuvreSuch was the vision of those committed to build the church of theSacre-Coeur. But even as the episcopal correspondence elaborated theprincipal themes inspiring the edifice, giving monumental form tothis rhetoric would prove to be a daunting task. Like most monumentalprojects, the construction costs of the church quickly overran the 7 mil-lion francs originally budgeted. In fact, 7 million had already beenspent before any part of the church was visible above ground. TheSacre-Coeur cost over 40 million francs to complete, a figure whichmatches that of the great civil monuments of nineteenth-centuryFrance, such as Garnier's Opera. Unlike these civil monuments, how-ever, the church was built entirely from donated funds. As the desiredpolitical changes of the period of Moral Order appeared more andmore remote, attention focused intently on the completion of thechurch. In fact, the cult of the Sacred Heart would become the centralfeature of Catholic religious life in the late nineteenth century. Forsupporters of the cult, the completion of the Sacre-Coeur, along with aplan to put the symbol of the Sacred Heart on the tricolor flag and agrass-roots effort to dedicate parishes and communes to the SacredHeart, crowded out all other concerns.31Had the project stayed within budget, the Oeuvre need never havecontinued its fundraising efforts beyond the 1870s. But as the projectencountered new obstacles, obstacles which could be overcome onlythrough the infusion of significant new quantities of cash, the Oeuvreand its organizers began to take a long-term perspective. Despite therhetoric invoking fears of the imminent renewal of acts of divine ven-geance against France, the first need of the committee of the Oeuvre, inview of the fact that the church would be ready neither as a place ofworship nor as ex-voto any time soon, was to begin to plan for decadesof fund raising and expensive construction. From the beginning, thecommittee envisioned the church of the Sacre-Coeur as no ordinaryplace of worship. In the instructions distributed to architects planningto participate in the design competition, the committee had warnedthat the church of the Sacred Heart was to be a place of pilgrimage.Now the committee sought to make that vision a reality by building aprovisional chapel on Montmartre.The chapelle provisoire helped to prepare the Oeuvre's public

31 These efforts paralleled the construction of the basilica and were seen as everybit as impor-tant to the renewal of France. This aspect of the Sacred Heart phenomenon will be the subject ofanother article.

Mobilizing the Many for the OeuvreSuch was the vision of those committed to build the church of theSacre-Coeur. But even as the episcopal correspondence elaborated theprincipal themes inspiring the edifice, giving monumental form tothis rhetoric would prove to be a daunting task. Like most monumentalprojects, the construction costs of the church quickly overran the 7 mil-lion francs originally budgeted. In fact, 7 million had already beenspent before any part of the church was visible above ground. TheSacre-Coeur cost over 40 million francs to complete, a figure whichmatches that of the great civil monuments of nineteenth-centuryFrance, such as Garnier's Opera. Unlike these civil monuments, how-ever, the church was built entirely from donated funds. As the desiredpolitical changes of the period of Moral Order appeared more andmore remote, attention focused intently on the completion of thechurch. In fact, the cult of the Sacred Heart would become the centralfeature of Catholic religious life in the late nineteenth century. Forsupporters of the cult, the completion of the Sacre-Coeur, along with aplan to put the symbol of the Sacred Heart on the tricolor flag and agrass-roots effort to dedicate parishes and communes to the SacredHeart, crowded out all other concerns.31Had the project stayed within budget, the Oeuvre need never havecontinued its fundraising efforts beyond the 1870s. But as the projectencountered new obstacles, obstacles which could be overcome onlythrough the infusion of significant new quantities of cash, the Oeuvreand its organizers began to take a long-term perspective. Despite therhetoric invoking fears of the imminent renewal of acts of divine ven-geance against France, the first need of the committee of the Oeuvre, inview of the fact that the church would be ready neither as a place ofworship nor as ex-voto any time soon, was to begin to plan for decadesof fund raising and expensive construction. From the beginning, thecommittee envisioned the church of the Sacre-Coeur as no ordinaryplace of worship. In the instructions distributed to architects planningto participate in the design competition, the committee had warnedthat the church of the Sacred Heart was to be a place of pilgrimage.Now the committee sought to make that vision a reality by building aprovisional chapel on Montmartre.The chapelle provisoire helped to prepare the Oeuvre's public

31 These efforts paralleled the construction of the basilica and were seen as everybit as impor-tant to the renewal of France. This aspect of the Sacred Heart phenomenon will be the subject ofanother article.

49494


15/22


who became accustomed to thinking of Montmartre as a place of pil-grimage, and pilgrimages began almost immediately. The chapel alsoprovided a venue for the offering of prayersof expiation; this accordingto one source, was something even Pope Pius IX saw as crucial if thechurch of the National Vow itself were to be decades in preparation.32Prayermust begin immediately, even if the ex-voto itself would not soonbe ready. But equally important was the role of the chapelle provisoireas a site of donation, because, by the early 1880s, the principal source ofrevenue for the Oeuvre would not come from the gifts of wealthy bene-factors directly to the committee or to the archbishop of Paris but frompilgrims to Montmartre and the chapelle provisoire. The chapelle wasblessed in a ceremony on the third of March 1876, less than a year afterthe laying of the first stone for the basilica itself. It was designed to ac-commodate as many as 730 persons at a time; by the end of the year over114,760 pilgrims had made their way to the site.33In 1877, the first fullyearof collections at the chapelle provisoire, pilgrims dropped over twohundred and forty thousand francs into Montmartre collection boxes, afigure which doubled the following year.34For the next thirty years,pilgrims to the chapelle would donate five hundred to six hundredthousand francs per year-representing from 50 to 60 percent of all an-nual donations to the basilica.The ideal of the cult of the Sacre-Coeurhad demonstrated its abilitynot only to mobilize Catholics, but to persuade them to contribute. Assuch, and given the politico-religious nature of the cult, it represents asignificant step in the adaptation of the Catholic Church to thedemands of modern mass organization. By making the Sacre-Coeur aplace of pilgrimage, in addition to a place of symbolic importance, thechurch showed that it could take a religious practice of longstanding,the pilgrimage of the faithful, and convert it successfully into a modernpolitical ritual.Mobilizing the faithful in support of a monument of national po-

32 According to the Guide officiel, Pius IX told Abbe Lagarde, vicaire general, "La construc-tion de la Basilique sera bien longue, il faudrait que la priere commenfat avant son achevement."See pages 38-39 in the Guide officiel (Paris, 1892), in AN F192371, Eglise du Sacre-Coeur deMontmartre.s3 The dimensions for the chapelle provisoire are from the Cabinet d'estampes of the Biblio-theque nationale, correspondance et documents divers provenant de Paul ABADIE (s.l.n.d.) 1boitepet. fol. The figure on pilgrims in the first year represents those who signed the register at thechapelle provisoire. Inevitably, the total would be incomplete. See Guide officiel, 40.34 Figures on collections at the chapelle provisoire are from AHDP, Basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 4 - Recettes et depenses de l'eglise du Sacre-Coeur (1877-1904). The chapelle cost24,000 francs to construct, meaning that its cost had easily been recovered within months of itscompletion. See Bulletin 2 (10 Jan. 1876): 3-4.

who became accustomed to thinking of Montmartre as a place of pil-grimage, and pilgrimages began almost immediately. The chapel alsoprovided a venue for the offering of prayersof expiation; this accordingto one source, was something even Pope Pius IX saw as crucial if thechurch of the National Vow itself were to be decades in preparation.32Prayermust begin immediately, even if the ex-voto itself would not soonbe ready. But equally important was the role of the chapelle provisoireas a site of donation, because, by the early 1880s, the principal source ofrevenue for the Oeuvre would not come from the gifts of wealthy bene-factors directly to the committee or to the archbishop of Paris but frompilgrims to Montmartre and the chapelle provisoire. The chapelle wasblessed in a ceremony on the third of March 1876, less than a year afterthe laying of the first stone for the basilica itself. It was designed to ac-commodate as many as 730 persons at a time; by the end of the year over114,760 pilgrims had made their way to the site.33In 1877, the first fullyearof collections at the chapelle provisoire, pilgrims dropped over twohundred and forty thousand francs into Montmartre collection boxes, afigure which doubled the following year.34For the next thirty years,pilgrims to the chapelle would donate five hundred to six hundredthousand francs per year-representing from 50 to 60 percent of all an-nual donations to the basilica.The ideal of the cult of the Sacre-Coeurhad demonstrated its abilitynot only to mobilize Catholics, but to persuade them to contribute. Assuch, and given the politico-religious nature of the cult, it represents asignificant step in the adaptation of the Catholic Church to thedemands of modern mass organization. By making the Sacre-Coeur aplace of pilgrimage, in addition to a place of symbolic importance, thechurch showed that it could take a religious practice of longstanding,the pilgrimage of the faithful, and convert it successfully into a modernpolitical ritual.Mobilizing the faithful in support of a monument of national po-

32 According to the Guide officiel, Pius IX told Abbe Lagarde, vicaire general, "La construc-tion de la Basilique sera bien longue, il faudrait que la priere commenfat avant son achevement."See pages 38-39 in the Guide officiel (Paris, 1892), in AN F192371, Eglise du Sacre-Coeur deMontmartre.s3 The dimensions for the chapelle provisoire are from the Cabinet d'estampes of the Biblio-theque nationale, correspondance et documents divers provenant de Paul ABADIE (s.l.n.d.) 1boitepet. fol. The figure on pilgrims in the first year represents those who signed the register at thechapelle provisoire. Inevitably, the total would be incomplete. See Guide officiel, 40.34 Figures on collections at the chapelle provisoire are from AHDP, Basilique du Sacre-Coeur, carton 4 - Recettes et depenses de l'eglise du Sacre-Coeur (1877-1904). The chapelle cost24,000 francs to construct, meaning that its cost had easily been recovered within months of itscompletion. See Bulletin 2 (10 Jan. 1876): 3-4.

49595


16/22


litical and religious significance became one of the outstanding featuresof the Sacre-Coeur phenomenon. And in an effort to draw the supportof Catholic workers and peasants, the committee broke new ground inits fund-raising efforts.The first step was to createan investment vehiclein which even the smallest contribution had its place. The carte duSacre-Coeur was a response to just this demand. It consisted of a heavypaper cardon which over a thousand squares were printed in rows. Thecards were distributed to donors, who crossed out a square each timethey set aside 10 centimes for the Oeuvre. Participants were encouragedto share cards among friends or within a family as a way of hasteningthe completion of the card and also as a way of associating ever greaternumbers with the effort to build the church.35The cartedu Sacre-Coeurreflected an entrepreneurial genius of those leading the Oeuvre, worthyof the Credit Mobilier and other efforts aimed at mobilizing small in-vestors. There were also more conventional enterprises to raise money.In the fall of 1883, supporters of the Oeuvre disposed of hundreds of"contributions in kind"-layettes, images of Marie-Antoinette, hand-knit wool stockings. The archbishop allowed the ground floor of thearchdiocesan office to be used for the sale; this archdiocesan "rummagesale" netted over thirty thousand francs.36Catholicism and the Spirit of CapitalismFundraisers know that donors will contribute larger sums when theyderive some incidental benefit from their contribution, a token of theireffort and their sacrifice, or when they can see their contributions taketangible form and be unambiguously associated with the donor'sgenerosity. In order to keep the ultimate goal clearly before the pro-ject's backers and to show the progress made to date, the supporters ofthe Oeuvre reportedvisually on its progress. A favorite technique of theeditors of the monthly Bulletin was to place a drawing of the Sacre-Coeur beside a scale drawing of some familiar monument. One suchillustration showed the profile of the church next to the profile of oneof Paris's other domed monuments, the Pantheon. The comparisonwas not entirely a flattering one, the graceful lines of Saint-Genevieveonly underlined Sacre-Coeur's squat profile and its oddly elongated

35See Guide officiel, 80-81, and Bulletin, lleannee,9, (10Feb. 1884): 126.There is no way toestimate the background of these pilgrims and donors, and although some of them must havebeen persons of modest means, the costs of participation in a pilgrimage must have preventedmany peasants and workers in the provinces from participating. Pilgrims from beyond the Parisbasin, then, were more likely to be from well-to-do-classes.36 See Bulletin 9 (10 Feb. 1884): 107-12.

litical and religious significance became one of the outstanding featuresof the Sacre-Coeur phenomenon. And in an effort to draw the supportof Catholic workers and peasants, the committee broke new ground inits fund-raising efforts.The first step was to createan investment vehiclein which even the smallest contribution had its place. The carte duSacre-Coeur was a response to just this demand. It consisted of a heavypaper cardon which over a thousand squares were printed in rows. Thecards were distributed to donors, who crossed out a square each timethey set aside 10 centimes for the Oeuvre. Participants were encouragedto share cards among friends or within a family as a way of hasteningthe completion of the card and also as a way of associating ever greaternumbers with the effort to build the church.35The cartedu Sacre-Coeurreflected an entrepreneurial genius of those leading the Oeuvre, worthyof the Credit Mobilier and other efforts aimed at mobilizing small in-vestors. There were also more conventional enterprises to raise money.In the fall of 1883, supporters of the Oeuvre disposed of hundreds of"contributions in kind"-layettes, images of Marie-Antoinette, hand-knit wool stockings. The archbishop allowed the ground floor of thearchdiocesan office to be used for the sale; this archdiocesan "rummagesale" netted over thirty thousand francs.36Catholicism and the Spirit of CapitalismFundraisers know that donors will contribute larger sums when theyderive some incidental benefit from their contribution, a token of theireffort and their sacrifice, or when they can see their contributions taketangible form and be unambiguously associated with the donor'sgenerosity. In order to keep the ultimate goal clearly before the pro-ject's backers and to show the progress made to date, the supporters ofthe Oeuvre reportedvisually on its progress. A favorite technique of theeditors of the monthly Bulletin was to place a drawing of the Sacre-Coeur beside a scale drawing of some familiar monument. One suchillustration showed the profile of the church next to the profile of oneof Paris's other domed monuments, the Pantheon. The comparisonwas not entirely a flattering one, the graceful lines of Saint-Genevieveonly underlined Sacre-Coeur's squat profile and its oddly elongated

35See Guide officiel, 80-81, and Bulletin, lleannee,9, (10Feb. 1884): 126.There is no way toestimate the background of these pilgrims and donors, and although some of them must havebeen persons of modest means, the costs of participation in a pilgrimage must have preventedmany peasants and workers in the provinces from participating. Pilgrims from beyond the Parisbasin, then, were more likely to be from well-to-do-classes.36 See Bulletin 9 (10 Feb. 1884): 107-12.

49696


17/22

LACAMTEWtGRt 1JF

L , .?.i^?.,--..-- a

I t

1Z 1a % ~ s d ~; ? flA4 ?

111 414i411 i1 1 .1 t4 ii 1 1 I 1 1 1 $** 1 1 1 1;\ -'411 4$444111 41 1 1i 111 11. 1411 1 1 111.

^^..^..^,.^^.^,. ^^..^,^^ ^..^ ^,^ ^. ^.^..^,.^^

LACAMTEWtGRt 1JF

L , .?.i^?.,--..-- a

I t

1Z 1a % ~ s d ~; ? flA4 ?

111 414i411 i1 1 .1 t4 ii 1 1 I 1 1 1 $** 1 1 1 1;\ -'411 4$444111 41 1 1i 111 11. 1411 1 1 111.

^^..^..^,.^^.^,. ^^..^,^^ ^..^ ^,^ ^. ^.^..^,.^^

I. I. II I;?t':/I;?t':/

1"T:" 1I:r1t, I"T:" 1I:r1t, I' t t u f t' t t u f t

i:-v&f:-v&ft- -- -

It . It . IMUU

THE CARTEUSACR.-COEUR.Bulletin 9 (10 February 1884): 126. Photo: author.HE CARTEUSACR.-COEUR.Bulletin 9 (10 February 1884): 126. Photo: author.

ISj^4 i I4 I11 --U-~- i*__CjSj^4 i I4 I11 --U-~- i*__Cj

c'rnrbllplr4ila.,rrr**;ir*l?rrrr;w::*;sx'i:-"'-"""'; nr,-*)r:\? mp,:n?n*J***c'rnrbllplr4ila.,rrr**;ir*l?rrrr;w::*;sx'i:-"'-"""'; nr,-*)r:\? mp,:n?n*J***

tII

I l ll l I I IfIf tX44 I I I IfIIfI

ILL I I,I' :I' :11-1-


18/22


domes-hardly the conventional lines la Franceprofonde might like tosee and support with hard-earned centimes. The Sacre-Coeurwas alsoshorter than the Pantheon. But the caption reminded the reader that"the soil on which our sanctuary reposes is at the level of the top of thePantheon's dome."37In other words, the Sacre-Coeur begins where thePantheon ends. This remark suggests how much the project's sponsorssaw their national shrine, the Sacre-Coeur, as standing in a competi-tive relationship to the aims embodied by the Pantheon, the nationaltemple in the cult of republican spirituality.38An equally effective technique was to show the Sacre-Coeurchurch in outline as a kind of vessel. As construction went forward andas donations came in, the artists could show the Sacre-Coeur "fillingup." This image, much more than annual reports of donations, gavecontributors a clear sense of how much church their money hadbought, and how much remained to be redeemed. This kind of directand concrete contact with the Oeuvre was enormously helpful to itssupporters. So was the technique of allowing contributors, individuallyor collectively, to "buy" pieces of the church, which the contributors

could have personalized. Their connection with the Sacre-Coeurand itsmessage was thus rendered concrete. Each donor contributed in a tan-gible way to the work of atonement.Portions of the church available for "purchase" included pillars,decorative columns, and simple stones. Each had its price, and eachafforded varying degrees of prominence to the name of the donor. Thepersonalization of a small decorative column required a donation ofanywhere between one thousand and five thousand francs. Load-bear-ing pillars started at five thousand and could cost as much as onehundred thousand francs, especially if they were to display an inscrip-tion or coat of arms. Fordonors of more modest means there was also thepossibility of purchasing a stone which might bear one's initials. Herethe price ranged from threehundred to five hundred francs,according tothe placement of the stone and the visibility of the donor's initials orcoat of arms. For those whose wishes could not be expressed by a simplemotto, the committee would see to it that a prayer or intention was in-scribed on a small parchment scroll. After workers lowered the stone

37Bulletin 12 (10 Apr. 1887):245.38 On the Pantheon as a temple in the tradition of republican spirituality, see Mona Ozouf,"Le Pantheon: L'Ecole normale des morts," in Les Lieux de memoire, ed. Pierre Nora, vol. 1,LaRepublique (Paris, 1984), 1:139-66. On the competitive juxtaposition of the Pantheon and theSacre-Coeur, see Emmet Kennedy, A Cultural History of the French Revolution (New Haven,1989), 392.

domes-hardly the conventional lines la Franceprofonde might like tosee and support with hard-earned centimes. The Sacre-Coeurwas alsoshorter than the Pantheon. But the caption reminded the reader that"the soil on which our sanctuary reposes is at the level of the top of thePantheon's dome."37In other words, the Sacre-Coeur begins where thePantheon ends. This remark suggests how much the project's sponsorssaw their national shrine, the Sacre-Coeur, as standing in a competi-tive relationship to the aims embodied by the Pantheon, the nationaltemple in the cult of republican spirituality.38An equally effective technique was to show the Sacre-Coeurchurch in outline as a kind of vessel. As construction went forward andas donations came in, the artists could show the Sacre-Coeur "fillingup." This image, much more than annual reports of donations, gavecontributors a clear sense of how much church their money hadbought, and how much remained to be redeemed. This kind of directand concrete contact with the Oeuvre was enormously helpful to itssupporters. So was the technique of allowing contributors, individuallyor collectively, to "buy" pieces of the church, which the contributors

could have personalized. Their connection with the Sacre-Coeurand itsmessage was thus rendered concrete. Each donor contributed in a tan-gible way to the work of atonement.Portions of the church available for "purchase" included pillars,decorative columns, and simple stones. Each had its price, and eachafforded varying degrees of prominence to the name of the donor. Thepersonalization of a small decorative column required a donation ofanywhere between one thousand and five thousand francs. Load-bear-ing pillars started at five thousand and could cost as much as onehundred thousand francs, especially if they were to display an inscrip-tion or coat of arms. Fordonors of more modest means there was also thepossibility of purchasing a stone which might bear one's initials. Herethe price ranged from threehundred to five hundred francs,according tothe placement of the stone and the visibility of the donor's initials orcoat of arms. For those whose wishes could not be expressed by a simplemotto, the committee would see to it that a prayer or intention was in-scribed on a small parchment scroll. After workers lowered the stone

37Bulletin 12 (10 Apr. 1887):245.38 On the Pantheon as a temple in the tradition of republican spirituality, see Mona Ozouf,"Le Pantheon: L'Ecole normale des morts," in Les Lieux de memoire, ed. Pierre Nora, vol. 1,LaRepublique (Paris, 1984), 1:139-66. On the competitive juxtaposition of the Pantheon and theSacre-Coeur, see Emmet Kennedy, A Cultural History of the French Revolution (New Haven,1989), 392.

49898


19/22


THEPANTHEONOMPAREDOTHESACRT-COEUR.ulletin 12 (10 April 1887):245. Photo: author.HEPANTHEONOMPAREDOTHESACRT-COEUR.ulletin 12 (10 April 1887):245. Photo: author.into place, they would place the scroll, bearing the donor's wishes andsentiments, in a niche cut into the top of the stone. Mortar and the nextrow of stones sealed the scroll in place in perpetuity.39Donors had thesatisfaction of knowing that their prayerful intentions had been placedwithin the Sacre-Coeur-a prayer within a prayer.Constructing a Durable Vision of Moral OrderThe basilica of Sacre-Coeur expressed a spirit that blended fear, hope,and contrition. It represents in stone, glass, silver, paint, and mosaic amoment in the history of France when many French Catholics, andmuch of Catholic officialdom, tried to understand their nation's pastand its future in providential terms. Reading the Sacre-Coeur in thisway helps us to understand how the Catholic perception of France'splace in the nineteenth century was so decidedly different from that ofthe Republicans, who, for their part, saw the nineteenth century as anongoing struggle of equally mythical proportions to institutionalize

39Seethe Guideofficiel,80-81and Bulletin9 (10Feb.1884):126.A stone notvisiblefrom theexterior or interior of the church was called a taille cachee. This is what a person completing a cartedu Sacre-Coeur could expect.

into place, they would place the scroll, bearing the donor's wishes andsentiments, in a niche cut into the top of the stone. Mortar and the nextrow of stones sealed the scroll in place in perpetuity.39Donors had thesatisfaction of knowing that their prayerful intentions had been placedwithin the Sacre-Coeur-a prayer within a prayer.Constructing a Durable Vision of Moral OrderThe basilica of Sacre-Coeur expressed a spirit that blended fear, hope,and contrition. It represents in stone, glass, silver, paint, and mosaic amoment in the history of France when many French Catholics, andmuch of Catholic officialdom, tried to understand their nation's pastand its future in providential terms. Reading the Sacre-Coeur in thisway helps us to understand how the Catholic perception of France'splace in the nineteenth century was so decidedly different from that ofthe Republicans, who, for their part, saw the nineteenth century as anongoing struggle of equally mythical proportions to institutionalize

39Seethe Guideofficiel,80-81and Bulletin9 (10Feb.1884):126.A stone notvisiblefrom theexterior or interior of the church was called a taille cachee. This is what a person completing a cartedu Sacre-Coeur could expect.

49999


20/22


the ideals of a Revolution perceived not as the moment of rupture but asthe moment of national regeneration.The Sacre-Coeur also helps to explain why some Catholics hadsuch difficulty adapting to the spirit of the Republic. As the history ofthe Sacre-Coeur shows, Catholics of the Oeuvre consistently under-stood the affairs of France in terms that were collective and religiousrather than individual and secular. If France no longer represented theapex of power and influence, if France had declined in stature, it wasnot because of bad policy, nor because other nations were now cominginto their own and France could no longer expect to shape its worldsinglehandedly, nor because France was learning painfully that it musttake its place alongside other great powers in a multilateral world;rather, it was because a chosen people, the nation as a whole, had failedto make good on its covenant, had lost the advantage among nations ofdivine favor, and was now suffering the consequences of divine anger.And if there were a remedy that would lead to national renewal, itwould have to be a collective remedy, expressed through the cult of theSacred Heart. In this sense, politics could never be a purely individualand secular matter. In fact, politics, in part, consisted of the spiritualwork of converting the critics of the Oeuvre to a new understanding ofFrance and its past.40In this sense the basilica was part of an extendedmeditation on the moral sources of decadence and decline as well as anenergetic, even aggressive, response to reflections on the Revolution inFrance and its implications for the foundations of authority.The church of Sacre-Coeur captured Moral Order's rhetoric ofdecadence, but also its rhetoric of renewal. It encapsulates a moment inthe 1870s when, in a somber and contrite mood following defeat andhumiliation, the nation was drawn to the thought that only massiveand collective moral failure could explain its fall. As Pie put it, moralrenewal was the only possible remedy: "The hour approaches when Je-sus Christ will return . . . to the institutions, the social life, and thepublic life of peoples." The status of France depended on nothing lessthan national atonement, expiation, contrition-in short, the future ofFrance hinged upon the rechristianization of public life. Did the rhe-

40 Catholic officialdom consistently conflated the religious and the political in the presentand in its reconstruction of the past. For example, in 1872, the archbishop of Paris celebrated theoctave of St-Denis in a chapel located at the presumed place of Denis's martyrdomon Montmartre.The ceremony took place on the anniversary of the execution of Marie-Antoinette, 16 Oct. 1793.The chapel's address was 9, rue Marie-Antoinette. In such discreet but unmistakable ways theveneration of martyrs of the church blended with political hagiography. See La Semaine reli-gieuse, 16 Nov. 1872, 572. The name of the street was changed in 1879, that is, after the fall of theGovernment of Moral Order.

the ideals of a Revolution perceived not as the moment of rupture but asthe moment of national regeneration.The Sacre-Coeur also helps to explain why some Catholics hadsuch difficulty adapting to the spirit of the Republic. As the history ofthe Sacre-Coeur shows, Catholics of the Oeuvre consistently under-stood the affairs of France in terms that were collective and religiousrather than individual and secular. If France no longer represented theapex of power and influence, if France had declined in stature, it wasnot because of bad policy, nor because other nations were now cominginto their own and France could no longer expect to shape its worldsinglehandedly, nor because France was learning painfully that it musttake its place alongside other great powers in a multilateral world;rather, it was because a chosen people, the nation as a whole, had failedto make good on its covenant, had lost the advantage among nations ofdivine favor, and was now suffering the consequences of divine anger.And if there were a remedy that would lead to national renewal, itwould have to be a collective remedy, expressed through the cult of theSacred Heart. In this sense, politics could never be a purely individualand secular matter. In fact, politics, in part, consisted of the spiritualwork of converting the critics of the Oeuvre to a new understanding ofFrance and its past.40In this sense the basilica was part of an extendedmeditation on the moral sources of decadence and decline as well as anenergetic, even aggressive, response to reflections on the Revolution inFrance and its implications for the foundations of authority.The church of Sacre-Coeur captured Moral Order's rhetoric ofdecadence, but also its rhetoric of renewal. It encapsulates a moment inthe 1870s when, in a somber and contrite mood following defeat andhumiliation, the nation was drawn to the thought that only massiveand collective moral failure could explain its fall. As Pie put it, moralrenewal was the only possible remedy: "The hour approaches when Je-sus Christ will return . . . to the institutions, the social life, and thepublic life of peoples." The status of France depended on nothing lessthan national atonement, expiation, contrition-in short, the future ofFrance hinged upon the rechristianization of public life. Did the rhe-

40 Catholic officialdom consistently conflated the religious and the political in the presentand in its reconstruction of the past. For example, in 1872, the archbishop of Paris celebrated theoctave of St-Denis in a chapel located at the presumed place of Denis's martyrdomon Montmartre.The ceremony took place on the anniversary of the execution of Marie-Antoinette, 16 Oct. 1793.The chapel's address was 9, rue Marie-Antoinette. In such discreet but unmistakable ways theveneration of martyrs of the church blended with political hagiography. See La Semaine reli-gieuse, 16 Nov. 1872, 572. The name of the street was changed in 1879, that is, after the fall of theGovernment of Moral Order.

50000


21/22


toric that defined France as a chosen nation, in turn defined by itsChristian mission, express a wish to return to confessional definitionsof nation and citizen that antedated 1791? The implicit rejection ofJewish membership in the nation, when juxtaposed with the rhetoric ofcovenant modeled after that of the Jews of antiquity, amounts to a tell-ing and deeply troubling formulation of Catholic self-recrimination.This language paradoxically both defines and identifies with the"other."The crisis of seize mai 1877announced not only the failure of legiti-mism but also the closure of the cultural conjuncture opened by the de-feat of 1870-71, a conjuncture favorable to speculation on the spiritualfoundations of national life. The failure of the project of Moral Or

Date post:	03-Jun-2018
Category:	Documents
Upload:	francois-g-richard
View:	221 times
Download:	0 times

Jonas, Monument as Ex-Voto (1993)

Documents