Lester(1980) Newsworthiness

7/28/2019 Lester(1980) Newsworthiness

1/12

GENER ATING NEWS W ORTHINESS: TH E INTERPRETIVECONSTRUCTION OF PUBLIC EVEN TS*M AR ILYN LES TERUniversity of N evada

American Sociolt^cal Review 1980, Vol. 45 (De(xmber):%4-994Everyday life is not organized a priori as discrete public events which can be simply mirrored bynewsworlwrs. It does not differentiate itself into newsworthy events for reporting andpublication. New s is a product of reality-making u;tivUies and not simi^y reality-describingones . A critical sociolc^cal task is to examine n ewsw orkers' transformations ofth e everydaywiMrld into published or broadcasted events^as-stories (Molotch and L es t^ , 1974; Tuchman,1972; 1973a; 1973b; 1976; Glascow University News Group, 1972; Cohen, 1972; Cohen andYoung, 1973). Tiiis paper details one core aspect of this process, the routines newswcH-kers useto identify and display the newsworthy character of occurrences and events.' Hratorically,newsworthiness has been viewed as a property of events in an extemal social order. Relying onprimary and secondary data collected in several news organizations, an altemativeconcep tualization, consisten t with basic tenets of ethnomethodoli^y, is provided in thisHere, newsworthiness is an actively generated feature of events.

CASE MATERIALSThe principal data for this project werecollected in 1972 while I was a participantobserver at a large national and interna-tional newspaper, referred to as "The In-terpreter." Its owner is an intemationalorganization, referred to as "Organiza-tion," which is based in a major met-ropolitan area.The major components of The In-terpreter are American News and Inter-national News. Each has an Editor and

support staff in the newsroom while sub-ordinate Bureau Chiefs and reporters areg>graphically dispersed throughout theworld. The local news bureau, here called"Regional Bureau," is officially part ofAmerican News.^ In conjunction with* Direct all correspondence to: Marilyn Les ter;Department of Sociology; University of Nevada;4505 Maryland Parkway; Las Vegas. Nevada 89154.The Russell Sage Foundation assisted in the sup-port of ttiis project and obtained my entry into a

great stipulations, I was assigned to Rgional Bureau as an intern reporter. Apfrom the practicality of focusing data clect ion there, i t was observationalstrategic in that it was the only burewith a full complement of stafT in tnewsroom. Additional sources of data The Interpreter included: the AmericNews desk where I spent two weeks; ous ide the newsroom, t racking camecrews and both City Hall and Suburreporters on their work routines; the Ciin generalcovering stories, conversiwith news sources and newsworkers froother media; and attending official meeings of the whole Organization staff.

While there was variation in the type materials collected at The Interpreter,single case is insufHcient for developidurable theory and specifying the condtions under which various features ofprocess occur and/or assume differeforms (Glaser and Strauss, 1967; Bigus al., 1978). Therefore, in the summer


2/12

GENERATING NEWSWORTHINESS 98the University News Bureau, an "alter-native" weekly paper, two AM r^io sta-tions, one FM radio station, and a localtelevision station.A third source of data is used: othersociologists ' ethnographic descriptionsand analyses of newswork routines, par-ticularly the work of Tuchman (1972;1973a; 1973b; 1974; 1976).

TRADITIONS IN THE STUDY OFNEWSWORTHINESS

Newsworkers view their work in termsof selecting the most important events,^id portraying those in an interesting andinformative way. Journalists' conceptionsare paralleled by the dominant sociologi-cal perspectivegatekeeping (cf. White,1950; G ieb e r , 1 9 56 ; C a r t e r , 1 95 9;Schram m, 1960; Buckalew, 1974; Ha rless,1974; Janowitz, 1975; Whitiow, 1977)3which suggests that events are suc-cessively filtered through a set of newsgates . Official and unofficial (but ,nonetheless, literal) values, norms, andrules constitute a template against whichevents sui generis and stories portrayingthose events are measured for their news-worthy char^ter. A number of scholars(Halloran e t al ., 1970; Glasgow UniversityNews Group, 1972; Cohen and Young,1973; Gaining , 1973; HaU, 1973a; 1973b;PhUlips, 1973; Young, 1973) have mod-ified this perspective by showing thatpolitical ideologies and historical circum-stances form an inferential structure forselecting and interpreting events.

However, in both i ts l imited andbroader forms, gatekeeping is a substan-tive application of a paradigm which viewssocial action as primarily deriving fromactors' orientation to, intemalization of,and enactm ent of values, norms, and rules

more than merely sensitizingthat is, tbe empirically accurate and logically adequate, the "news gates" must be clearlidentifiable and available for literal description in the career of an evenMoreover, their meaning and applicabilitwould have to be specifiable prior to usas a template for gauging newsworthness."*If these conditions are not met, a corvariable other than gatekeeping is required to explain the process by whicjoumalists identify the newsworthy character of occurrences, events, and storieMy research points to the availability osuch an a ltem ative: an ethnomethodologcal perspective on the process of identifying and displaying newsworthineswhich I term "generating newsworthness . "

GENERATING NEWSWORTHINESSTalk about newsworthiness is a commonplace newsroom activi ty. Fromnewsworkers' and gatekeeping theoristsstandpoints, such talk merely reports oor reflects social reality.H o w ev e r , w h en th e t a lk - w o r ldichotomy is analytically suspended, aaltemative perspective is made availablto the sociologist.' Accounts of newsworthiness do not present reality; rather

they forge it. They are one crucial set oprac t ices fo r managing newsworroutines.Articulating particular occurrencesevents, and stories with accounts onewsworthiness is not a literal applicatioof a priori rules or news norms to specifis i tua t ions . Whatever the inherenstructures of occurrences might be, whathey will have come to as newsworthyevents are socially and situationally organized. Generating newsworthiness is


3/12

986 AMERICAN SOaOLOGICAL REVIEW(2) accounts of ocCTiirences, events, andstories elaborate the mean ii^ of accountsof newsworthiness; and (3) the precedingitems (1) and (2) are used to displaynewsworkers' professional and ration^methods for doing their work.Generating newsworthiness is ^waysgrounded in some jmrticular news project.So, as practical projects change, so do theform, content, meaning, and practicalconsequences of accounts of newsworthi-ness. Moreover, when newsworkers gen-erate competing accounts of newsworthi-ness, they are not, in fact, constructingcompeting accounts ofthe selfsame socialobject. The following excerpt from fieldnotes (Lester, 1974) at The Interpreter isone example:

(1) In the first week of my research, I wasasked to cover a protest against the VietnamWar staged by school teachers at the site oflocal war industries. The story was writtenas an "intetpretive" article where the par-ticular occurrence illustrated a basic changefrom a student-centered national movementto loc^-centered protest by nonstudents.When the story was completed and scannedby the Editor, herein called "Rex," he tookme and my story to the People Reporter (anews "beat" within Regional Bureau) whousually does most of the "protest report-ing ." She said The Interpreter had done sev-eral pieces on the war. W hat I should do , shesaid, was focus on the question, "What isbusiness's response to war protestors?"Then she said there already were articleswhich reported change in the protestmovementits decline. I claimed we weretalking about two different kinds of change.Rex told her that material about businessbelonged in a separate a rticle, that this storydeals with the meaning attach^ to the pro-test by the protestors themselves.Rex's initial project, informing thePeople Reporter about a story he per-

ceived to lie in her area, faded whenseemingly incompatible accounts ofnewsworthiness were employed. In so

protests, transformation in protest forthe subjective meaning of protest).Organizational Variation in GeneratiNew s worthiness

Accounts of newsworthiness constita dominant focus for newsroom intertion and are central to an explanation newswork routines at The InterpretYet, they are not detailed in other search on newsmaking processes. Insteof simply assuming oversight by o therscompared o thers ' e thnographic dscriptions of research sites and publishreports with my own data to discem torganizational features and/or newworker orientations which might constute conditions under which generatinewsworthiness is a central newsrooroutine.

I found two pattems in the relationshbetween organizational features surounding newswork and the general win which generating newsworthiness ocurs, displayed in Tables 1 and 2.At issue in this comparison is nwhether generating newsworthiness ocurs but where it occurs as a routine teractional focusthat is, "on the bevs. "in the newsroom." For personnworking in media organizations orientto break occurrences, accounts of newworthiness are constructed routineamong those sharing a beat and in tnewsroom only where particular casestypified as problematic. At other timwith an orientation to "quickening uigencworkers identify their paper simply as newspaper," "a paper of record," "wcover important and interesting eventor they categorize occurrences as certatypes of eventsfor example, "hard" s o f t , " " d e v e l o p i n g " n ew s , e t(Tuchman, 1973a). When such categori


4/12

GENERATING NEWSWORTHINESSTable 1. News Media Organized to Cover Breaking Occunences

9Organizational Feature

1. Paper miented to supplying news on tweakingevents (Tuchman, 1973a).

2. A m ^ r i t y of the paper is devoted to metropoli-tan news.Reporters write at least one, often severalstories per day.

Reporters have fixed "beats"e.g.. City Hall,Police. Some ofthese are subdivided into evenmore specific beats.Reporters spend most of their time at the lo-cation of their beats.Reporters from ostensibly competing mediawho share a beat spend both professionaland informal time together.

News Orientation1. PrincipaUy identifies itself as supplier of mropolitan news.What counts as news is not made routin

prtrfjlemtip2. Reporters spend relatively little time on estory."Quickening urgence" is the orientationnewswork (Tuchman, 1973a).Occurrences are typified on the basis of need to manage the flow of work, in pticular, to man^e occurrences that "specifically unforeseen." Newsworktypify and distinguish "hard new"spot news," "soft news," "continun ew s , " and "developing news."3. The beat location is the primary site generating accounts of newsworthiness.Accounts of newsworthiness are routineproduced as an interorganizationactivity i.e., among those sharing a beIn the newsroom, generatii^ newsworthineM c u n when a particular case is typified problematic.

are assume d to have shared m eaning, theyare constantly available as a general glossof newsworthiness to manage the flow ofwork. However, Garfmkel (1967), Zim-merman (1970a; 1970b), Cicourel (1974),Wieder (1974), and Hadden and Lester(1979) have shown that people in theworld of daily life (including reporters andeditors) perform cognitive and interac-tional work to sustain and display thesense, " I know what that (for exa mple, anidentification of newsworthiness) means"so that a specifically vague account isal lowed to s tand without notice orbre^:hing while other practical projectsare undertaken (for example, working onthe beat, generating newsworthiness withreporters sharing a beat).The orientation to quickening urgence isnot the organizational basis for Interpreter

worthiness are replaced by the interactional production and display of newsworthiness at multiple points in news production. Instead of hard vs. soft newsetc. , the issues related to identifyinn e w s w o r t h y a n d n o n n e w s w o r t hoccurrences-as-events and stories are othe sort: "What, in general, should we blooking at?" "Is it newsworthy?" "Whakind of coverage should be given?" and"How can we make this story differenfrom other medias' accounts and meaningful to the reader?"One indicator of this variation is thaseveral staff moving to The Interpreterfrom metropolitan media encountered difficulty in changing their work routineswith regard to the specific organizationafeatures described. A second source ofverification of the different loci for


5/12

988 A M E R IC A N S O a O L O G I C A L R E V IE WTable 2. The Interpreter: An Examine of a Mtdôcused News Media

Otvuiizatxmal1. Ivories on têdd ng o cc iine nc es typicatty aiqiearat least one day latra* thui in newnpapers organ-ized to covR- iHcaking events.

2. A maximum of two pages of the Regionaltkm ot tbe paîcr is devoted to rîon^ news,most


6/12

GENERATING NEWSWORTHINESS 9rates the meaning of the orgEuiization asfonxuilated.On other occasions the connection be-tween framing the organization and thevery practice routines for puttii^ out thepaper are mcH-e opaque. Accounts of or-ganization often serve as a reminder toone's self about the status and meaning ofotherwise "seen but unnoticed" news-woric practices. Only upon such a reflec-tive glance, entailing a shift of attentionfrom tbe imm ediate practical task at hand,are social actions (for example, newsworkstrattilies; either meaningful or discern-ible as a series of discrete activities (cf.Schutz, 1%2). The next fllustration (Les-ter, 1974) com es from the alternativenewspaper in a midwestem city. In thiscase, a con cept of organization in terms ofintended readers is used to "m ake sens e"of particular newswork strategies:

(III) "W e appeal to people in and around theUtiiversity rather than to the generaltownspeople or to just students exclusively.. . . We appeal to students who aren 't into allthe cunpus activities. . . . The main thingthat we do that is different is that we spendmore time researchitig topics and more hourswith the people we're writing about. Mostpapers don't have the time to get the realfacts. . . . We usually do more than inter-view and try to follow a scene all the waythrough to find out what's actually happen-ing."Finally, framing the organization mayoccur outside any specific newswork situ-ation and function to identify or formulatethe organization per se. The illustration(IV), following, comes from field notes(Lester, 1972) taken at a formal m eeting ofall Organization workers (that is. In -terpreter and all other Organization per-sonnel).(IV) The Editor of The Interpreter spoke

He said the syndication activity is a "msion mandated by [the Founder of Oi^ization] by virtue that B'ounder] said. . Three distinct concepts of organizatiare provided: having a healing effeleading the last two phases of Journalisand syndication being an organizationmission. Each account offers a schemeinterpretation for understanding oneveryday activities and each elaborathe meanii^ of the others.One additional feature of this form generating newsworthiness is also fquently present, either explicitly implicitlysubjective evaluation of torganization. The illustrations abocould imply that framing the organizaticonsists solely in accounts which profthe ""good sense of what we do ." Thonot occurring frequently in the data, thecan, of course, be negative organizationaccounts which have the same formstructure and practical consequences other accounts, varying only in contenFraming News Norms

Framing news norms is the situatidentification and display of news criterAccounts of news norms are niles-in-usThey inform the organization of, and gimeaning to, the situation at hand (fexample, producing stories at some poior providing for the competent charactof a particular newswork strategy, etcAt the same time, the situation as atended to elaborates the news norm. Aexcerpt from field notes (Lester, 197taken at The Interpreter illustrates:

(V) The Clerk for Regional Bureau typicalassembles one part ofthe Regional Pagesrelatively large "box"' containing booriginal short articles and rewritten wire sevice material. While doing this one afte


7/12

990 AM ERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL R EV IEWtive. WhQ in doubt, you throw it to theEd itor." Wh0e Rex wei^ back to bis work,the Clerk's conversaticm contiaued: "Ithrow the m^ority cnit. Certain times whenVm not sure, I save it and show it to theEditor."

In excerpt (V), the Clerk fiames a newsnonn for doing one part of the local sec-tion u3:30 on a Monday afternoon. A small boxwas written by 4 p.m. The next day therappeared 'interpretive stories.' "First, a general news norm is offeredThen, Rex details the reasonableness othe norm: structural contingencies inhibi

timely coverage of breaking events. Generally, the data suggest accounts ostructural contingencies to be a commontype of "reason" offered for a news normalong with accounts of events in whichVEdues and persona! tastes are imputed toboth consumers and news organization(in excerpt III, quoted earlier). It may appear that these reasons are merely justifying statements as described by Mills(1940) and Scott and Lyman (1968). While


8/12

GENERATING NEWSWORTHINESS

organizing and giving meaning to news-work strategies as well as to occurrences,events, and stories.

991justify news norm s, they are events-for-reporting. Rather this processso important for newsworkers ' identifies se nt ia l ly p ro v id es em be dd ed in-lay of the essen tial mean- stnictions (see Wieder, 1974) for socially^ and practical uses of the news norm , organizing and giving meaning to news-

As an empirically and logicaUy relatedtter, if the " sa in c " occurrence is de- g e organizationthrou gh different news no rm s, andframingnews norms is the situated con-ltiple pub lic even ts are thereby made struction and use of schemes of interpre-Fo r exam ple . Rex did not frame tation for m ^iaging newswork. Comple-- "n eg ativi sm " in the assassination at menting that focus, framing stories in-

The focus of framing the organizationd fri

t on M r. Wallace in case (VI) abov e, volves the use of accounts of newsworthi-ness to render particular occurrences aspublic events. As such, this form of theprocess has a thoroughly practical orien-tation.Framing stories includes accounts(VII) He said, ''[The Interpreter] doesn'tcover negative things." I raised the point ofthe assassination attempt on Mr. Wallace.He said, "Yes, that got covered, but/n thecontext of gun control'" (emphasis

stioned the Clerk (who had been pres- which assemble the overall newsworthyon in [VI] above:) character of particular occurrences. Or anewsworker may show how an occur-rence is not a newsworthy event and willnot result in a good story. These types ofaccounts are illustrated in excerpts (VIII)and (IX) (Lester, 1972):

(VIII) The Clerk for Regional Bureau hadbeen assigned to write a "wrap up" (sum-mary) of college commencement exercises.He looked up at R ex and tne at one point andinitiated a conversation:Clerk: Commencements are so boring.Rex: Maybe work out a " b o x ," whatspeakers are saying.Clerk: I don't think there's any commonthing as far as I can see.

At this point, the Clerk totally reframes

Framing news norms has analytic con-uenc es, as well as practical effects, for (IX) The Suburbs Reporter came over toRex's desk: "I don't think I have a storyhere. The City always rejects bonds for newschools ."Without knowing "the facts," Rexidentified commencement exercises as

d, secon d, that rule application be fun- one coherent event-for-reporting in (VIII)entally independent of the situations above. With an alternative account of


9/12

992 AMERICAN SOaOtOGICAL REVIEWsence of a newsworthy story. However,when an account of some occurrenceproffers too mach ty^ncaiity, it becomesncmnews. This occurs in excerpt (IX)w*ere the rejection of a school bond ini-tiative is seen as "just" an instanceof a type which "everyone alreadyknows" (see Schutz, 1962:3-34).Framing stories is not a literal descrip-tion of occurrences. Rather, it is an in-terpretive device for actually assemblingthe essence of the occurrence, as well ^the written depictions thereof, as the nexttwo excerpts (Lester, 1972) show.

(X> Rex and a repoiter had been talkingabout a state official vetoing a City rede-velopnieat project. TTw reporter had talkedabout his i^an to cover "bo th side s" (that is.State vs. City). Rex responded:Rex: I 'm concerned wi th the wholephilosophy of urban renewal, that whatwe're doing is leasing large parts of the cityto large financiers.Reporter: Urtian renewal is concerned withrebuilding the City. . . . This is the bestModel Cities Prt^ram in the country. M aybeon a natkmal level it should be looked at.Rex: When are you going to do it?(XI) Duritig a Regional Bureau staff meetingseveral topics had been discussed. Then,Rex said he had two series he wanted done.One involved a five-part series on urban re-newal. He said that [City] could be used ascase-in-point and he expected AmericanNews to pick up the stories and carry themas well. He assigned various reporters to thefive parts. (The discussion of the secondseries then cotninenced in a similar form, notshown here.)

In (X), the reporter begins by treating theSta te's rejection of a renewal project as asingular event. Rex then reframes theevent: treat "th is cas e" as part of a broadpublic issue ("I'm concerned with thewhole ph i losophy of u rban re -newal. . . ."). The reporter offers an al-ternative account: City redevelopment issound, but it may be a problem on a na-tional level. Since the Editor did not deny

five m i ^ r aspects to be covered. FmtUatin^ a series is a particular inteiptive method by which otherwise discrevents (which could be reported as suare transformed into a gestait." Howevthis particular account of newsworthinis no m


10/12

GE NE R AT I NG NEWSWORTHINESSder stuid ing of a crucial part of the news

e newsw orthy events and stories. The

Importance and interest are not en-

of ne w sw ork . Ref iex ive ly ,

m petent. Finally, it

R E F E R E N C E S_ s, Odis, Stuart C Hadden, and Barney Glaser1978 "T he study of basic social pr oc es se s." InR. Sm ith and P. Manning (eds.). The Hand-

book of Social Science Metfiods: Qualita-tive Methods. New York: Irving.1965 "T h e concep t of org aniz ation ." Social Re-search 32:239-58.1967 "T h e police on Skid R ow ." AmericanSociological Review 32:699-715.1974 "The radio news gatekeeper and hissources." Journalism (Quarterly 51:602-6.1959 "N ew spa pe r gatekeepers and the sources

99Fishman, Marie

1978 "C rim e wave s as ideo logy ." Social Prolems 25:531-43.G^tung, Johan, and Mari Ruge1973 "Structuring and selecting news." P62-72 in Stanley Cohen and Jock You(eds.), The Manufacture of News. BeverHills: S a ^ . Garfinkel, Harold

1967 Studies in Eth non wth odo k^y. EnglewoCliffs: ftentice-Hall.Gieber, Walter1956 "A cr os s the desk: a study of 16 telegrapedi tors ." Journalism Quarterly 33:423-32Glasgow University News Group1972 Bad Ne ws . London: Roatledge and KegPaul.Glaser, Barney, and Anselm Strauss1967 The Discovery of Grounded TheorChicago: Aldine.Hadden, Stuart C, Mid Marilyn Lester1976 "L oo kin g at socie ty's troubles: the socioogy of social problems." Pp. 4-31 in DZimmerm an and D . Wieder, UnderstandinSocial ftoblems. New York: ftaeger.

1979 "Talking identity: people's practices foproducing 'self in interaction." HumaStudies.Hall, Stuart1973a "A world at one with itself." Pp. 85 -94 iStanley Cohen and Jock Y ou i^ (eds.). ThManufacture of News. Beverly H ills: Sage

1973b "T he determination of news photographs.P^. 176.^90 in Stanley Cohen and JockYoung (eds.). The Manufacture of NewsBeveriy Hiiis: S^e.Halloran, James, Phillip Elliot, and Graham Mur-dock1970 Dem onstrations and Comm unication: ACase Study. Middlesex, England: Penguin.Harless, James1974 "M ai! cail: a case study ofa broadcast newsg a t e k e e p e r / ' J o u r n a l i s m Q u a r t e r l y51:87-90.Hughes, Helen(1940) News and the Human Interest Story. New1968 York: Greenwood Press.Janowitz, Morris1975 "Professional models in journalism: the

gatekeeper Md his advocate." JournalismQuarterly 52:618.


11/12

994 AMERICAN SOaOLGGlCAL REVIEWMototch, Harvey, and Marilyn Lester1974 "News as purposive behavior: on thestrategic use of routine events, accidentsand scandals." American Sociological Re-view 39:101-12.BulUps, Damien

1973 "T he ies s and pop festivals: stereotypesof youthful leisure." Pp. 323-33 in StanleyCohen and Jock Young (eds.), The Man-ufacture of Ne ws . Beverly Hills: S ^ e .PoUner, MeWin1970 "O n the foundation of mund ane rea so n."Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Depart-ment of Sociology, University of California,Santa Barbara.1974 "Sociological and comm on sense mo dels ofthe labeling process." Pp. 27-40 in R.Turner (ed .) , Ethnomethodology. NewYork: Penguin.Schr^nm, Wilbur1960 "T he gatekeeper: a me mo randu m." P p.J75-8 in W. Schramm (ed), Mass (Tom-munication. Urbana: University of IllinoisPress.Schutz, Alfred

1962 Collected Pap ers I: The Problem of SocialReality. Ilie Hague: Martinus Nijhoff.Scott , Marvin, md Stanford Lyman1968 "Accounts." Americati Sociological Re-view 33:46-62.Shibutani, Tamotsu1966 Improvised News. New York: Bobbs-Merrili.Tuchman, Gaye1972 "Ob jectivity as strategic ritual: an exam i-nation of newsmen's notions of objectiv-ity." American Journal of Sociology 77:660-79.1973a "Making news by doing work: routinizingthe unexpected ." American Journal ofSociology 79:110-31 .1973b "The technology of objectivity: doing ob-

jective television news." Urban Life andCulnire 2:3-26.

1974 "Assend^ling a netw(1c talk -sh ow ." P119-35 in G. Tuchman (ed.). The TV Etf^lishmeot. Engjewood Cliffs: PrentiHall .1976 "Telling sto rie s." Journal of Communition 24:93-7.White, David1950 "T he 'g atek eep er': a case study in selection of news." Journalism Quarte27:383-90.WhiUow, S. Scott1977 "H ow male and female gatekeepers spond to news stories of women." Jonalism Quarteriy 54:573-7.Wieder, D. Lawrence1974 Language and So ci^ Reality. The HagMouton.Wiison, Thomas P.1970 "C onc ep tions of interaction and forms s o c i o l o g i c a l e x p l a n a t i o n . ' ' A m e r i cSociological Review 35:697-709.Wright, Charles1959 Ma ss Com mu nication: A Sociological Pspect ive. New York: Random House.Young, Jock1973 "T he m yth of the drug taker in the mmedia." 1^. 314-22 in Stanley Cohen aJock Young (eds.). The Manufacture

News, Beverly Hills: Sage.Zimmerman, Don!970a Record kee ping and the intake proc ess ipublic welfare agency." Pp. 319-54 in Wheeler (ed.) On Record. New Y ork: BaBooks.1970b "The practicalities of rule use." Pp. 221-in J. Douglas (ed.). Understanding Eveday Life. Chicago: Aldine.

Zimmerman, Don, and Melvin Poliner1970 "T he everyday world as a phe nom enoPp. 80-104 in J. Douglas (ed.), Undstimding Everyday Life. Chicago: Aldin


12/12

Date post:	03-Apr-2018
Category:	Documents
Upload:	ojovelador
View:	230 times
Download:	0 times

Lester(1980) Newsworthiness

Documents