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THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY

Tradition Modernity and Urban Development l

edited by

Vasser Elsheshtawy

I~ ~~o~H:n~~:up LONDON AND NEW YORl(

Chapter 8

Manama: The Metamorphosis of an Arab Gulf City Mustapha Ben Hamouche

Bahrain is an archipelago of[hmy-sL'( isbnd~ surrounding a mlin island protruding from (he Arabian land mass into the Arab/Persian Gulf. The total land area of all (he islands is about 700 km2 of which the main island accounts for 90 per cent. Manama, the clpical. is locared close on rhe northem coast of the main island. overlooking [he Gulf

Despice the region's gener.llly harsh climate, in the northern part of the island there is evidence ofhuman se[t1ement dating back to the Bronze Age. More [han 100,000 burial mounds. some 5,000 years old, have been found in the north and centre of the island but, unlike elrly settlementS III Mesopotamia, there is little sign of intense urbanization.

Before the evolution of the present ru:in cHies of Manama and Muharr;;q in around 1783, the island's mhabitantS were spread amongst some fifty small setdements,l mostly villages and hamitcs, located both along the coasc and in the interior of the island (Larsen, 1983; Khuri, 1980) . Until oil was discovered. the economy depended mainly on the reasonable feniliry of[he land and rhe rich coral which enabled fishing and pearling to Aourish.

This chapter is chronological so as co present [he successive development stages of Mamma ofwhich three may be identified:

1. Autonomous urbanism, in which the cicy wa.s the outcome of nannal and man-made factors.

2. Bureaucratic urbanism, in which the State, through political, administrative and financial powers, became the major actor in the ciry. 3. Global urbanism, in which the nsing mula-national and financial organizations became the major urban player in the ciry.

Each of these stages has a specific urban pntern chat co-exisrs with the others; together they form the present suucrure of rhe cicy. The first, which [Q a large

MANAMA THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN AR4B GULF CfTY 1B5

Figure 8. t. Development of Manama from 1903 to 2006.

v legend

2000 _2002

1990 1970

.1951

"' .1933 . 1903

, f

e>.:tent distinguishes (he old core, is characterized by incremental (orms and fraccal geometry; the second, mostly found in the new extensiom., is characrerized by Cartesian geometry; and (he rhird, which represents the recent rrend of megaprojects, is marked by coarse urban (orms aod monumental architecture (figure 8.1) . The aim of this chapter lS to show how these three stages arc: reAected in the morphology of the present city.

Autonomous Urbanism

Early maps and phoros indlcare that the city of Manama grew by accretion (M675.05: 1828; M675 .1O: 1862; and M67S.30: 1933).2 Despite (he presence ora royal quarter in the city, known as Fareej al-Shuyukh (Abuzld, 1998), the fortress and later the governor 's palaces, the city does not appear to have developed in rhe same way as other royal cities of earlier Islamic eras, sLlch as Baghdad during the Abbassid and Cairo during the Farimid periods. Environmentally, Manama's development was inAuenced by the conditioos of site, such as climate, coastal locuion, topography and warer supply. Socially, residential quarters reflected (he different tribes and ethOfc groups who enjoyed a high degree of freedom and autOnomy in theIr internal affairs. 10 (act, the organic development and complex urban fabric of this ciry during the early suge of its development was an inreractlon berween these factors which are described below (figure 8.2) .

The City and Its Setting

AJ though M.anama and Muharnq appear to be twin cities founded simultaneollsly,

186 THE EVOLVING ARAB CI1Y TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

~lAJIjAMAJI PI.Af'II Of" nOn AND T..O'Wff

,/ I

Figure 8.2. Manama In 1933 showing lhe morphology o( the old cicy during (he pre-oil era.

Muharraq (Ook [he lead because of ir.s defensive location and rhus became the capital cicy. Thus Manama developed as a subordinate settlement and a g.Heway to the main island. Its location on [he north-east tip, rogetherwith the Hidd and Abu Maher fonresses, was part of an efficient defensive system conrrolling the marine commercial trade in the ArablPersian Gul( which frequently passed through the Bahrain bay (Walls, 1987, pp. 13-19). The old port, (he place on which the present Bab-al-Bahrain building was erecred, thus seems to be the embryo of rhe city.

Besides chis strategic location, the site shaped [he cicy in various ways which are still present in its morphology even today. With the waterfront as the baseline, early growth (ook the shape ofa rough oval which extended incrementally east and west along the coast, and more slowly, southwards In(O [he interior of the island.

Land, Water and Properly System

Besides fishing and pearling, daily life in Manama depended on agriculture and an abundance of surface water res\llting (rom (he geological characteristics of its setting (Larsen, 1983). [[S urban morphology seems therefore to have been shaped by (he gradual dcvelopmem of the irrig.ltion system, land subdivision for agriculrure and the tenancy system. Despite the lack of rain, many springs and shallow wells provided the local communities v.:l(h sufficienr water for drinking and irrig:tcion. The original urban nucleus evolved close (0 these sources such as at fun MubaTJk, Ain Ali, Ain Quful and Ain Muqbil, Ain Muqsim,) or along their screams (M675.05: 1825; M675.16: 1937) (Lorimer, 1908, p. 1161; Al-Araiyadh. 2006).

Two types of irrigation system existed. The first, known in me Gulf and Persia as che fa/ag , consisted of underground channels which worked by gravitation to

IvlAN.AMA: Tl-iE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN AAAB GULF CrTY )87

drain water [rom an upper source co the lower cultivated land. \\!hen describing Manama, Lorimer (1908, p. 1159) commented that a date grove towards the American hospital appeared to be watered by aJalag from a spring in the Manama Fon. However. due to the abundance o( springs, i( seems that surface irrigation. known as seeb, saved local population from the heavy reliance on the more sophisticatedJalog merhod (BGWO, 1916, p. 312; Belgrave, 1960, p. 130; Tailor, 1818; Durand, 187811879, p. 535). This second method consisted of Iifring water from wells in goat skins either by animals or a counterpoise thus irrigating the numerous palm groves. In the absence oC major topographical constraints and the presence ofa smooth slope towards the sea, water channels ran parallel, all leading to che coast and so shaped the fumre srreer network. Streams (rom Ain Muqbil and Umm-Shuoom were a case in point. Similar traces cOllld still be seen on the 1970 map o(Manama (M67S.53: 1970).

The lines in figures 8.3a and b represent warer channels that would have separared agricultural ploes, and so formed the property boundaries which developed inca pathways.< Some of these lines extended as paths connecring the cicy with the remote palm groves to the south and SOUth-east. Ocher paths, which have now become major roads, linked the cicy to the remOte villages along the nonhem coast, such as Jid-Hafs and Budaiyyc. and in the hinterland, slIch as RifTa and Zallag, as shown on the map developed by Lorimer (1908). In other words. Manama, like Other pre-industrial cities, would have been the market to which fanners from remote villages transported rheir crops. It thus grew as an urban centre on which a syscc:m of roads converged (Larsen, 1983, p. 119).

As che main crop was dares, space allowances for planting ofpalm trees, known as IUlreem, S could also have regulated the width of plo(S, lines of properties and the distance becween tv.ro streams. In 1956, a land unit, locally known as rnaghras,

-----.--------.:..-'--~~........----'

Figure 8.la. Dominant lines sbowing the early water canals nmning tOwards the se:l..

188 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADITION, MODERNIn' ANO URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Figure 8.Jb. A lopognphic m~p o( Toubh area, Bahrain, in 1970, showing lhe remaining canals separating lhe I;md properries and running towards lhe sea

measuring 18 x 18 [2 (about 5.5 x 5.5 m2), was used to define the area for cultivating one palm tree (BAR, Vol. VI, 1956, p. 77).

In Search of a M;cro~climate

Srreer layout was determined by the need to provide shade and shelter from [he heat and humidity TlInne.l-like srreets orieored nonh-sollth helped remove the smells ofdried fuh in the bazau, a feature also found in old Kuwait (Broeze, 1997, p 171). The predominantly north-westerly wind of rhe region, known as (he shomol, blew through these streets and so reduced the effects of the long hoc and humid summer. Shade was achieved through naJTOW and winding srreets. In the case ofwider sa-eets and open spaces sllch as the market, shade was provided by cloth and other light fabric, so on a really hot day mey were the coolest places in the town (Belgrave, 1960, p. 444) .

In houses, the use of wind towers, the famous technique to reduce thermal discomfon imponed from Persia, conrinl1ed uncil rhe bte 1960s as old images of Manama show (figure 8.4).6 These, together with the wide use of courtyards within hotlses, enabled domestic activities 0 take place in comparative carn[on. Palaces and wealchy houses, for instance, had several specialized courtyards, such as the reception court, the business court, the kitChen court and the animal court (Broeze, 1997, p. 176) .

Only wealthy merchants and members of the ruling family had houses built in stone. Poor people lived in huts with sloping roofs, whose walls were ofwoven

MANAMA THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CiTY 189

Figure 8.4. The old district of Man,Hll;! during early 19705 shOWl.ng the compact urban fabric ch;\nnn;zmg tbe traditional pre-oll cicy

palm fronds, known locally as baras/i. Barasli were not only low cost, but provided good interior crossventilacion (Belgr:avE, 1960, p. 192; BGWO, 1916, p. 321) . As early maps show (1933), Manama was surrounded by a ring of these dwellings whlch accommodated low-wage labourers and new migrants. In 1959 there were 2,464 barasli out of a total of9,637 houses in Manama. By 1965 the number had decreased to only 1,000, while the [Qui number of houses had increased to 11,909 units (BAR, 1965, p. 122). For the purposes of privacy, each barc1Sli srood within a courryard and was surrounded by fences of upright palm fronds . Gradually, with the increasing living $c.mdards, bue also because of frequent fires, these huts were replaced by stone structures, cemented with mortar. Besides these technical responses, people in very hoc seasons used to move away from the Clty to high lands such as fuli and Riffa or to cooler places such as Adhari lake, and palm groves.

Trade, Fishing and Economic Subsistence

A regional economy based mostly on maritime activlties determined Manama's destiny as a POrt cown and then a port city ; several mutually supportive activlcies - fishing, pearl-diving, shipping, shipbuilding, and trade - reflected this (Broeze, 1997, p. 152; Khuri, 1980, p. 36, Rumaihi, 1976, p. 39).

Pearl fishing was the backbone that made Manama one of the major poles in

190 THE EVOLVI~IG ARAB CIT'{ TRADiTION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

the Persian Gulffor pearls and trading (Dana and Nugent, 1985 pp. 25-40) . fn 1907, there were 917 pcarling boats and employment [or 17,500 men. Bahrain was also famous for its boat bUllding, an indllsuy [hat gave employment co about 200 CMpenters (Belgrave, 1960, p. 44D). In 190}-1904 nearly 130 boaes were purchased by Qatar and Oman. Describmg che pore in the early 1900s, Lorimer (1908, p. 1266) stated that ie was very active, as nearly 100 ships entered and left daily.

Thus Manama had a mercantile tradicion which developed the institucions and commercial experience of its IOGlI populacion. Insrirutions, such as Majlis al Urfi (Customs Council) or Majlis al-Ttjarah (Trade Council), which were established to settle dIsputes among merchants, reflect this.

The relatlonship with the sea and marine accivities has thus sITongly influenced Manama's lIfban structure, and does much to explain (he city's form. Early maps, (or instance, show the strong link becween (he quay extending into the sea and (he bazaar, both ofwhich are located on the same axis. Besides the linear development of the city along the coast, its north-south streets are directed perpendicularly to the coastline.

The bazaar or 50Uq contamed about 450 shops, a central open area and a closed markec for valuable goods, called Qissariya (Lorimer, 1908, p. 1162; BGWO. 1916. p.320).

Manama's economic growth, as shown by che records of ruler's taXes on revenues (rom pearl trade and the number ofboatS (rom (he late nineteenth century onwards (Rumaihi. 1976. pp. 44-45), was reflected in continuous expmsion along ehe coast, which reached the villages of Ras-Rllmman and Naeemon on either side of the city. In 1905, its oval fonn extended 25 km along the coast and reached 300 m inland. Maps ofHemming (M675.1O: 1901-1902) and Lorimer (M675 .18: 190+-1905) are very informative in this respect. To the south and beyond che sandy belt, on which the present cemereries are located. land was predominantly used (or palm grove cultivation. A network o( (ootpaths crossed these groves to link the city (Q other coastal villages and water sources, such a.~ Juffair, Halat Bin-Anas, AJ-Saqiyah, AI Gharayfa, AJ Adliyya, Al-Mahuz, AI-Jufair, Umm-al-Hasam on east, and AI-QUflll, AJ-Zinj, and Al-Salihiyah on soum, all now part of today's city (Khari, 1980. pp. 250-251).

Agriculture was another important economic sector for the local population. Historical sources provide the distriburion pattern o( palm groves and the number of rrees in each settlement. For example, abom 500 date palms belonged to (he town proper and another 800 to che adjacent Naeem village; further to the southeast, Hoara and JutTair had 300 and 2,230 palms, respectively; and to (he west, Jid-Hafs, Bani Jamra and Bi12d Al-Qadim had 16,500, 1,300, and 12,000 palms, respectively (Lorimer 1908, pp. 212-230, 1161; BGWO, 1916, p. 318). Despite the collapse ofagriculture, palm trees continued to shape the landscape ofBahrain until the early 1980s. In 1974, for instance, the government counted 892,000 trees, which represented 47 per cenc ofche total number that formed the green belt along the northern coast (AJ-KhaJifa, 1994).

MANAMA: THEMETAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 191

Social Structure and Spatial Organization

Despite the periodic ravages ofepidemics and diseases, such as cholera and !11.1laria, the population of Manama gn.'W steadily over rime (Faroughy, 1951, p. 20). From 1818 to 1905, the city passed (rom a small village of8,000 people to a sizeable [own of25,000 (failor, 1818, p. 120; Lorimer, 1908, p. t 160). Its role JS J port city with.in the GlIlf region made it a hub for rransnarional communities most ofwhich are now represented to differing eXtents in the social fabric. Connections with other cities and inland localities and the in-migT:Irion of labourers in search of a better living continually shaped Manama's population which was rhus always characterized by cosmopolitanism (Fuccaro, 2005: Onley, 2(05). The absence of a polirical centre coupled with its sponcaneous development :lIang the coast expLai.n Manama's foundanon and development as an accretion o(labOllTers' houses and a market place.7

In terms of religion, the cO-existence o( the two main branches ofIslam. Shia and Sunni, may blur the real social mosaic [hat makes up the city. The Shia are represented by sever.ll distinct groups: the Bahama, (he local people speaking Arabic; the Ajam; the Persians; the Hasawis; and the Qatifs (Belgrave. 1960, p. 102). The Sumu are also made up ofseveral groups. mainly the Arab Bedouin tribes who arrived with the ruhng family in the eighteenth century, and the Hawal:!, the Arabic speaking Persians who 3re mostly merchants and who still keep in rouch with their origlns in Persia. Each of (hese groups comprised large families that had specific features distinguishing (hem (rom the ochers (Khuri, 1980, pp. 4--5). These two branches of Tslam also co-existed in Manama with other non-Muslim entitles such as Oriental Christians, Indians of varioLls sects. and Jews (Lorimer. 1908, p. 1160; Qubaln, 1955). Such a mosaic was further enhanced by the arrival of other communities, inirially as a consequence ofeconomic prosperity, later due to the geopolitical context which characterized the colorLial period (Fuccaro. 2005) .

The physical impact o( this strucrure was evident in the morphology of the ciry which was subdivided into many quarters. locally called foreeq (pI. filfgan) . In 1919. the city comprised fourrc:en quarters: Bada', Barr, Dawarbah, Dawawdah. A1-Fadhel, Hammam, Hacab (Suq-A1), Haiyak, HawalJh, lana'at. Mukharqah, Mishbar, Shuyukh md Abu-Surra (Lorimer, 1915, p. 1161). This Sm1crure seems to have connnued and further developed prior [0 administTJtive reforms and the discovery ofoil in the 1930s (Fuccaro, 2000, p. 67).

The names of the city'S qUarteTS had various origlos. Some, such as Al-Fadhel. Shuyukh and Hawalah. were m.med after (heir residents' ethnicity, others, such as Mukharqa and Haiyak and E-larab, took the name of the cnfts or commercial activities which were camed out there. Often the boundaries of chese quarters overlapped with the main streets, a f.:lct chat motivated some academic studies for their reconstrllction (Fuccaro, 2000, p. 67; Mandeel, 1992, p. 159). However. the mosalC character of Manama's social structure and its developmenr as a CIty of workers have blurred (he boundaries and reduced the degree ofsepara(ion of these quarters.

\92 THE EVOLVING ARAB CIll'- TRADITION, t~ODERN:TY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

As is the case with most other Muslim ci~es, residential quarters enjoyed an autonomous internal life that was reflected in the decentralized socio-political syseem. 8 Such a structure, used as a support for rhe British 'divide-and-mle' policy; has also been adopted in the modem municipal organization. During (he eiecrions of 1945, (he city was subdivided into wards of nearly equal population, for the selecoon of representative members of the Municipal council (BAR, Vol. VII, 1956, p. 80).

A( ehe individual level, freedom to build seems to h.ave shaped the architecture and planningofeach quarter. Houses. through (heif diversity, reAected individuals' actions and an incrementJl process of development which was determined by local customs and the know-how of masons, craftsmen and laymen (Hakim, 1994). Disputes among neighbours and p;nmers were often solved amicably in (he gathering places, in the presence of orher community members9 At the second stage, they were brouglu (0 [he Sheikhs and judges for decision according to Islamic law and local customs. Two supreme judges, one Sunni and one Shia, were nominated for (his purpose, while there were many others of a lower rank in Vlllages and Other localities. When describing (he shife from the m.ditional jurisdiction syseem to a centralized pro-Western one in Manama, Charles Belgravc noted that ' ... disputes (wereJ no longer serried by private arbitration, and the courts [were1resorted (0 on the least provocation' (RB, Vol. 5, 1932-1942. p_ 633). There was a significant increase in the number of court cases involving boundary dIsputes, disagreements over wl(cr nghts, and hOllses overlooking one another (BAR, Vol. I, 1924-1937, p. 364; Belgrave, 1972, p. 76; ]{halifa, 2000, p. 92).

Bureaucratic Urbanism

The original autonomous urbanism was gradually but firmly replaced by a bureaucratic system along with the increasing involvement of the British Imperial administraoon in (he internal affairs of the cicy (Bell-Hamouche, 2004). Before the Protectorace Treaty, which was officially established in 1892, British mterests in BahraIn were mainly commercial and were little concemed with local affairs (Rumaihi, 1976, pp. 9-14; Khuri, 1980, p . 86; Lawson 1989, pp. 27-46). The Strategic location ofBahrain in the Gule coupled with tbe continuous threatS from other colonial superpowers, motivated the British to make the small city a regional capical for Arabia, and a model [or the local socierie5, a fact which significantly influenced its furure urban development (RE, Vol. 4,1923-1932, p. 573) . Manama was (hen considered as a regional port cicy and a residence of the Political Agent from which trade and political affairs in the Gulfwere conducted mgether.

The urban impact of this geopolitical role became evident from 1919 onwards in the gradual and comprehensive administrative re[onns which covered CUStOms, justice, police, and local mam_gement. By this date, the city had come under a municipal authority and 3 years later its bnd renure was subjected to a registrarion system which covered the temtory of Bahrain following (he national land survey

MANAIv1A: THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY , 93

launched in 1934 (BAR, 1934--1935, p. 539; uwson , 1989, p. 42; Fuccaro, 2000, p.57) .

The: bureaucratic system then expanded in all Jspecrs dUring the Bntish presence. Many departments -reflecting this expansion, sllch as Public Works, Agriculture, ElectriCIty, Water Supply and later on Housing and Physical Planning, were insralled (Belgrave, 1960, pp. 42-45)10

Fifty years later, this sophisticated bureaucratic system passed to the Bahraini government when the country gained independence in 1971. Like many developing countries on independence, the inherited adminisrrative structure was maintained. In the case of Bahrain the oil-based economy continued to flourish, thanks to the expanding international oil market, and development, reAecting the m:.rriage of bureaucracy and oil-based economy, continued in rhe same pattern. Politically, Khuri (1980) suggests chat Bahrain witnessed d shift from a tribal system to a modem State rhrough a proce~s of adaptation, while uwson (1989) considers the event as a mere modernization of autocracy. "Vhatever the case, the bureaucratic urban pattern seems to have kept its essence during these major political and economic changes.

Manama under the British Authority

The urban impact of the British colonial authorities on Manama could be summed lip as [he ever-increasing involvement of the public authorities in shaping the city and the simultaneous shrinking of rhe previous autonomous system.

The discovery of oil in 1931 \'\':1,'; a rurning point in the intensity of bureaucracy as a resule of the increase in finanCIal resources on one hand and the collapse of rhe private economic sector, based as it had been on agriculrure and rhe pearl trade, on the other. In the early stages, 1931-1936, oil contributed only moderately co the toral income of Bahrain, representing arollnd 30 per cem of the government income. After 1937, however, it Increased to 6S per cent, and so helped to reinforce the hegemonic policies of the British authom)'.

In conrrast to other forms of colonialism, rhe French in Afnca and SpaOlsh in South America for instance, a magic fonnula was invented by the British authorities in Bahrain and other parts of rhe Empire. As a compromise between full domination, which ensures Imperial interests, and indirect control, which masks the presence of che colonial power, Bahrain was placed under an advisory political system which was then extended co other Gulfcounuies (HJworrh, 1929, p. 502; Rumaihi, 1976, p. 227). Polincal agenlS were continuously concerned with keeping the British presence low profile. On expressing chIS concern, F. Johnson, the Political Resident in the Persian Gulf, noticed a growing British interference in the Bahrain administration that was incongment with the 'policy of avoiding undue westernization ofBahralO'. Such a tendency was confirmed by che Deputy Secretary to the Govemment of India, J.c. Acheson who scated chac ' ... (he introduction of reforms in Bahrain was originally intended only La remove

194 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADfTlON, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

the worst features of Arab misrule', However, ' the process [today] has overrun its limited objectives, There are in Bahram today a British Financial Advisor, a Bntish Police Officer and a British Customs Officer, that is actually more British administration than in an ordinary lndim State".' (RD, Vol. 4. 1929, p. 538) .

Regulations and Municipality: New Tools for Ruling

The autonomous sys(Cm, mainly based on IslamIC law, community structure and freedom of action of the individual, was gradually but radically overwhelmed by Western bureaucracy through a comprehensive reform [hat took place from 1919 onwards (BAR, 1931-1932, p. 364; Khalifa, 2000, p . 92).'1 Reforms covered major partS of public life such as justice, the pearl trade and custOms. Describing the impact of the reform of the courts on the local society, Belgrave mentioned that during rhe las[ 30 years of the British presence, there had been significant changes in Bahrain, and life had become very complex. Privace arbitration in daily disputes was replaced by legal aerion in court and regulations regarding building permits, cax collection and setback standards for road width gradually developed along with che direct involvement of the municipality in the daily affairs of the cicy (RB, Vol. 5, 1938, p. 633).

The divide-and-rule policy fed by the community divisions was camouflaged by the pretext ofjustice and equity (Fuccaro, 2005, p. 4D). Minorities were gradually empowered at the expense of the ruling family and their allied tribesmen. A council of eIght lO ten members, half of whom were appointed by the Bricish Political Agent, was formed (Khuri. 1980). In 1951, It was further extended lO twenty-four members representing the spectrum ofsects and nationalities such as Sunni Arabs, Shia Arabs, Sunni Persians, Shia Persians, Hindus, Jews, Muslim Indians and Saudi Arabs living 111 the cicy: The territory of the city was divided into seven wards each of which was represenced by one or cwo elected members according to the number of inhabitants in the ward (RE, Vol. 6, 1942-1950, pp. 76-77) . EleCtions and representatives were continually a matter of dispute and there were clashes berween different sectS in which the British became the master arbiter. WhjJe the power of merchants and local popularion was eroded due to the new world trade conteXI, the collapse of the pearl trade and of agriculcure (Khuri, 1980, p. 254; Al-Tajir, 1987, pp. 52-960), the enormous financial resources generated by the oil crade further reinforced the growing bureaucratic machinery.

A flow of information in re1:uion to the regulations and administrative measures taken by the municipaliry are documented in the Records of Bahrain. The boundaries of the municipality (or ox collection and council action as well as bye-Jaws were defined as early as 1921 (RB, Vol. 3, 1892-1923, p. 648; Khalifa, 2000, p. 473). However, in 1957 the bound:lry of the municipality was pushed back to include all [he villages on the western side of]uiTair Road, up to the sOllq - alKhamis and (he area north of Awali Road lip co Sambis, including Budayye Road (BAR, 1957, p. 53) . The boundaries were defined by the coastline on the nonh and

Iv1ANAMA: THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARA8GULF CITY 195

east, and a series of scone pillars consrructed by the municipality in both Manama and M uharraq (BAR, Vol. ], 1934-1935, p. 548).

The municipality was in charge of cleaning, maintaining and controlling the internal ro;;\ds and streets as well as providing fire services and inspection of food, shops and markets. The fees for these services were covered through a sysrem of taxes fixed on each house and shop. Gradually, municipal duties were expanded to include inspection of building conStructIOn and road surfacing. According to the municipal bye-laws, no building work was to begin withom the prior sanction of the chief of the municipaliry. New incomes were also generated through taxes fixed on new houses 2nd shops (RE, Vol. 6, 1942-1950, pp. 65().....657). In 1956, sources ofche municipality revenues were as follows: 40 per cent from shop taXes; 40 per cent ITom house t.a.\:es; 10 per cem from government subsidies; and 3 per cent (rom rent of municipal properties (BAR, Vol. V, 1956, p. 28) .

In rbe early 19605 many other works were undertaken by the municipality for aesthetic and enterc.ainmem purposes. Gardens, avenues of trees along major roads, and cemetery walls (0 prevent dogs from digging up graves, improved the image of the city facing the desert in the sourh.

Land Registration

Land tenure, despite its political sensitivity in the local context, was a major concern of the British authorities and was debated as early as 1923. Registration of land and verification of ownership began in 1925-1926. Ie was immediately followed by the creation ofa Land Department (Rumaihi, 1976, p. 52). A thorough sllrvey which lasted 6 years covered all properties and legal issues. The collection of aerial photOgraphs and maps, going from 1934-1935 CO 1970, made by Jarman (1996) showed the increasingconcem of the authorities for rhe control ofland and hence, the territory and the sociery. ElCh ploc was identified through a government title deed containing details of tenancy, boundaries, measuremenrs and special conditions such as W

196 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Persian migrants an opportunicy to acquire assets. Consequently, a corrective rule promulgated in 1939 forced Persians living in Bahrain either [Q obtain Babraini natiom.lity or sell their properties, other than their houses Jnd places of business (BAR, Vol. VII, 1956, pp. 74--77; Fuccam. 2005. pp. 45--49; RlImaihl. 1976. p. 52).

However, this regulanon did not end rhe trend. Many parcels were sold by members of the ruling family to the new elite of wealthy merchants. a fact chat increased the proporrion of privJte property in the cicy (Rumaihi. 1976, p. 52; Fuccaro. 2005. pp. 42--44). The shift cominued as a result of the developmem of the moncLlry economy which began just before the oil era. The decline in the date mJrker. as dates ceased to be a main const1tuent in the Bahraini diet, allowed many people (0 purchase large dace groves and transfonn them into private gardens. Over time these groves were developed into pnvate housing and investment sites. For insonce, between 1952 and 1959 the number of vegetable gardens increased (rom 150 to 576 (Rumaihi. 1976, p. 52). A map of Manama in 1946 (M. 675.32) shows such a shift in real estate on the Olltskjns of the cily. Many large private gardens known as Diilab. 12 such as the Dulab(s) o( Madan, Mansoor al-Aryad. Muhammad Klmnji, Al-Fadhel bin-Muhanna, and Gasaibi gardens, and Hutat Ali Abul. surrounded the governor's palace. This shift in land ownership was to have an impact on the development ofManama and seems co have prevented the public authorities (rom underulcing major urban extensions and developments on the new fringes of the city.

Reclamation Work

The increase in amount ofland in private ownership coupled \'Vith the absence of major topographic constraints led co land reclamation co enable new development. A~ most ofBahrain is tlat, w:lrer was the major obstacle (or the urban development of Manama. Cn 1965, a plarming study showed that in addition to the 676lan2 of existing land, a further 274 km" could be gained (hrough reclamation (BAR, 1965, p. 95). Within the main island, swamps covered considerable areas due to the abundant springs and tidal Rows . For insrance, Umm al-Hasam, an area now part ofManama. was described in 1818 as a large island (Orally detached from the main island (failor, 1818. p. 113). Some lagoons were turned into public gardens such as Andallls Garden and Water Garden.

In addItion (0 the need for land for development. reclamation work was also undertaken for health reasons. The combination of high humidiry and heat exacerbated the spread ofmany diseases and epidemics in Bahrain, such as malaria and cholera. Tailor (1818. p. 120) described Manama as a place where cholera epidemics had decimated the populacion. And nearly a century later, in 1904, it was reported thar 3,000 people fell ill and 2,000 died (Mahdi. 1994. p . .37).

Early reclamation work took place around the pier (0 increase irs area and improve landing and shippIng of cargos. urge ships had difficulty in approaching the city because ofshallow water excepc at high water seasons (Tailor, 1818, p. 113).

/ ~\IAMA' THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 197 A scheme was approved by the Bricish government in India in 1903 for reclamation (RE, Vol. 3, 1903, p. 561). By 1923 a hump-like line beIWeen the sea and (he cicy had been created that became a sea road, now called Shari' al-Hukuma . Successive projectS were carried out on both sides of [he port where most of the new public buildings and offices were built. By 1967, an area of8,400 m2 along the sea TOJd, east of the Customs House had been reclaimed. Consequently, the sea which originally reached the foot of the main gate. Bab-ai-Bahrain. was pushed back 200 m, providing more space for public facilities (figure 8.5) . At the back of (he present Municipaliry building, stagnant pools which were an eye sore and danger co [he public health (BAR, 1934-1935, p. 548) were filled-in in 1967 to establish a new bus park which is scill in use (BAR, 1967, p. 116).

The presentsuburban areas in Manama. such as Hura, Mahuz and Qudhaibiyya, owe their existence to the successive reclamation works. For technical and he;alth reasons, early reclamacion works were carried om by the hygiene service of che municipality. Thousands of cubic metres of town rubbish once collected were discharged into marshes and then wefe covered with earth and sand (BAR, 1956.

Figure 8.5. From (he top leff, clockwise. aenal photos ofMaruma dunng Ihe years 1951, 1m, 1980 and 2002 showing the reclamation works and mges of growth.

198 THE EVOLVING ARAB CllY. TRADITION, MODERNllY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

p. 81) . A sea wall was first constructed around the area in order to prevent (he encroaclunent by the sea. In 1957, around 1.5 million mJ of refuse were removed and used to reclaim land from the sea at Hoora, (BAR, 1957. p. 53). Work at the same location continued until 1967 (BAR, 1967, p. 26). Similarly, Umm-Ghuraifa sea shore wimessed cominuous work from 1963 to 1968 (BAR, 1963. p. 60; 1967, p. 26; 1968, p. 77).

Reclaimed land was considered as government property and most was used for public projects. However, when compared \\lith (he old urban fabric, (he new areas are often developed at a low-density with free-standing public bttilding5 surrounded by greenery, and thus denoting uneconomic use.

Planning and Design of the Road Network

One of the challenges which faced the urban fabric ofold Manama W;;!s the advent of [he motor car. Its use by British officers. members of the ruling family and J few wealthy tradesmen gave the roads a priority over other aspects of urban development and planning. Widening roads in the old city and the development of the national network linking the city wich the ot.her settlements wok place as early as che arrival of the first car in 1914. AI the cicy level, a shift in road pactem from the irregular fonn to straight arteries and a grid layout was an evident sign of this influence. a model due spread to ocher Gulf cities sllch as Riyadh,Jeddah, Kuwait, and Dubai later.

The continuous increase in the number of cars from 395 in 1944, to 3,379 in 1954, and then to 18,372 in 1970 focused urban development on the extension of the road network, widening of carriageways and the eSlablishmenr of more parking places. Motorization has thus been (be driving force which dominated the planning ofextensions. new settlements as well as the old core. Many tracks which can be seen to the pre-oil period maps (M675.18: 1904-1905) have gradually been surfaced, widened and rumed into arteries. Within the city, the market area, che 50Uq, was the place to start. Its main artery was subjected to successive 'surgical' operations to widen its main road by demolishing encroaching houses. Its smail shops gradually rumed into wide oncs Vlith glazed [;l(;ades (BAR. Vol. r, 1930, p. 165) .

On the outskirts , Sllccessive extensions of the ClCY can be easily traced back oVling to the road system as shown in figure 8.6. Two types of roads can be identified from the map: ring roads and roads in finger-like patterns. Ring roads on the east side - namely Isa-al-Kebir Avenue (built in the 1930s). Palace Avenue (19505), Exhibition Avenue (l960s), and finally AJ-Fatih Highway (1980s) - have been constructed by successively pushing back [he coastline and extending thc cicy area in belt-like forms. To (he north, the foreshore, which was defined by Government Avenue in the 19205, by the early 19305 had been shifced to a new sea road, now known as King Faisal Road which has become (he coascal edge of the city. Ring roads. following the oval form of che core, were built in response to the

MANNIIIA 1l-1E METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 199

Figure 8.6. Development of Manama road syscem 1903-2006.

u;i1nc congestion thar arose in the city centre where most public services, banks and commercial aCtivities were located .

The finger-like pattem of roads converging on the old core ensured rhe link between Manama and ocher areas of (he Island . They grJ.dually restructured the sprawl and generated a linear urban development which conditioned the land use of future extensions. While plots located along these arteries were subject to intensive use, empty pockets in inrersritial spaces, some ofwhich still maintained their agricultural character, remained undeveloped. To che east, Manama had been linked to Muharraq, the fanner capital, via a traditional causeway since 1929 (Buhajji, 1998, p. 70;]arman, 1996, p. 14). A new causeway was builc in 1941 to replace (he old wooden bridge. The intensity of traffic between the two cities then grew continuously, especially after (he development of the airport on Muharraq island which came into service in 1932, the date of (he firsc flight. Urban sprawl from both sides of the bay continued to shrink [he di~t.ance between the cwo cities.

To the south, the large groves, lagoons and marshes in Hoora, Adlyia (formerly known as Zulm-Abad), Qodaibiya and jufiair areas, were pierced [0 link the remote villages to the cicy. Villages and hamlets. such as Mahooz, Umm-Shuum, Suqaya. Ghuraifa , and Halat-bin-Anas, were (he end points of the new arteries.

Other recent attraccion poles such as (he Old and New palaces in Qodaibiya, the British military base (RAF) in julTair, and later on, the new Salmaniyyc port at the extreme south opposite co (he old one, have been linked co old Manal11.1 by Shaikh Isa, A1-Mutanabbi, Al-Adliyya and jufTair north-sourh Avenues. To the wesc, a new road pierced the green belt towards Budaiyye village, (he eXtreme point of the isbnd.

200 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

From as early as 1919 the increasing concentracion of social services and employment opportunitIes in Manama attracted the populations of remote villages, such as Budaiyye, Aali and Riffa, and turned them into dormitories (Khuri, 1980, p. 254). Under the pressure of-commuting, tracks were gradually turned into roads, then highways .

Compulsory purchase procedures were incroduced to enable the building of new roads and the Wldening of exiscing ones. In 1930, fOLlr houses south of the British Agency garden were purchased and demolished in order to stan a nonhsourh road passing by the Agency encrance (BAR, Vol. I, 1930, p. 291). In 1963, an imporunt widening operation and compensation took place on Tljjar, Sheikh A1Khalifa, Jasim A1-Mehza, and Sheikh Abdulhh roads in Manam;). (BAR, Vol. VII, 1963, p. 61) . However, in the absence ofmajor topographical constraints, the high cost of compeoSd.tion in such operations seems to have determined the routes of some roads ;md explains the segmentation, irregularicy and curving ofsome major roads such as Palace, A1-Adliyya, Bani Utbah and Umm-Al-Hasam Avenues.

In order to ensure smooth traffic flow and avoid hotspots at intersections, a system of roundabouts was adopted in the early 1960s. The first were in RasRumman, opposite the British Agency and in Salmaniyye, opposite the present Ministry ofHealth (Buhajji. 1989, p. 64); by the end of the 1970s there were forty in the coumry.

Managing the Extensions of the City

Unlike most old Muslim cities, including neighbouring ones such as Riyadh and Kuwait, and co some extent Muharraq,lJ which were surrounded by ciry walls well into the twentieth century, Manama seems to have been without walls for far longer (Abu Hakima, 1965) . The statement of Belgrave (RB, Vol. 3, 1923, p. 76), confirming the existence of a ciry wall in 1819, is thus doubcful as there is no archaeological or historical evidence to suppOrt itY However, earlier maps such as (M675 .05) drawn in 1825 show chat the city had clear edges that contrast it to its rural surroundings. The coastline defined the city's border to the north and east, while burial mounds and palm groves defined its western and southern boundaries. With the exception of rhe Qala't aI-Bahrain fort, bllilt during the Portuguese period (Belgrave, 1952. pp. 61-63), there seems to be no ocher building outside this boundary. Maps show the existence of the American Mission house builc in 1892 and rhe Bntish Agency built in 1900 partly on reclaimed land outside the urban edge 0arman, 1996, p. 9). Early extensions (0 Manama seem thus to be the spontaneous, engulfmg adjacent villages, RasRumman and Naeem, 011 both sides, (M675.16: 1933).

The first plan rung action appears to have been In 1923 when a new village was created in open desert between rhe British Agency and the American Mission. A Persian community was moved, probably for health reasons, from a hut village named Zulmabad (Land of Injustice) to the new area (RB, Vol. 4, 1923, pp.

MANAMA' THE META'v10RPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CffY 201

195-198) which was then c~lIed Adl-abad and later Adliyya. This first subnrban area was described as being covered with fine houses belonging to well-to-do Arabs and Persian merchants, and as h..Jving good roads (RB, Vol. 4, 1923, p. 196). Such an eA"lension appears to have pushed back the perimeter of [he city tOwards the cwo ocher coastal villages, Halat Bin-Iswar and Halat Bin-Anas, mentioned in Lorimer's map drawn in 1904 (M675.18).

Despite the heavy involvement of the Bril1sh Agency in the local affairs of Bahrain, [he developmenc of Manama does noc reflect a clear structural plan. Its growth was a combinacion of major public anions and small, incremental private actions. The terms 'town planning' and 'building regulatiom' fir~( appeared in the Annual Report documents in 1965 and 1966, while the Physical Planning Unit was established in 1968 (BAR, Vol. VII, 1965, p. 95; 1966, p. 107; 1968, p. 4) . Despite the ordered rings that show the successive eALensions, construction took place in a sprawling form that often preceded the planning of roads. Many scattered hamlets grew prior to [he plann ing process and gave rise to fragmented development of rhe ci(}'. Conver~ely, some new areas sllch as Qodhaibiyya (1937-1938), Ghufool (l960s) .md Khodhor (1963), which are characterized by their grid pattern, witnessed an intensive planning process (BAR, 1956; Jarman, 1996, p. 28) . For instance, in 1946, land in Qodhaibiya disrncr was planned with wide straight roads and sold (0 (he public for development (BAR, 1956; 1963, pp. 60-61) .

Extensions to the soum-ease corner of the island started from (he former villages of Juffair and Ghuraifa, where the cap-like site called 'Essex Point' was selected for the establishment of the British military headquarters in 1927 and itS development in 1935 Garman, 1996, pp. 14,27; Fuccaro, 2005, p. 50). Due to its strategic loarion, the JutT2ir ;;Irea was selected by the Royal Navy [or a Rest House and a pier as early as 1933 Garman, 1996, p. 15). Similarly, a few hundred mecres to the south, another pier on the map (M675.16: 1933) had increasingly witnessed marine activities. In 1962, it was tumed offICially into a new harbour, now called Salman Port, with docking faciliries for up ro SL'( large ocean-going ships and eX(ensive warehousing. lL thus replaced the old porr in Mmama which wasjudged unsuitable as a deep-water anchorage (Rumaihi, 1976, p. 62) . The [wo developmentS became major atrractors for urbanization (0 the south. They were then linked to the Old Manama ;;Ind fonned the soUthern suburbs.

To the west, another road linked Manama to Riffa, the former headquarters of the ruling family, beyond which [he desert dominated the territory. In this direction, Manam:l. wimessed COllnnuous sprawl along the fertile coastal green belt. The main track connecting the "-illages of Sanabis, Jidd Hafs, Diraz and Budaiyye became a spine [or commuting to and [rom Manama. The :l.rtraction of the city coupled wieh the collapse ofagriculture and the flourishing oil indusny and monetary economy gradually led to ehe interconnection of these settlements and their attachment to the city. Table 8.1 shows the populanon growth in Manama, whIle table 8.2 shows thar ofexpa[riates borh as a percentage of rhe popularion.

202 THE EVO~VING ARAB CITY. TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Table 8.1

Ytoar 1941 1950 1959 1965 1971 1981

Populanon of Manama 27835 39648 61726 79098 88785 121986 TOL1 1 population of Bahrain

89970 109650 143135 182203 216303 .350457

Manama populallon as a percentage of total popul~tlon

31 36 43 43 41 35

SOUfres: Rum:uht, 1976, p. 24, Lawson, 1989, p. 12; BAR, Vol. lll. 1959, p. 7.3.3.

Table 8.2.

Yto~r 1941 1950 1959 1965 1971 1981

Bahr.linis 7404

MANA'.', : THE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARABGULFCrTY 203

During the 1960s, public housing became part of the urban policy which ina-oduced apartment buildings. I.n 1963, Manama comprised 8,341 ordinary stone houses and 959 flats in addition to 1,456 shops and mixed premises (BAR, Vol. VII, 1963, p. 63). For insWlce, ird960 fifry new houses were builr as labourers' accommodation, adding to the existing 196 (BAR, Vol . VI, 1960, p. 49).

From 1963 onwards the Stare became the major provider of social facilities and housing and a welfare policy aimed at achieving socialjusrice and increasing living standards was adopted. Many programmes were launched throughout Bahrain to meet the housing needs of both expatriates and locals. fu a means of relieving congestion in M4nama, many 10C

204 THE EVOLVING ARAB CliY: TRADInON, MODERNllY ANO URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Figure S.7a. Aerial view of Bab aI-Bahra in ga te showing the elrly political and ldminisrrative dlscnCI in Manama_

...--...~__t .....eJ _~d ~#-~--.--,------~----~ -"""

,------

& A

Figure S.7h. Plan of Bab ll-Bahrain gate shOWing {he early political and ldminlsrnllve district m MlnJrna_

23 m high \-~lith a capacity of750,OOO gallons, occupied large plots in the suburbs of Mamma and dominate the skyline (BAR, VoL vrII, 1968, p. 138).

Social facilicies also reflect (0 a large extent the direCt involvement of the government in Manama's urban development and th.e domination ofthe urbanism ofbllfeallcracy. Educa(ion moved from small Islamic schools of fifteen to twenty

fAANAMA: TilE IviU AMORPHOSIS OF AN AMB GULF CITY 205

pupils, which were scattered all over the city, to a few large, modem instirucions. Early schools were eStablished as pnvate initiatives, mostly reflecting ethnic and religious slructures. The first Western schools which opened in Manama were

. , founded by the American Mission In 1892 for girls ;md in 1905 for boys. This was followed by the Persian minonty school which opened in 1910. A Sunni and an Arab Shia school opened consecutively in 1921and 1927 (Rumaihi, 1976, pp. 115-121). In order to overcome social disputes, promote female education and conrrol social movementS, a committee was formed to llnify education and make it a sector of govemmeJ1[. At [he phYSICal level, the groWIng number of schools, mostly concentrated in Manama, had deeply affected land use in terms of space and the generanon of rraffic (BAR, Vol. V, 1956, pp. 84-9}) (figure 8.8) .

Figure 8.8. Zahn. Manama and Iranian Schools ill the hem of the old urban fabric showing (Ile conmsl in typology and sIze.

Since the early days of British administration, health care facilities were provided to local popularions suiTering from epidemics and acuce diseases. They were linked to missionary works; early hospitals - the American Mission (1892) and VictOria Hospitals (1900) - were aruched to churches and educational facilities. They were, however, located on the outSkirts of the old cicy where space was available. Other health ccnues such as the women's hospital, isolation hospital, governmem hospitals and chilies, were developed in Manama's suburbs and thus furthe.r expanded the CIty (A1-Khali(a, 1986).

Financial institlltions re.prcselH another side of Manama's urban development. Since the pre-oil era, the city developed as a financial centre which flourished under the pearl rrade. The prosperity of the at! economy, whichjumped from 32.6 per cent of (he total revenues in 1935-1936 to 64.3 per cent in 1936-1937, cOllpled with the massIve presence of expatriates, most of whom transferred their money outside Bahrain, generated many offshore banks in Manam;) (Rumaihi, 1976, p. 75; Lawson, 1989, p. 49). Eastern Bank, eStablished in 1920 (Bassam. 2000, p. 32)

206 THE EVOLVING ARAB CflY: TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

and the British Bank of (he Middle East were the early ones which were gradually followed by other financial institutions which dranurically marked the landscape of (he cicy.

Manama after Independence

In 1971, the COllncry witnessed a smooth translt10n from the colonial era to independence. The administrative srrucrures and regulations which were entirely inherited [rom the colonial authorities continlled to play their role in shaping and guiding the urban development o[ Bahrain. Pohcically, this role was justified and endorsed by the welfare policy which aimed at achieving social justice through the equitable distribution ofoil resources . Being the major employer. the government witnessed an increase in the size 2nd number of its instimtlons as most of the previous departments, such as education, agriculrure, municipalities, commerce, housing and public works, were turned into ministries. Bureaucratic prohferation took place at all levels of the adminIstrative machinery. At the cop, there was a pressing need for the provision of high positions for members of ruling families, the massive recruitment ofeducated locals, and the recruitment ofhighly qualified expatriate consu\c;.IOts. At tbe bonom, (here was a need [or masses o[c)..'pamates to perform low-paid jobs slIch as srreer cleaning and building maimenance (Khuri. 1980, p. 117. quoting Hunter, 1969, p. 194).

Massive buildings accommodating various deparrments and ministries were constructed in [he new areas of Manama. The need for a central location was, however, challenged by the scarcicy of land, a factOr which led [0 funher land reclamation on Manama's three land sides.

A diplomatic area comprismg most of (he ministries, COIITtS and embassies gradUJ\ly emerged on reclaimed land on the norrh-eas( side ofBab-al-Bahrain. As a sign ofprogress, most new buildlngs were high-rise and ofWestem scyle in sharp contrast to the 'back-ward' rraditional CItY.

Tourism and finance were the twO growmg seCLOrs supposed to subsclrure oil and lead the Bahraini economy into the post-oil era. As early as [he 1970s, a new generation of banks and first-class hoc.cls such as the Diplomat, Sheracon and Cro\VJ1 Plaza were established around old Ma.nama within the diplomatic area. By 1986 hotels provided a toeal of5,700 beds while the number of financial companies and banks was estimated to be 173, among which is the 26-storey glass and steel tower of the National Bank of Bahrain.

In a desperate move to tackle [he increasing tr;lffic, a new peripheral road with a series of roundabouts was developed Jlong the edge of tile peninsula, pJ.rallel [0 the three coastlines. Within the new belt ofroads many pocketS ofland are unused as a result of the dispersed development. Mixed scenes make up the landscape of present day MJ.nama; along the new highway, the driver passes empcy plot

MANAMA: THEMETAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 207

The primacy of Manama was further srrengthened by the new network of highways J.nd causeways which converge on the city. To the east, a second bridge joining Manama to Muharraq and the air'port was inaugurated in 1997. To the south, J third causeway was created to link Manama (0 Sitra island and Riffa where mosr induscrial complexes, the oil refine!), and Bahrain Aluminum Company are located . At a reglonal level, the 24 km King Fahd Causeway, linking Bahrain co Saudi Arabia and other GulfStates was opened in 1986. By 2007 the causeway wJ.5 carrying some 20,000 vehicles per day.

To further alleviate the pressure on the old cicy, the public authOrities continued to provide housing in new sertlements, namely in b:a New Town (laSt sragt'': 1963-1983) :and Hamad Town (1982-1986). A total of 15,000 dwellings were constTucted between 1976 and 1990 outside Manama (MOH, 1993, p. 125). However, as these new scrrlcments were very close to the cicy ;lOd consisted solely of housing :and social faCllities, most nnned lnto dormicories whose residenrs commure daily to Manama and other places ofwork..

During rhe 19905, the cirywimessed a series ofbeautification and en cerrainment projects, mostly located on the recently recLaimed land along the northern and eascern coastlines. Walkways, corniches and public parks have been established. These leisure areas are interspersed Wlth prestiglous bllildings such as rhe National Museuln, Marina Club, rhe A/-Fateh Mosque, and children's play areas.

The Degradation of the Historical Core

With the diminution of urban development in Manama, as most projects were focllsed in ocher areas, the old core wimessed continuous degradation due (Q the absence of a serious preservation policy With the exception of rhe urb;m fabric that preserves its organic character manifested in the irregu \ar narrow streets and Interlocked buildings, many architecrural features of the city have disappeared and been replaced by modem buildings.

The old core, which now represents only about 10 per cent of the coral area of Manama, suffers from various problems whICh reflect the timid efforts by the government in its preservation and revitalizarion.

Tn a 1987 study of the old city, it was found that only 41.9 per cent of the population were Bahraini, while [he expatriate presence was growing ar 6.1 per cent per annum. The ourward migration of rhe original population and its partial replacement by expatriates changed the tenure of the housing from o\VTIeroccupier ro tcmnt. This shift contributed enormollsly to (he degradation of old buildings .

Old dlsrncrs also wimcsscd significant over-crowding, as the density reached a peak of 952 persons per hectare, which is three times the average density of the rest ofManama. Old houses were mosdy rented to male exparriatcs who generally work in restaurantS, hotels, retail shops :l.l1d orher low-income activities in central Manama. Low rents togecherwith neglect and the lack ofmaimenance by landlords

208 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADITION, MODERNllY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

contributed to the continuing dilapidation ofbouses and thus the crearion ofslums in some of rhe old residential quan:ers namely, Hammam, Makh.arga, Kanu , and Fadhel (MOl-I, 1987, p, 29).

AnOther cause of physical degradation is the dominance ofmale only enclaves and the disintegrarion of social networks. Hmvever [he presence ofma'(ltams (Shia religious buildings), which are the focal point during Muharrl1m, AshUfa and other Shia religious festJvals, are regularly m.aintained and upgraded wirh the help of endo'v\'ll1ems from (he JalIari Waqf (Fuccaro, 2005, pp . 48-49; 2000, pp. 75-76; 1999, pp. 1-4) .

Urban spaces, including dead-cnd streets and small open areas within housing compounds, known as barah(l, were considered as a continuanon of the domesric space and thus were under the care of the residents. Under municipal law, they became the sale responsibility of the government in terms ofownership, hygiene and maintenance. Residents have consequently lost any interaction with their environment and limited their concern (0 [heir homes.

Regulations and building pennits do not apply to COOStnlCtlOIl in the old city. With [he exception of some resnictions reg;lrding the outlook of the houses, they are moscly concerned with (he enforcement of modem planning requirements, such as zoning, set-backs, number of Aoors and plot r.ltios of built-up area, open spaces, etC. Old customs and practices mostly based on social agreements and Islamic law. such as inheritance (m;rafh), pre-emption (SJII~d'I1), endowment (waqf) , usufruct rights ('ihiya), custom's law (urf"), ;md nght of precedence (sabq), although still considered by local people In (heir daily life are unknown [0 municipal adminIstrators (H.akim, 1994; Hakim and ZubJir, 2005; Ben-Hamouche, 2004; Leeuwen, 1999; Khun, 1980, pp. 28-29).

An exception is the pious foundarion or l/){uJ!; two sLlch institutions, Awaqf a!-Sunna and Awaqf al-Shia, have fortuna(e1y not been abolished and continue to manage their assets in [he cicy and throughout Bahrain (BAR, Vol. I, 1924, p. 162).15 Part of their revenues are being spent on the repair and maintenance of endowed properties, a faCt that bas eXTended the life span of many old religious buildings.

One consequence of tills legal co-existence between the traditional system and modem regulations is the dispute Jmong partners and inheritors which usually leads to degradation due to (he neglecr of pre-emption and inheritance laws and their enforcing bodies. The cominuolls increase in [he nllmber of inheritors and panners, sometimes as many as 250 persons, makes agreements on the use and usufruct very difficult and can lead to buildmg abandonment.

These {:Juors e.xplain the unsa[isfacmry state of the built environment as reflected in the t987 repon. While 32 per cent of the bUIldings were in a good sute of repair, 38.8 per cem were poor, and 5.9 per cent were threatening collapse. Houses which had already collapsed, 2.5 per cem of the lOul area, were lefr as empty pocketS and are often renced as pnvate parking places or are simply used as garbage collecrion areas .

MANAIvIA:THE METAMORPHOSISOF AN AAA8 GULF CIlY 209

Global Urbanism

Bahrain might be taken as a good e..'Glmple of (he influence of globaliz:nion on small countries of limited resources. The depletion of oil since (he early 1990s, which now represents only 17 per cent of the economy, and reliance on market economy has had a profound effect on M:anama and the whole terntorial structure. 16

Over the last 4 or 5 years action has been taken in cwo strJ.tegJc sectors: tourism and finance. The first seems to be based on long experience In the otT-shore banking system, which was developed by the British authorities in response co accumulation of oil revenues and ehe need for [he means to transfer funds by both foreign companies and exparriate labour. The second is based on the physical potential of the Bahraini islands and the rcpucarion of Arabian life which draws Western touriSts.

The two sectors sometimes overlap through the investment project~ which target foreigners as well as regional Illvestors. This policy is realized in physical terms through a series ofmega-projects involving touriSt resorts, shopping cenrres, banks and office towers, and lllA'l.lrious residences.

The increasing monetary fluidity in the region, resulting from the 011 boom and me presence ofmulti-nacional finance companies, reflects to a large extenc the slogan 'Form follows Finance' (Willis , 1995). Dereguhcion of the economy and administrative inducements led to the emergence ofinvescors as the new actors on the urban stage. Recent changes in Manama serve as an example for what would be the dramatic efIects of 'marketing a city image' .

Manama and the Mega-project Trend The ready availability ofinfom1ation on current projects enables liS to enumer;([e them and assess some of [heir common features and urban impacts. Four of these are situated around the old city of Manama of which three are along King Faisal Road, the vital arteIY that connects Manama with Muharraq and the incernational airpon.

One of the mose ambitious projects is the Bahrain Financial Harbour. Seeking a place on the globalization map and 'emenng' me third millennium, this overambitious project is located opposite the old gate of Manama.17 Metaphorically as well as economically ic is intended to be a gate co Bahrain and an international financial hub. Witlun the Gulf region , the prOject is intended to compete with simil.ar projects III ocher cities in order mat Manama might become again the financial capical of the Middle. East, as if was before. The project is a $1.5 billion imegrated master-plan developed by a local consultant in joint venrure with regional and international companies. It takes the fom1 of twin 53-storey cowers, whose design IS inspired by a sailing boac, located on a reclaimed land located in line with the old pier and the bazaar (figure 8.9) . The development, whose

210 n1E EVOLVING ARAB CITY TRADITION. MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

Figure 8.9. Bahrain Financial Harbour.

first phase was inaugurated in May 2007, spreads over 380,000 m2 of rCc/;lImed land with office, residential, retail, dining and leisure space. The first occupants were announced as thirty-five key financial sector and recail companies including J'vlENA TELECOM, DHL and ARAMEX, Kheliji Commercial Bank (Kf-lCB).18

Next to Bahrain Financial Harbour (figure 8.9), on the other side of the same road, is Bahrain World Trade Center. Its (wm towers have coincidently the same pyramidal form and height, as chose of Bahrain Financial Harbour. They create dramatic landmarks visible throughout (he city and che]' look out Onto spcctacul:ar views of the cicy and the coast. The towers are linked by three bridges each of which supports a giant wind turbine said to improve [he energy perform:mce of the buildings. At the ground level, the cemre comprises many facilities such as d shopping cemre md a five-star hotel. The project was designed byWAtkins, dnd is being developed by J consortium of inte rna tiona I cantractors. Starred in June 2004 and scheduled for completion in 2009, the scheme will provide a space 005,000 m 2 at a cost ofapproximately US$l billion.

To the south, the old core of ManamJ is marked by Al-Zamel Tower, an office complex in cwo parts on either side ofSheikh Khalifa Avenue which forms a new gate to the cicy from the roundabom nearby. The taller of the two towers facing the busy Government Road has a height of95.5 m with cwenty-two sroreys. The second tower, has only ten storeys and overlooks Sheikh Khalifa Avenue. In order co smooth the sharp conrrJ.St be!.Ween its high-tech envelope and the old urban fabric, a hybrid treatment has been adopted for its archicecrure. The lower floors, includll1g the gate has an 'IslamIC', mostly Egyptian style, while the upper floors are ofglass and steel.

MAN/>MA: n-IE METAMORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CITY 2.11

To tbe west, close (0 the main roundabout, a high-rise, luxurious residential complex is being consrructed . Abraj ai-Lulu towers, due for completion in May 2008, lfe being developed by Pearl Development and Real Estate. Its cost is said co be BD95million or US$252 million for a floor area totalling 18,600 m 2 It comprises three multi-storey residential towers with 860 stace-of-art apartments and is equipped wich all rhe amenities for a luxury lifestyle, including a four-storey car park with 1000 spaces. The apartments are (0 be sold to upper-class locals and foreigners. 19

The fourth project, which is (0 cOSt US$1.25 billion, is an artificial island of some 560,000 m2 created at the northern corniche of old Manama. The Lulu Island development, due for completion in 2009, is a real estate development of thirty-nine residential buildings, an Iconic residential tower, a 300-room five-star hotel, sixty-five villas and forty-nine chalets, WIth shopping and leisure amenities .20

The luxury residences, far beyond (he reach of the local population , are incended (0 attract Gulf and foreign investOrs and to put che CJ.pital city of Bahrain on the world's tourism map.

Away from the old core,S km Inland, a new business district, AJ-Seef area, is becoming a platform of several cowers and luxurious buildings. Located along (he major highw:lY leading co Saudi Ar

212 mE EVOLVING ARAB CIlV': TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVELOPMENT

At rhe social level, the nature of the projects, moscly prescigious and targeting foreign investmenc, bypass the local reality and thus fuel social rcacnons. Such efTectS would threaren the fragile social stability that is already affecced by the flucruating political comext of the region . While tbe Miniscry of Public Works and Housing has estimated the shortage in low-income and social housing to be 30,000 units , rnese iconic projects will provide 10,000 high standard residential units, descined for foreign investOrs and rhe local wealthy class. On che regional scene, (he ethnic conflict between Shia and Sunni in Iraq, coupled with the tension becween Iran and the Uniced StaleS, Hezbolla in Lebanon and 'Israel', have direct reverberation within Bahrain.

Environmemal sustainability is the least consideration in these developments. Besides their undesirable microc/,manc efTects on the old core (which are yet (Q be investigated), most of (hese projeCtS are designed in fashionable glas~ envelopes which disregard energy saving and climatic performance.

While [heir architecrural and consmlCcion details and finishes are scrutinized, none of chese projects seems to have been based on studies of eicher the existing context or rhe possible impacts on the urban structure. Being decided J( a higher political level, their approval bypassed the tradinonal planning process and so disregarded consideration of respect for heritage, land-use and other building standards. Similarly, the selection of their sites has been made on (he basis ofprofit Jnd pressure from investOrs.

An interesring projecr, Manama SOllq, whIch covers the area of the old market sf.Jrting from Bab-al-Bahrain, is finally bemg undertaken (0 regenerate the market area and give an impulse to its eroding micro-economy (Ministry of Commerce, 2004, pp. 6--25) . However, in rhe absence of studies of socio-economic structure, land tenancy, and the physical state of the area, rhe project turned iota a simplistic approach that is interested in the visual effects of design. TradicionJl architecture which recalls some symbols of the oriental city would ceruinly be of interesr [0 tourists and visitors, bur would nO( revive the dying heart of the city.

Perspectives for Future Development

There is clear evidence that, in the light of the present financial boom in the Gulf, Manama will conrinue to attract other development projects. Given the space shortage aod high popularion growth, the extension of ocher remote villages and towns with regard to [he short distances separating them will generate a multiconurbation phenomenon that will make ofBahram a single merropolis.

Encroachments on the coastline will also conti nile through reclamation work until it reaches the physical limits defined by the depth of the sea. The Bahrain bay would m this perspective shrink and become a narrow channel on which [he three present causeways will be simple bridges. Similarly, the north coastline will move back filrther (0 make room for orher prestigious projects in the imersntial spaces that still exist between the present scattered areas of reclamation.

MANAMA:lliE METAtvlORPHOSIS OF AN ARAB GULF CflY 213

Many pockets of undeveloped privarc land in the southern Manama suburbs wiJ) inevitably be subjected to speculation and unplalmed development. An infill policy which consists of monitoring the development of these interstitial spaces within the modem urban fabric would rherefore be of interest [Q the municipality in response to the pressure ofland market and planning.

The old core faces two scenarios willch depend on the official attitude of the public authoritle$. The first cOllsists of the continuation of the presem laissez:Jnire arorude with respect to the urban heritage, wh.ich ",,;11 be subject to mtlrket forces, including pressure [rom wealthy merchants, investors, members of the ruling family seeking the bright lights of modernization. rn this scenario the old core will witness a gradual but irreversible replacement. A similar process happened III other Gulfcities such as Kuwait, Dubai21 and to a lesser degree Muscat, durtng rhe 1970s and 19805, where the old fabric was entirely replaced by modem building which retained some nostalgic decailing. Permanent elements of the urban fabric, sHch as the srreet network. land subdivisions and property lines will, however, persist and mark the new morphology

The second scenario, which is based on an 'interventionist' role of the Scate, would require J. firm political arrirudc to consider rhe historic sice as national patrimony to be preserved and protecced for future generations. Examples of preserved cities such as Tarragona, Denia, Cordoba and Seville in Spain, Durham, York., Oxford, and Bath in England, Jod Bari, Tram and Venice in Italy, abound.22

Inventive solutions [or issues such as car parking, garbage collection, drainage, netWorks and cabling, could suppOrt this policy. A preservation policy will, however, requIre a muln-faceted approach which goes beyond the present prodesign approach ro include legal, financial , social and infoTTJ1.)tional considerations. For insr;mce, a special leg.ll framework which combines local customs, SOCIal cusroms and rslamic law wotlld help to accommodate community participation and motivate individuals in its implementation. Financial incencives, such as grants to preserve old houses, and taxes on their demolicion would encourage preservation. Empowerment of non-government agencies to safeguard old Manama would work to counter-balance pressure from developers. A thorough sUldy to list the buildings and properties in the hiscoric core, which has never been carried oue, would be a starting point.

Conclusion

Manama has passed through many s[;jge~ of development which have had direcr impacts on its Llrban fabric. Initially, it was a POrt city which grew in symbiosis with its physical environment, cosmopolitan social stTUcrure and the local know-how of its citizens. The federal-hke system of tribal govemance and the freedom of indIvidual actions which its residents enjoyed were refiecred in the aUtonOmOLlS urbaOlsm thar marked its urban morphology

British colonialism established a bureaucratic system through a long process of

7

214 THE EVOLVING ARAB CITY: TRADITION, MODERNITY AND URBAN DEVEI OF.., ';;:1,'

gradual substitution ofloca! insrit1Jlions, customs and praccices, and the reduction of individual freedom. While healcl1 conditions improved and soci;!l facilities were proV1ded, so raising the hving standard of rhe local populacion, freedom of people and cl1eir aUlonomy shrank significantly in the face of the increasing role of government and its adminlscrative machinery.

The growing role of rhe municipaliry and the 'divide-and-rule' policy rendered aU decisions regarding the city the sale responSIbility of the public authorities. The discovery ofoil coupled with the erosion ofprivare and community secrors, due to the degndation of (he pearl trade, agriculrure and local industry, further reinforced administrative reform. A new fonn of urbanism, reflecting the bureaucratic machine, dominated urban development m the outskirts, where (he governmem became a major urban actor.

After independence, [he inherited bureaucraric system flourished due to the increase of oil resources and the welfare policy adopted by the government. 1n concrast to rhe common academic belief that rhe GulfCInes of today developed:LS:l. consequence ofoil , Manama presents evidence (hat oil has not been a determining factor but rather an accelerator in [he bureallcracic/autocratic political syscem.

With the depletion of oil, and the panial wilhdrawal of government, globalization forces are now taking (he front seat in (he making of the cicy. Iconic projects are mllshrooming all over the territory, with the aim of marketing the eLry and pinpointing it in the financial global markec Manama's old ciry IS thus open co two possible scenarios depending on the role of authorities and CIVIl agencies. Either, it will enter a funher stage ofdisintegrarion and remodelling - (he outCome ifits furure is left to market forces - or i( will be preserved as national p~Hrimony for future generations -J.Ild this requires a determinist public policy to be established by the govemmem.

Notes The numlocr of 300 villages and 30 cities and (O\'\'n.I, that existed pnor to the- amva' of AJ

Kluhfa as notcJ In some histOrical referenc"" k,s belli .Jl.'lllnted by Khun (1980, pp. 28--29) as there \5 no evidence on the ground to suppon thIS, See also AJ-Ar~iyJdh (2006), p. 18. 2. The code number of the map and Its dale arc taken from Jarm,m (J 9(6). From here onwards only tbe code of Ihe m~p (M) lnd rhe date will appear in 1he (ext 3. Ain IS the Arabic word for sprong or source, 4, The map of Manama ~nd its outskiru 1969-1970 shows dHl until 1970 omls and streams flOWIng towuds (hL' ,~:l ;;haped land pmL'ls in Karrana, Toubli and olher places in Bahram, 5. Harem! C;1Jl be translated htel'ally as 'the forbidden area'. and is the buffer zone around ~ palm nee, a well Or along a river Oll which no construction or orher uses 1n: pCrlmned.

6 . However (hi, lc.:.hmque, and Perstan archllectUre In general, domll'Cltcd Manama's landscape only after the mflux of Pe-rsian mIgrants between 1860 and the 1920s, among whom there' were bUIlders and Cl'"flSmen (Fuccaro, 2005), There ~re no signs of Manama being under the Influence of Persian ci"Ji7.2t.Jon before chis.

AccordlOg [() SOIJl~ local sources, (he name Manama (omes from (he ArabIC word l1illVln, '3 place for slcepinb" II used to be a reSt area for the ruler and wa.s thus a secondary resldenct: to

MANAMA: THE METAMORPHOSISOF AN ARAB GULF errY 215

Mllhd rraq, which was the ruler's headq\laners and that o r th e allied Al-ab mbes (l l.:n-l bmouche, 2004, pp. 522-524). 8. Residential q uarters il) old M uslim cit ies arc mosdy compact blocks, often accessed through gates . and much oCthe SITeel ne rwork is made up of dead-ends (Raymond. 1985), fearures dut are nOI present in Manama.

9. This system was descr ibed by Belgrave (1972) as pli mitive. He called it a Justice of the palmtree' where {he Sheikh used to liSlen to petitioners while Sluing under the palm. IllS back on its mmk (Khalifa, 2000, p . 92). 10. Clurles Belgrave, the fa ther of the autho r. had been working, 4S an 'ad,'i,()[" to the Bahraini mler for 30 years. In 1957. he left Bahrai]1 , 'confident that he had been able to gl!Clr.1ntee (or lhe State the means to achieve steady and org:mized progress 10 the future' (Belgrave. 1960, p. 42) . II. !n his memoirs. Charles Belgrave con ide rs thac the replacement ofSunni and Shlajudges by secular instirutions was among hIS successes in B~hrain (Khalifa, 2000) 12, und irrigaled by wheels once turned by oxen (Khuri, 1980, p .63). 13 . Tailor (1818) Slated lhat ' ... at present there is only one fonified lO"wn on the island Awal and not more than 40 or 50 vill age on the neighbo uring isbnds' .

14 . Oppos ite to the ciry wall of Muharraq . w h ICh CJ.n be seen ori the map 1\1675.04-1828 (farman, 1996), Manama at tb is time was m~de up o f scallcred houses localed on open land. 15. The repo n o n SUllni lVaqfstatl:s th3l: 'il wa in all extremely un ati factory co ndition: v.luable gardens, houses lnd shops in ManJma alld fish traps were lacking s upeIVision. The revenues were not properly co llected, and lhere were no check on Ihe \vay in which they were spent'. For the abolition of IlJllq[ the same report addcd thal: ' 20 aHempl was m ade by Major Daly, the Polllical Resident U1 Bahrain during the 1 930s but :1 lled 10 face the huge opposition from 1001 populallon' (BR, Vol. Iv, 1928-1932, p. 460) . 16. Measures to cope with the post-il era haw been envisaged Since the !.alC 1960s. Heavy industrial complex:es were develo ped in lhree IOC/ lio ns olttside Manam~, In consortium with other Gulf states_ The m ajor ind ustrial complexes in Bahr.Ji n are: ALBA (Aluminum of Bah raj n) established in 1968, ASRY (the Arab Shipbuilding and Repa ir Yard) founded tn 1977, GPTC (Gulf Perrochemicals fnd usm es Company) developed in the early 1980s. and BAPCO (,Bahr.lin Pea-oleum Company) which \'1J.S eSlablished 111 1929 (Al-Yo usef, 1985, pp. [24--(29) 17. In (acr m any similar projects are being developed 111 Saudi Arabi ~ . Kuwait and the Emirares, lnd 'Will all be imugura red soon. W hi le the th r e coumries' economies are still based on OIl, Bahrain ironi -a.lly reli es on fore ign and regiom l investors that mostly come from these countrles. In Bahra m, some omu towers \-'Jhieh have been put up for rent, such as B,hrall1 NnlOnal Bank tower and AJ-Muayyed tower. hJve to date many unoccupied flours .

18. hlrp:llwww.ameinfo.com/ 103260.htmL Accessed 28 March 2007.

19 hlrp://www.ameinfo.com/68693.htmL Accessed 28 M;J,rch 2007.

20 hnp://realeslatc. theemir:ltcsnef\,vorkcornldevelopmencs!bahrainllul u)sllnd php. Accessed 28

March 2007. 21 . Fo r rhe impact otglobalizarion on Duhai (or inst;Jnce set Marchal (2005) 22. The slJ(ed cities were suhJeCted to J personal visir by thc aurhor.

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