Marching in the Glory - Experiences and Meanings When Working for a Sport Mega-event

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Journal of Sport Management, 2009, 23, 210-237 2009 Human Kinetics, Inc.

Marching in the Glory: Experiences and Meanings

When Working for a Sport Mega-Event

Xiaoyan XingLaurentian University

Laurence ChalipUniversity of Texas at Austin

Sport mega-event organizing committees have three uniquely challenging character-istics: They grow rapidly; they are temporary; they are accountable for event symbol-isms. Effects of these characteristics are examined via participant observation and in-depth interviews with twelve lower-level employees of the Beijing Organizing Committee for the Olympic Games (BOCOG) two years before the Beijing Olym-pics. Four themes about their working lives were identified: The daily work is mun-dane; BOCOG is bureaucratic; privilege has its privileges; my immediate working environment nurtures me. The mega-event context was also important; workers described it using: The Olympics are great and grand; the Olympics are valuable for China; the Olympics illustrate the challenges that China faces in the 21st century; BOCOG is uniquely high profile; BOCOG helps us to understand Chinese society. Employees used four themes to describe the coping strategies they applied to manage the challenges of working for the organizing committee: I have to confront or adjust; my work at BOCOG allows me to develop myself; working at BOCOG represents a passionate life with idealism; I get to be part of history. Findings suggest that social support, the symbolic significance of the event, and learning through event work mit-igate the stresses of working to host a mega-event. Future work should examine the workers lives longitudinally over the lifespan of an organizing committee to delin-eate the dynamics of meanings and experiences in mega-event work.

The Olympic Games have long fascinated sport managers and sport manage-ment researchers (e.g., Beis, Loucopoulos, Pyrgiotis, & Zorgrafos, 2006; Garca, 2001; Mason, Thibault, & Misener, 2006). This may be due to particular charac-teristics of the Olympic Games. The summer Olympic Games are one of the worlds largest and most popular mega-sports events (Toohey & Veal, 2000; Wal-lechinsky, 2004). Further, the owners of the event, the International Olympic

Xing is with the School of Sports Administration, Faculty of Management, Laurentian University, Sudbury, Ontario, Canada P3E 2C6. Chalip is with the Sport Management Program, University of Texas, Austin, TX 78712.

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Working for a Sport Mega-Event 211

Committee (IOC), has successfully shepherded the Olympic Gamesbringing them from relative obscurity at the beginning of the twentieth century to the status they enjoy today (Payne, 2006; Senn, 1999). Consequently, the Olympic Games may provide lessons that are pertinent to event management more generally (e.g., Chalip, 1992; Garca, 2001).

Yet we know very little about the work life of those who labor to host an Olympic Games. Nearly all Olympic scholarship has focused on Olympic history (e.g., Barney, Wenn, & Martyn, 2002; MacAloon, 1981), Olympic audiences (e.g., McDaniel & Chalip, 2002; Rothenbuhler, 1995), Olympic media (e.g., Riven-burgh, 2002; Turner, 2005), and Olympic impact (e.g., Burbank, Andranovich, & Heying, 2001; Cashman, 2006). However, as McDonald (1991) demonstrated, it is distinctly challenging to create and manage the large and multifaceted organiza-tion that is necessary to host an Olympic Games. This is consistent with findings elsewhere that the short period of time during which sport events occur makes it uniquely challenging to recruit, train, socialize, and retain employees (Hanlon & Jago, 2004). Further, international sport mega-events are inextricably laden with meanings and symbolisms that elevate the stakes for event organizers (Fox, Donohue, & Wu, 2007; McDonald, 1991; Steenveld & Strelitz, 1998; van der Westhuizen, 2004). Indeed, event organizing committees must do what they can to manage the images and meanings that key stakeholders derive because those become pivotal bases for their judgments about the events level of success (Parent & Foreman, 2007).

Images and meanings are created and communicated by event staff, which depends in no small measure on the capacity of the organizing committee to rap-idly build an organizational culture that is aware of the challenge and that has a strong sense of commitment to creating history through the event (Fox, Donohue, & Wu, 2007; McDonald, 1991; Parent & Foreman, 2007). This is a significant challenge because organizing committees must be created from scratch, must con-tinually recruit new staff as the event approaches, and must cope with the reality that employees know that they will not be needed after the event (Hanlon & Jago, 2004; McDonald, 1991). This study examines the ways that workers of the Bei-jing Organizing Committee for the 2008 Olympic Games (BOCOG) perceive, explain, and cope with the experience of preparing the Beijing Olympic Games.

Literature ReviewThe nature of experiences that employees obtain on the job has long been recog-nized as a pivotal characteristic of work performance, and the contextual factors that structure those experiences are known to affect the nature and quality of those experiences (Tesluk & Jacobs, 1998). Although past event executives have written personal (and typically self-congratulatory) accounts about managing their event (e.g., King, 1991; Romney, 2004; Ueberroth, 1985), the perspective of workers who execute the daily tasks necessary to make the event a reality has been miss-ing. Nevertheless, there are some hints in the human resource management litera-ture about the particular challenges that event organizing committees might face. These challenges are associated with rapid growth, short-term organizational existence, and a symbolically significant environment.

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Rapid Growth

The causes and consequences of rapid growth have been studied particularly in the context of entrepreneurial ventures. Research has focused primarily on entre-preneurs and the reasons that new ventures obtain particular growth rates. Never-theless, the relationship between growth and employee work life is one of the significant determinants of new venture success (Gilbert, McDougall, & Audretsch, 2006), and rapid growth does seem to affect the experiences that employees obtain.

Although rapid growth can convey a sense of excitement and new possibili-ties, researchers have typically been concerned with its negatives. Kotter and Sathe (1978) argued that rapid growth creates stress because it engenders expand-ing demands and constant change. Hambrick and Crozier (1985) agreed, finding that employees often feel that their skills and the organizations systems are inad-equate to the challenges of growth. This is exacerbated by the turmoil engendered as the new employees required by rapid growth are introduced into the system. The rapid growth, they argue, gives employees a sense of infallibility, which is contradicted by the stresses they experience. The sensed contradiction then leads to disaffection.

If these are the risks of rapid growth, then how are those risks addressed? As the organization grows, the range and depth of skills required to execute its many tasks increases (Cardon, 2003; Thakur, 1999). The stress that employees experi-ence may be reduced, sometimes significantly, if they are provided the informa-tion and support required to enhance their skills to address the needs of the orga-nization (Hall & Mirvis, 1995; Morrison & Hock, 1986). In rapidly growing organizations, this is particularly true if the decision-making structure is flexible (Kazanjian & Drazin, 1990).

These findings suggest that employees of a mega-event organizing committee are likely to feel stressed, and will find the constant change caused by the organi-zations growth to be frustrating. However, if their immediate work environment supplies sufficient information and support to meet the challenges of their job, then the stress and frustration will be reduced. It is not clear, however, how those stresses and frustrations will be manifest, or what coping mechanisms beyond collegial support event employees may adopt.

Temporary Organizations

Temporary organizations have little history and a finite future. They bring together groups of people with the necessary skills to complete particular tasks, and then require them to work interdependently to complete the overall project. Although organizations of this kind have a longstanding history in such industries as con-struction (Eccles, 1981) and theater (Goodman & Goodman, 1972, 1976), we know very little about the nature of work in such organizations. The challenge is to understand how people cope with circumstances in which control is not direct and immediate, and conformity to well-established administrative routines [is] not guaranteed (Powell, 1990, p. 327).


The negligible history, finite future, and rapid assembly of staff who have not worked together previously elevates the levels of uncertainty with which tempo-rary organizations must deal (Kanter, 1995; Meyerson, Weick, & Kramer, 1996). Organization theory holds that uncertainty causes organizations to shift from formal systems to interpersonal processes for coordinating schedules and the divi-sion of labor (Galbraith, 1973; March & Simon, 1958; Thompson, 1967). This is consistent with Huemann, Keegan, and Turners (2007) contention that effective project-oriented organizations shed bureaucracy in favor of flat structures, and with Bechkys (2006) finding that film projects are organized around structured systems of role-based relationships in which role expectations are communicated through norms of social interaction.

However, mega-event organizing committees differ in important ways from theater companies, film projects, construction teams, or ad hoc project teams within established corporations. In theater, film, construction, and ad hoc project teams, careers are on-going (Barley & Kunda, 2004; Jones, 1996; Keegan & Turner, 2003). Workers bring relevant skills from similar projects they have done in the past, and they expect to take the skills and experience from the current proj-ect to future projects. On the other hand, event organizing teams typically hire local workers, particularly entry and midlevel employees, who have scant event experience and whose future work prospects often lie outside the event industry (Hanlon & Jago, 2004; McDonald, 1991). In some sports, there are now a number of itinerant sport specialists and event production companies that endeavor to redress this problem by providing a core of experienced event specialists. In the Olympic context, the IOC has endeavored since the 2000 Sydney Olympic Games to enhance the skills of local OCOG workers through a knowledge management program that shares information and knowledge within an Olympic Games Orga-nizing Committee (OCOG) and that transfers knowledge to subsequent OCOGs through the application of project management software and the employment of both standing and ad hoc group of international event organization experts (Halb-wirth & Toohey, 2001; Theodoraki, 2007). Nevertheless, an OCOG is primarily staffed with local people, the majority of whom are from outside the sport indus-try, and have negligible experience organizing sport mega-events. This was the case with BOCOG.

The fact that many mega-events, such as the Olympic Games, are one-time events, and most employees will move on to other jobs, often outside the event industry could affect employees attitudes, expectations, and morale. In other con-texts, temporary employment that is not tied to career-based skill sets or future job prospects has been shown to lead to employee insecurity and pessimism (Feld-man, Doerpinghaus, & Turnley, 1994). Even among project teams, the ad hoc nature of assignments and relationships can render emotional strain (Sderlund & Bredin, 2006; Zika-Viktorsson, Sundstrm, & Engwall, 2006).

These findings suggest that the social dynamics of their work environment will be particularly important to mega-event employees, and that informal work-ing relationships will be more important than formal work structures. Although formal structures may be important, so will informal working relationships. Employees are also likely to be uncomfortable about the temporary nature of their

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employment. It is not clear whether there are factors in the event environment that mitigate these effects.

Symbolically Significant Environment

It matters that mega-events, particularly international sport mega-events, render meanings to audiences and stakeholders that go well beyond the results of compe-titions. MacAloon (1982) quoted Olympic gold medalist Dick Fosbury to illus-trate the potency of the symbolisms as they coalesce during the medals ceremony. Fosbury described his experience this way: In the ceremony, it seems like youre a vessel, like youre the symbol or the hero. You know youre something other than you (p. 109).

The potency of event symbolisms is salient to event organizers as well. When organizing the 1998 Commonwealth Games, Malaysian organizers were abun-dantly aware that a key objective was to communicate to international audiences that Malaysia is a modern Muslim state (van der Westhuizen, 2004). Organizers of the 1994 Winter Olympic Games in Norway used symbolisms to evoke a sense of cultural significance among Norwegians while simultaneously representing Norway to the world (Klausen, 1999). Similarly, Olympic organizers in Athens sought to use the event to instantiate the Hellenic heritage of Western civilization (Tzanelli, 2004). In the lead-up to the 1984 Olympic Games in Los Angeles, Peter Ueberroth, who headed the organizing committee, recognized that the event would be widely remembered, discussed, and interpreted. To make certain that his staff would be fully aware of the implications, he instituted and personally adminis-tered the Peter test, which required them to demonstrate mastery of Olympic history, current events, and the structure and operations of the organizing commit-tee (McDonald, 1991). In fact, stakeholders sometimes make explicit efforts to manage and exploit event symbolisms. For example, Nelson Mandelas govern-ment used the 1995 Rugby World Cup to alter public perceptions about relations between white and black South Africa (Steenveld & Strelitz, 1998). The national team was promoted under the slogan, One Team, One Nation, and Mandela reinforced the idea by appearing at the event wearing a replica of the (White) South African teams captain.

Indeed, the observation that sport mega-events are pregnant with symbolisms and meanings is so commonplace that current research typically seeks to explore the particulars of those symbolisms and the ways they are used (Chalip, 2006). That research has not, however, considered the nature and quality of experience that event employees consequently obtain, although recent studies have demon-strated that organizing committees pay close and careful attention to the images and identity that their event communicates (e.g., Klausen, 1999; Parent & Fore-man, 2007). Nevertheless, it is clear that the experience at work is itself less important than the opportunity to reflect and interpret the experience (Seibert, 1996).

The symbolic potency of sport mega-events provides employees a basis for interpreting experiences, and the motivation to do so (cf. Kamoche, 2000; Kara-thanos, 1998). Symbolisms focus attention on associated experiences and give direction to their interpretation because they denote something greater than the self or the symbol, and they call for the association of certain ideas (Morgan,


Frost, & Pondy, 1983). The attention and focus created by symbolisms foster meanings that employees construct from their experiences (Louis, 1983; Pac-anowsky & Trujillo, 1982).

Given the significant symbolisms associated with sport mega-events, it is expected that event employeesas socially embedded actors who are also con-sumers of social and cultural meanings accorded to an eventmay incorporate these meanings to their interpretation of work life, thus finding additional value in their work. The degree to which that is the case should depend on the degree that they recognize the symbolic significance of the event, and the degree to which they associate their efforts with the symbolisms which will be generated. What renders that recognition, and the ways the apparent significance manifests itself in their interpretations of their work remain to be determined.

The Beijing Olympics

In July 2001, Beijing won the right to host the 2008 Olympic Games. The timing of the award and the Games themselves could not have been more portentous (Haugen, 2005; Theodoraki, 2004; Xu, 2006). The award of the Games marked the 25th anniversary of the end of the Cultural Revolution, and the ninth anniver-sary of Deng Xiaopings historical speech during his South China tour signaling the final demise of Chinas self-imposed isolation. The Games would represent Chinas increasingly active role in world affairs, and the growth of its economy and technological capability. The slogan chosen by the Beijing Organizing Com-mittee for the Olympic Games (BOCOG) was crafted to convey Chinas integra-tion into the world system and optimism about the future: One World, One Dream.

The Olympic Games seemed an ideal platform for projecting Chinas image internationally and domestically. This was not merely a function of the substantial audiences that an Olympic Games typically enjoy. International sport perfor-mances by Chinese athletes have been both salient and significant to Chinese peoplea fact that is reflected in the popular discourse about Olympic perfor-mances, and in the organization of Chinese sport systems (Brownell, 1995). Thus, the Games would provide a vital symbolic platform both domestically and internationally.

Regarding the organizational context, the Host City Contract spelled out the obligations of parties involved in the organization of the Beijing 2008 Olympic and Paralympic Games, including the city of Beijing, the Chinese Olympic Com-mittee (COC), and BOCOG. In addition to the IOC, the city, and the National Olympic Committee, an OCOG typically exists in a terrain of intersecting and sometimes fractious stakeholders (Theodoraki, 2007), including the International Federations (which govern each of the Olympic sports), International Paralympic Committee, and other National Olympic Committees. Domestically, BOCOG works closely with the various Chinese ministers, government entities in the city of Beijing, and the Chinese Disabled Persons Federation.

Documents internal to BOCOG show that the organization followed a trajec-tory typical of mega-event organizing committees. BOCOG was launched in December 2001. The organization grew rapidly, beginning with 35 staff in 2001,

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growing to 319 in 2004, and 1,133 in 2006, with 7,500 people anticipated to work for BOCOG during the Games in 2008. Similarly, the number of departments grew from 13 in 2001 to 28 in 2007 before venuization (i.e., a restructure such that operations are organized by competition/noncompetition venues rather than by functions). The organization changed its location twice in its early years to cope with its growth. From BOCOGs inception, plans called for the organization to disband shortly after the Games. Given the significance of the Beijing Olympic Games and the characteristics of BOCOG as a temporary yet rapidly growing sport organization, BOCOG employees were recruited and their work lives were examined to shed light on the experience of working for sport mega-events. The following section reports the methodology used in this study.

Method

Sampling

Purposeful sampling method was used to recruit BOCOG employees. Two criteria were used for recruitment. First, the participants had worked for BOCOG for at least one year to ensure that they had adequate understanding of their job and the organization. Further, since our primary interest was the meaning of daily work-ing life for the Beijing Olympic Games, the experiences of those who work at the coal face in BOCOG were considered as the appropriate analytic units. High rank-ing BOCOG officials were not studied because their work is more about policy-making and supervision.

Participants were recruited through three contacts at BOCOG who were friends of the first author. Participants in the study were twelve current BOCOG employees from eleven different departments. The average age of the participants was 28.5 years old (SD = 3.7 years). They had worked at BOCOG for 27.7 months (SD = 9.5 months) on average. Six participants were male and six participants were female. All of the participants were han ethnicitythe largest ethnic group in China, which the government estimates constitutes almost 91% of the countrys population (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2006).

Data Collection

To capture the experience and meanings of the BOCOG working experience, a hermeneutic phenomenological perspective was adopted. Phenomenological study is suitable for studying how people interpret their lives and make meaning of their experience (Cohen, Kahn, & Steeves, 2000, p. 5). The method combines in-depth interviews with participant observation (Tom, 1993).

Interviews. Semistructured interviews were conducted from March to July 2006 by the first author in Chinese. A key objective of phenomenological research is to surface participants living experiences through their own narratives (Cohen et al., 2000). Consequently, the interview questions were intentionally general, as they were designed to maximize participants own descriptions and interpretations of their working lives at BOCOG. A similar approach has been used to investigate


life experiences in other sport-related contexts (Rehman & Frisby, 2000). The interview protocol for this study included the following questions:

WhydidyoudecidetoworkforBOCOG?

WhatisitliketoworkforBOCOG?

Canyoutellmeafewthingsthatyouenjoymostaboutyourjob?

Whatarethethingsthatyouleastenjoyinyourjob?

Whatdoyouthinkitwillbelikeforyouoncethegamesareover?

Ifyouhaveachancetochooseyourjobagain,willyoumakethesamechoiceand why?

WhatadvicewillyougivethenewcomerstoBOCOGastheorganizationcontinues to grow?

The interview protocol served as the basic guide to facilitate participants articulation of their experience at BOCOG. Probes and follow-up questions for clarification and elaboration were added to smooth the flow of the accounts when-ever necessary.

Six interviews (three female and three male) were conducted via phone, and six interviews (three female and three male) were conducted face-to-face at Bei-jing Olympic Tower, BOCOG headquarters in 2006. This was necessary to obtain requisite cooperation. The phone interviews were longer (M = 71.7 min; SD = 16.5 min) than the face-to-face interviews (M = 56.5 min; SD = 7.8 min). This may be the result of the working schedule imperatives as the phone interviews were conducted in off-work hours while the on-site interviews were conducted either during noon break or work hours. The 12 interview audio-files in Chinese were transcribed and translated to English verbatim which generated 141 pages and 6,329 lines of interview text.

Participant Observation. The first author shadowed her BOCOG friends for five full working days. She attended all the activities that targeted BOCOG employees, such as riding the BOCOG shuttle to and from work, eating at BOCOG employee cafeteria, working out at the BOCOG gym, attending departmental meetings, and playing games with the BOCOG employees during the noon breaks. Seventeen pages of field notes were generated from the participant observation. The purpose of the participant observation was to deepen our appreciation of the workers daily lives at BOCOG. This informed data analysis, particularly by enhancing the quality of the data interpretation.

Data Analysis

Different roles were taken by the researchers in collecting and analyzing the data (Adler & Adler, 1987). The first author took an insiders role as she was native to the Chinese culture and language and conducted the participant observation. The second author examined the data from an outsiders and Westerners perspective. He also brought in a comparative perspective as he had some experience with Olympic organizing groups in both Asian and Western contexts. The collaboration helped the research team to become sensitive to both the local culture of BOCOG

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and the normative implications emerging from the data. A similar approach has been adopted productively in other sport management research (e.g., Costa & Chalip, 2005; Green & Chalip, 1998).

The researcher taking the insiders role went through the interview texts mul-tiple times, line-by-line, for the meaning units and connections between these units. Key phrases and paragraphs were underlined, labeled, and categorized. The researcher taking the outsider role debriefed the researcher taking the insider role for an overall picture of the data. The two researchers then used the phrases and labels to construct the initial themes and schematic outline. The emerging the-matic outline was then brought back to the interview texts for comparison and revision. Key phrases and paragraphs suitable for each theme and subthemes were identified. The two researchers rated these key phrases and paragraphs indepen-dently for their meaning units and connection with the themes. Discussions and analyses were conducted for disagreements on data interpretation until full con-sensus was reached. The resultant outline was then again brought back to the interview texts. This process iterated until the meanings in the interview texts were adequately captured by the extracted themes and quotes.

ResultsThree categories of themes emerged from the data. The categories and their sub-themes are provided in Figure 1. Themes under Work Life capture the immediate work experience; themes under Work Context describe participants perception of the social environment surrounding BOCOG; and four strategies are identified through which the participants interpret and integrate their Work Life and Work Context.

In the following sections, the themes are presented discretely to unpack the experience of work life in this mega-event. This is heuristically useful because it enables exploration of each theme. In practice, of course, the themes are interre-lated; they exist as an organic whole intertwining the workers interpretation of event symbolisms, their immediate work environment, the organization, and the broad social environment. When narrating their experiences, study participants would occasionally refer to their specific work tasks to illustrate their feelings and thoughts about their work. However, their descriptions of these tasks did not con-stitute a substantial part of their narratives nor differentiate one workers experi-ence from another. In other words, the nature of the specific work tasks in the context of the participants meaning making of their work lives was general and not task-specific. Hence, no themes regarding specific work tasks were developed. Rather, by taking a hermeneutic approach, this study provides a deep understand-ing of event workers interpretation of their work lives, thus complementing other studies that examine the structure of sport mega-event organizations, including different tasks and groups involved in delivering an event (e.g., Parent & Fore-man, 2007; Theodoraki, 2007). For presentation of the findings, the female and male study participants were individually denoted by gender (M or F) and by number (from 1 to 6). This was done to protect the individual identities of partici-pants, as they requested.

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Work Life

Four themes fall under this category: (1) The daily work is mundane. (2) BOCOG is bureaucratic. (3) Privilege has its privilege. (4) My immediate working environ-ment nurtures me.

The Daily Work Is Mundane. The grandness and excitement of an Olympic Games were not directly translated into the job. Workers perceived their day-to-day work to be mundane:

It [the BOCOG job] is not unusual. It is the same as any other job. You come to work by shuttle. In the process, you will experience the boredom. It is impossible to be excited and enthusiastic everyday. (M4)

You forget the greatness of the Olympic Games in your daily work. In fact, you distance yourself from Olympic values. You do not think about these things. You just think about concrete things. (F4)

As these two quotes illustrate, although the workers were aware of the excite-ment that an Olympic Games could confer, their daily work life was so mundane that it could be boring. Indeed, to focus on operational tasks that were often mun-dane, they found it useful to decouple their work from the Olympic values it served, as the quotes illustrate. Thus, as they went about their workday, the links between their daily tasks and the values they associated with the Olympics (which are described in the section on work context) were suppressed. The mundanity of their daily work became a contrast to the benefits they felt the Games would pro-vide to China. As we shall see (in the section on interpreting and integrating work life and context), this contrast became significant to them, causing them to seek means to reconcile the mundanity of their work and the significance of the event they were helping to organize.

BOCOG Is Bureaucratic. The workers contended that BOCOG was bureau-cratic because, as one worker said, It is run by governmental officials (M4). The organizations rapid expansion complicated the coordination and communication. One participant described it this way:

When I first came [in 2003], there were only two or three hundred people. Now, there are so many people. Communication is not as smooth as before. More time is spent on procedures. It is troublesome. (F2)

The quote reflects the way that the expansion increased formalities within the organization, which made communication difficult. Consequently, these workers felt that low efficiency plagued daily operations. As one worker put it, There are numerous complicated procedures. Much work is redundant and a waste of time (F3).

Further, the workers complained that BOCOG lacked formal motivation sys-tems. One worker observed, When there were two persons, we needed to work extra hours. Now, there are 20 people; still these two persons do extra work. You


need to do everything but you dont get extra benefits (M5). As BOCOG expanded, experienced workers were forced to absorb extra work, but BOCOG did not reward additional work.

In addition to the efficiency and motivation issues associated with BOCOG and its rapid expansion, the workers also expressed their concerns about ongoing changes:

Making changes is necessary. These changes were also seen in other Olympic cities. But it would be better if you can expect and plan for the changes in the beginning. (M2)

When hired, we were not provided with our job description. Many people were moved to other positions afterwards. I feel that this type of behavior is a great disrespect to the person. (F5)

As the quotes describe, participants had to live with constant change. They acknowledged change as a function of the temporary nature and rapid expansion of OCOG work. Yet, they also attributed the changes to lack of planning and inap-propriate human resource management practices.

Privilege Has Its Privileges. Hosting an Olympic Games is often a focal point of the host society. The consequent prestige renders varying degrees of privilege. The first author noted in her field notes, The prestige of working at BOCOG can be clearly sensed the first time one enters its headquarters. Their office building is brand new and upscale, and you are allowed to enter the building only when you are invited. The experience of riding the BOCOG shuttle further highlighted the sense of prestige:

When the BOCOG shuttles were about to exit during rush hour, two BOCOG guards politely stopped traffic (both bicycles and cars). Many workers on the shuttle shook their heads. In their words, this kind of special treatment was unnecessary, and the practice can elicit curses from the general public. (Field note, July 11, 2006)

As the observation illustrates, these workers did not welcome privileges that disrupted the general publics lives. They also disparaged privileges that were reserved for those with higher status in the organization:

The feeling that I am from BOCOG is a good one. . . . But it [BOCOG] is not democratic. This can be seen from many things. For instance, the cafeteria and the parking lots have designated areas for the leaders. (F6)

BOCOG officials were granted better food services and more convenient parking locations than were granted to ordinary workers. This left these workers feeling sandwiched between the general public and the organizations leadership. They had privileges the general public did not, but they had fewer than their bosses. Both differences made them uncomfortable.

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My Immediate Working Environment Nurtures Me. The workers described their immediate working environment as supportive and friendly. That fact helped them to stay positive, as the following two quotes illustrate:

In the department where I work now, I think we all feel a sense of solidarity. In such an environment, even if you encounter many difficulties and prob-lems, they will not affect your mood that much. (F3)

In our department, the leaders nurture the younger workers. If I have ques-tions and ask other team members, I always get their help. If there is no answer available, we always discuss [the problem] or do some research together. . . . The morale of the whole team is superb. We have very good relations. This helps us to do the job better. (M1)

These two quotes reveal the importance of the immediate environment in employees work lives. Solidarity within functional departments helped them better cope with the changes they faced. Mentorship and the process of discover-ing answers together were felt to be a source of personal growth. This, in turn, led to collegiality and smoother collaboration.

The supportive environment also fostered employee retention. Some workers had considered quitting, but stayed due to the support in their immediate work setting:

In fact, I have had many [other job] opportunities [while at BOCOG]. They all offered more income than this job. . . . But since there are others I work with who are fighting with me side-by-side, I cannot leave them. (F4)

It is mainly because of our director [that I stayed]. He gives the feeling that he respects us and appreciates us. He put me in a position suitable for me. He believes that I can do it well. This is very important to me. (F6)

These two quotes indicate that factors in the immediate environment were prominent when the participants assessed their job. Positive elements in the imme-diate environment, such as bonding with colleagues, and support from supervi-sors, kept them with their BOCOG jobs despite offers of better jobs.

Summary. The workers accounts of their work life rendered a complex picture. Despite the excitement often engendered by rapid growth and the symbolic sig-nificance of a sport mega-event, they perceived their job to be mundane. They complained about the problems arising from bureaucratic systems, fast expansion, systems of privilege, and temporariness of the organization, but their complaints were counterbalanced by the support they felt from their immediate work environments.

Work Context

Effects of the work context are described by five themes: (1) The Olympics are great and grand. (2) The Olympics are valuable for China. (3) The Olympics illus-trate the challenges that China faces in the 21st Century. (4) BOCOG is uniquely high profile. (5) BOCOG helps us to understand Chinese society.


The Olympics Are Great and Grand. Olympic values were recognized and endorsed by the workers. As one worker said:

It [the Olympic spirit] is especially appealing. We feel that this spirit rep-resents the glorious part of human nature. The Olympic spirit provides an opportunity for me to look for things on a higher spiritual plane. (M5)

Workers felt that Olympic values served personal needs at higher levels. Working for BOCOG enabled a connection with the Olympic Movement because BOCOG, after all, relates to a grand event of mankind (M2). Employees were socialized into Olympic ideals through their work:

By working at BOCOG, I learned the universality of the Olympic Move-ment. It is beyond a single country or individual. I feel that if the athletes can achieve or surpass their best performance in Beijing, that is enough. (M1)

Taken together, these quotes show how the ideals of Olympism became increasingly salient to the workers, even though none articulated Olympic values explicitly. The values were more felt than cognized. They were appreciated, and then appropriated into the workers lives.

The Olympics Are Valuable for China. The workers were adamant about the value of the Olympics for China. As one said, It [the Olympic Games] is one of the great events in the past several hundred years of Chinese history (F5). Another said it more simply, It [the Olympic Games] is an opportunity for the people and the country (M4). The Olympic Games were valued for the Chinese people because for most Chinese, this Olympic Games will be the only Olympic Games they will experience (M1). The Olympics were valued for the country because for country like China, we even care more about the Olympic Games because it reflects the power of a country, both economically and politically(F6).

This view led many workers to return from overseas so that they could con-tribute to that value. A woman who had returned from studying in North America to work for BOCOG explained her decision this way:

When I was overseas, most of the things were very stablewithout changes. On the other hand, I saw their concerns about inequality in globalization, the third world, sweat shops, and marginalized groups. You cant help being influenced by these views. These problems are much more acute in China. Coming back with this realization, I wanted to devote myself to a blood-boiling (re que fei teng) cause through which I could do something for my country. (F4)

As the quotes above illustrate, the Beijing Olympics assumed their impor-tance through the intersection of two historic ingredients. The event would be the first Olympics in China, and it was coming to the country at a time when its bur-geoning economy and increasingly active role in international affairs underscored the value of the event as a means to showcase the country to the world. It is par-ticularly interesting that when describing the significance of the Beijing Olym-pics, workers shifted their referent identity from BOCOG employee to Chinese citizen. Probes failed to elicit any direct reference to patriotic sentiments (ai guo).

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Rather, these workers used the phrases zuo gong xian (which references a sense of moral obligation to make a contribution) and the phrase wei ti yu shi ye zou xi sheng (which specifies making a sacrifice for the cause of sport development). Thus, they felt it was important that they were working for an event they expected to be valuable to China, but they did not describe their motives or construals as overtly patriotic.

The Olympics Illustrate the Challenges That China Faces in the 21st Cen-tury. The workers believed that China hosting an Olympic Games is a great challenge to the socialist system(F5). They welcomed that fact not because they eschewed state socialism, but because they saw it as a feature of Chinas emer-gence onto the world stage. One participant put it this way:

How can you send the signals to the world that China is rich and strong? China is also a country that loves peace, that is hospitable, and that will not be threatening? [You do it] through the Olympic Games. It is a means. (M3)

The challenges for China as an emerging world power were signified for workers by the clash between traditional Chinese etiquette and Western expecta-tions. Workers were concerned but amused by the clash as it became manifest in planning and operations. Consider the following anecdote:

BOB [Beijing Olympic Broadcasting Co. Ltd.] said that the podium for VIPs [during the Opening Ceremonies] was too big, but BOCOG said that it was not big enough. We planned for 4000 VIPs. Then, BOB gave us a quota of 200 including sponsors (laugh). After some negotiations, it became 800 or 900. (M6)

This anecdote represents just one of the many disjunctions of international norms and Chinese cultural values. The disjunction affected daily work, as a worker who had been sent by BOCOG to work at the Athens Olympics noted:

[When working overseas], you need to follow their rulesthe international rules recognized by all countries. After coming back, in order to make these rules function here, you need to deal with BOCOGs decision and manage-ment systems. Things are so very urgent sometimes, but I still need to follow BOCOGs bureaucratic style. I feel that we are in the interstice (jia feng). (F6)

Workers recognized these challenges in their daily work lives as emblematic of Chinas contemporary challenges. Their work experiences were represented in their thinking about Chinese society, as the following two quotes show:

Fundamentally, we are slow in our political mechanism, which affects the change of our social system. It is not as fast as the reforms in the economic section. (M3)

It is obvious that our ways of thinking about things, and even doing things, lag behind developed countries. The [Olympic] legacy should not be only


about the venues. More importantly, it should be about improving the ways that [Chinese] people see their social responsibilities and envision the future. (M1)

Thus, there were two ways that the Beijing Olympics represented Chinas challenges. One had to do with Chinas growing international presence, and the associated challenges of international relations. The other had to do with learning and growing through the Olympic Games. Olympic legacies were expected to be intellectual and cultural, as well as tangible.

BOCOG is Uniquely High Profile. The workers perceived BOCOG to be unique because they could differentiate it from comparable settings. They did so through three sets of comparisons: (1) comparing the Chinese system to other systems; (2) comparing BOCOG to other Chinese organizations; and (3) comparing BOCOG to other OCOGs. Consider the following examples of each:

[Chinese] do many things, even if the same thing, differently from other countries. . . . [For example] when we create schedules using the same sys-tems [that other countries use], the schedules may not be useful. If we follow their [other countrys] systems, we get the same type of schedule, but whether it will be accepted and implemented is a big question. (M3)

If we position BOCOG as a government organization, I think BOCOG is the best in the country. This is something no one can deny even though we complain here and there. . . . If all the ministries [in China] could follow BOCOGs lead, the realization of communism (laugh) would come many years earlier. (M5)

We worked very hard during the Athens [Olympic Games] internship and we learned a lot. Many problems occurred during the Athens Games. . . . After coming back, we really want to show that we can do better. (F6)

The organizations uniqueness was amplified by its high profile. This was not taken for granted. Rather, it was something about which the workers marveled and worried. They were acutely aware of effects of media promotions of the Games, as the following quote illustrates:

Everyone pays attention to [the Beijing Olympic Games], but the attention may not come easily. The attention we talk about now is influenced by the media. It is organized by the government and the media. (M3)

Nevertheless, they marveled at the effects on the Games status and profile. As a worker responsible for managing unsolicited donations to BOCOG described it:

Although we always saw news stories that people all over the country sup-ported the Olympic Games, we thought these might be exaggerations by the reporters. After coming here, I found that it was true. . . . There are peasants sending money to support the Olympic Games which, in this era, is unimagi-nable. (M4)

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The uniqueness of BOCOG was important to its workers because it signifies the tension between retaining those things that make China distinctive while dem-onstrating the potential for change. On the one hand, there was the tension between doing things the Chinese way and doing them as they would have been done in other countries. Which way was better was a constant subtext of concern. At the same time, the organization was operating at a level of efficiency and effective-ness that was thought to be exceptional for a government agency. Its high profile intensified workers awareness of its uniqueness. That combined with its high profile to hint at new possibilitiesnot merely for BOCOG, but for China. Thus, reflections about the uniqueness and profile of BOCOG were a persistent feature of the workers experience.

BOCOG Helps Us to Understand Chinese Society. Reflections about the unique profile of BOCOG were complemented by reflections about the ways that BOCOG furthered workers insights into Chinese society. One participant described it articulately:

It is not a good place to make a big achievement in a specific narrow field. But if you want to understand Beijing and the occurrence of such a big event in Beijing, the variety of people involved in such an event, their situations, the type of groups they represent in the society, people from different profes-sions, and people who came back from overseas, it is the place. It is a great place to understand human-beings and interactions among people. (M2)

Workers recognized that all organizations reflect their social context, so they did not consider this to be a unique feature of BOCOG. Rather, they felt that it was more intensely salient:

It would be the same everywhere. If you were in other organizations, you could encounter the same problems as at BOCOG. It is actually part of the process of knowing society. . . . But the degree would be less. (M3)

As the organization grew and changed, workers periodically encountered new challenges and worked with new people. Although the majority of daily tasks were mundane, BOCOGs growth and change forced workers to evaluate and reevaluate their social context. In the process, they felt they were acquiring new insight into Chinese society.

Summary. Themes in this section show that the workers actively interpreted the symbolisms and significances of their work setting. Those became valued con-tributors to their overall experience. Their interpretations occurred at multiple levels. They reflected on the Olympics, Chinas place in the world, the challenges of Chinas future, the nature of Chinese society, and BOCOGs role in each of these. Those reflections made their work meaningful despite the mundanity of their day-to-day activities.

Interpreting and Integrating Work Life and Context

BOCOG employees had to cope with the contrast between the mundanity of their daily work lives and the significance of their works social context. To do so, they employed four strategies: (1) I have to adjust or confront. (2) My work at BOCOG


allows me to develop myself. (3) Working at BOCOG represents a passionate life with idealism. (4) I get to be part of history.

I Have to Adjust or Confront. The workers either adjusted themselves to their environment or challenged it. As a worker who chose to challenge the status quo put it:

I do not want to follow the bureaucratic style. I often do things that violate [BOCOG] rules. I confronted one of the BOCOG VPs several times. (F6)

Here, the participant challenged the high rank BOCOG leaders because she did not want to comply with the organizational bureaucracy. She felt that confron-tation allowed her to retain a sense of personal integrity.

Other workers felt it was necessary to adjust to the organizations procedures and values. As one such worker explained:

BOCOG is just an organization. Each organization has good things and bad things. I think the more important thing is for you to adapt to it. (M4).

In fact, workers could adjust or confront, depending on the situation. Although some seemed to prefer confrontation when their values clashed with those of the organization, others seemed to prefer adjustment. In either case, the objective was the same: to retain the sense that their work was worthwhile, and therefore meaningful.

My Work at BOCOG Allows Me to Develop Myself. The BOCOG job presented personal growth opportunities that these employees clearly valued. As one partici-pant noted, I feel I am getting what I want; I have improved myself. . . . I do have disappointments and complaints, but they do not make my job any less valuable (M5).

Another participant said:

I came here after being a student. Since then, I have improved my ability all round. My horizons have expanded. (M1)

As these two quotes illustrate, the workers felt that they improved themselves through their BOCOG job. A dialectic approach was taken when evaluating the job. Although they complained about problems on the job, they were able to focus on the personal growth that the job enabled. This helped to make the work person-ally meaningful.

Working at BOCOG Represents a Passionate Life With Idealism. Work and the rest of life are closely connected. A job can be part of ones lifestyle. This was clearly the case for BOCOG workers. Consider the following two quotes:

Sport differs from other endeavors. It is a very passionate thing [and] I want to live a life with great passion. When I think about the Olympic Games and BOCOG, I realize that this is a source of my satisfaction. (F5)

I represent the group who used to have a good job but gave up everything and came here. To be frank, I am full of passion and hot blood (ji qing he re xue). I want to make my life resplendent. (M5)

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These two quotes describe ways that the workers interpreted their choice to work for BOCOG. Their work became a statement about how they lived their lives. It was not just a job; it was an expression of their passion and their idealism. As a consequence, the mundanity and the problems of their work were made trivial.

I Get to Be Part of History. BOCOG workers were acutely aware that they were helping to create history. As one put it, It is an historic opportunity, and it is an opportunity that will not come again (M5). This awareness came to the fore when they were explaining their appreciation of their work. The following two examples are illustrative:

Each task we do is simple and mundane. But every milestone has historic significance. [I was there] when we chose the mascots [for the Beijing Olym-pics], and I had the overwhelming sense that I, as a common person, had participated in a moment that would be remembered by history. (M1)

The meanings [of working for the Beijing Olympic Games] are for the person. It is a precious experience. You have seen, you have experienced, and you know how it works. When the Games are successfully held, no one will feel that it is because of your effort. But you will know that there is your effort in it. (F2)

The sense that helping to organize the Games injected the worker into the making of history was a significant source of these workers satisfaction, even in the presence of mundane work and ongoing frustrations. It was consequently a key reason that these workers were untroubled by the temporary nature of their jobs:

Working at BOCOG is an historic experience. The opportunity will be gone after 2008. The job is destined to be a short one. You have to consider where your next job is. Who should I ask for my breakfast in the morning of 2009? On the other hand, . . . it should be helpful [to my future career]. (F1)

Although workers were concerned about their postevent employment, they perceived the organizations historically significant status to be an opportunity. That status made working at BOCOG a unique opportunity. Those who were there stayed because the opportunity outweighed any career disadvantage.

Summary. The four coping strategies strengthened and reinforced each other. It was worthwhile to approach the bureaucracy in the organization through either adjustment or confrontation because the moment was historic and the work repre-sented passionate idealism. They felt themselves growing in their jobs, which made their work as personally meaningful as it was historically meaningful. They were involved with something bigger than themselvessomething that mattered to them, and something that rendered benefits they could value.


DiscussionThese findings suggest that the experience of workers producing a sport mega-event is less stressful than expected. Although growth and constant change were realities of the job, the effects of growth and change were mitigated by the mun-dane nature of daily work and by the support of coworkers. The symbolic and historic significance of the larger project added meaning to these workers lives, making even the mundane feel important. They valued the constant learning that their work required, and they found that they could grow in the job. Their responses sound a great deal like the kinds of responses that hardy executives give when asked how they cope with seemingly stressful situations (Maddi & Kobasa, 1984). Whether this was due to the superordinate goals associated with staging a mega-event, the symbolic importance of the event, or the psychology of the workers, is unclear. However, the fact that our interviewees described superordinate objec-tives, appreciated symbolisms of the event, and valued the coping strategies they had formulated suggests that all three aspects contributed to their hardiness.

The working life of these employees had its share of frustrations and per-ceived injustices. The effects of bureaucracy and government oversight were salient, and the privileges enjoyed by those with higher status were resented. However, these aspects of the job were mitigated by the positive social climate of working groups, the apparent importance of the work, and opportunities the job afforded to grow and learn. These findings are consistent with other work on orga-nizational life (e.g., Hall & Mirvis, 1995; Kamoche, 2000; Morrison & Hock, 1986). They suggest that team building tactics and job enrichment are potentially useful tools for event managers. Nevertheless, the fact that the negatives were mitigated did not render them unimportant. Future studies of event organizations should consider the sources and challenges of perceived justice (cf. Camerman, Cropanzano, & Vandenbergh, 2007).

The vital role of interpretation is highlighted by these workers coping strate-gies. They saw their work as an opportunity to live an idealistic and passionate life. This was accentuated by their sense that they were creating history. This has practical value for event organizers, as Ueberroth (1985) demonstrated at the Los Angeles Olympics. A key means for building an effective event organizing culture is to instill idealism and passion throughout the workforce, particularly by empha-sizing the historic importance of the event (McDonald, 1991).

This is one of the reasons that the temporary nature of the work was not deemed to be a problem. The significant opportunities that the work made possi-ble were a key attraction from the outset, so each employee had come to terms with the temporary nature of the job before coming to work for BOCOG. At the time these interviews were conducted, the event was two years away; there was palpable energy and purpose throughout the organization. It is conceivable that the temporary nature of the job could become more vexing as the event and its end become imminent. The temporary nature of event work is one of its significant distinguishing features (Goodman & Goodman, 1976; Hanlon & Jago, 2004);

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more work is needed to examine the dynamics of mega-event work, particularly over the lifespan of the event organization. In fact, it is standard for mega-event organizations to grow in size and to alter their structure as the event approaches. More workers are required as the initial stages of event organizing are engulfed by logistics of event operations and production (Parent, 2008; Theodoraki, 2007). Thus, it is reasonable to expect that workers experience of the organization will also shift.

Other work on events has highlighted the ways that events become crucibles in which the nature of society and alternative social constructions are explored (Handelman, 1990). That work has noted the ways that social worlds are decon-structed and reconstructed during events, and the ways that liminality enables social constructions to be explored. In this event organization, the workers found themselves to be examining and reimagining their social world, but there was no evidence that their social world was being deconstructed, and their workaday world was in no way liminoid. Rather, the juxtaposition of their everyday working lives with the symbolic significances of the event they were organizing encour-aged both social and personal reflection. This was an unexpected findingone that warrants further research.

The workers explicit descriptions of the significance of their work for the country were related to the events symbolic value and to the learning that they expected the country to gain as a result of organizing the Games. It would be rea-sonable to expect this to provoke and/or emanate from patriotic sensibilities. Yet, patriotic sentiment was never mentioned, although moral obligation and personal sacrifice for the country were. Explicit queries to participants about this matter rendered responses to the effect that their work was a job, so it required practical consideration, which could be associated with moral obligation and sacrifice, but that was distinctly different from the patriotic feelings resulting from the winning of Olympic medals. Thus, they distinguished the Olympic context of their work from Olympic competition outcomes.

This is not to say that moral obligation or sacrifice for the nation is irrelevant to patriotism. Rather, it is to observe that the Chinese language and these BOCOG workers make particular distinctions that do not translate directly or simply into English or Western conceptual frames (cf. Liu, 2002). This is a useful reminder that different cultural contexts may allocate different meanings to seemingly simi-lar (and even globally relevant) activities. It suggests the value of future work that examines cultural differences in the ways that event organizing is construed.

There are clearly some differences between temporary sport event organiza-tions and temporary organizations in other industries, as we noted in the introduc-tion. However, it is not clear whether those differences matter. One of the most salient differences is that temporary event organizations draw in workers who have no previous event organizing experience, and most event workers expect to move to other industries after the event ends. This contrasts with construction, theater, and special project teams in organizations, where workers are selected because they have previous experience, and they expect to continue in the same line of work. It would be reasonable to expect this difference to render different effects on the experience and interpretations of workers in those differing con-texts, as the career relevance of the work is different. Yet, the temporary nature of BOCOG employment did not seem to matter to the workers we studied. Future


work should compare work in sport events to work in other temporary organiza-tions to identify the effects of differing career expectations.

Previous work on temporary organizations (e.g., Meyerson, Weick, & Kramer, 1996; Sderlund & Bredin, 2006; Zika-Viktorsson, Sundstrm, & Engwall, 2006) and rapidly growing organizations (e.g., Hall & Mirvis, 1995; Hambrick & Cro-zier, 1985; Kotter & Sathe, 1978) has emphasized the immediate working envi-ronment of employees, but has paid inadequate attention to the interpretations through which employees make meaning from their work. In this study, we identi-fied more categories than are usually derived from phenomenological studies of work. That was due largely to the significant and varied interpretations about their work that these workers developed, and to their deliberate formulation of strate-gies to integrate their work into their life narratives. The importance of interpreta-tion has been noted in previous studies of work (e.g., Kamoche, 2000; Karantha-nos, 1998), and life narratives have been well studied (e.g., Coupland & Nussbaum, 1993; Daiute & Lightfoot, 2004; Lieblich & Josselson, 1997). Insights from those literatures could enhance our understandings of work in temporary organizations, particularly event organizations.

The literature also suggests that shedding bureaucracy enhances the effective-ness of temporary organizations (Bechky, 2006; Huemann, Keegan, & Turner, 2007), and that rapid growth is best managed when decision-making systems are flexible (Kazanjian & Drazin, 1990). Neither characteristic described BOCOG as these employees saw it. They attributed bureaucratic and centralized decision-making systems to the fact that BOCOG was a government organization. It would be useful to compare the structure and systems of private and government-affili-ated event organizing committees to ascertain the effects of business sector, and to determine the consequences of those effects for organizational functioning. In so doing, it may be particularly useful to determine how time is constructed and managed under different management systems, and what effect that has (cf. Fis-cher, Reuber, Hababou, Johnson, & Lee, 1998).

These workers concerns about the bureaucratic nature of their working envi-ronment demonstrate that the perceived structure and operations of the event orga-nization impinge on their workaday experience. Several theorists have noted rela-tionships among structure, strategy, and operations (e.g., Mintzberg, 1994; Nutt & Backoff, 1992), while other work has noted a relationship between structure and employee attitudes (e.g., Hodson, 1996; Newman, 1975). Future work should examine the relationships among an event organizations structure, strategies and operations, and the ways those affect work experience, particularly as the organi-zation grows and changes.

The Chinese context of BOCOG was clearly important to these workers. They recognized that the Beijing Olympics would represent their nation to the world, and they were aware of the increasingly significant international role to which China aspires. They also recognized that BOCOG is managed as a Chinese organization, and they felt its resonance with Chinese society. Organizers of other mega-events have also been cognizant of the vital role their event would play domestically and internationally (Steenveld & Strelitz, 1998; Tzanelli, 2004; van der Westhuizen, 2004), although what role is most salient has depended on the issues each host has deemed most essential. Comparisons among events could help to identify the ways that particular domestic and international concerns

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ramify throughout event organizing, and the ways that they affect the processes of event production.

These workers were clearly aware of other mega-events and their organiza-tion. They felt that organizing the Olympics would render lessons for change in China. There has been a great deal of organizational work examining the ways that mimetic behaviors can render a degree of isomorphism among sport organi-zations (e.g., Danisman, Hinings, & Slack, 2006; OBrien & Slack, 2004; Slack & Hinings, 1994). Certainly, the increasing number of itinerant event experts, as well as knowledge transfer systems like those employed by the IOC, would seem to foster mimesis. Yet, these workers framed BOCOG as unique both domestically and internationally. Its domestic uniqueness was deemed to be a source of poten-tial lessons, while its international distinctiveness was deemed to be the basis for finding Chinese solutions to the challenges of organizing the Games, which would also potentiate new lessons. This is consistent with the thrust within China to find uniquely Chinese systems for organizing and managing (Aufrecht & Bun, 1995; Nolan & Yeung, 2001). Other work has questioned the degree to which systems from one national context can be transferred to another (e.g., Ferner & Alboreca, 2002; Goldfinch, 2006; Perrin, Rolland, & Stanley, 2007). Future work should examine factors that facilitate and that inhibit the transfer of systems and tech-niques from one mega-event setting to another.

This raises the issue of the degree to which findings from this case study can be generalized to other mega-event organizing committees. There is clearly a great deal here that is distinctively Chinese, particularly matters of cultural differ-ence and the value of the Games symbolisms to China, particularly at this point in its history. However, the fact of cultural difference and the relevance of symbol-isms are clearly more general, as they have been noted in an array of other studies (e.g., Chalip, 1992; Handelman, 1990). Similarly, the challenges of coping with the mundanity of event work while helping to stage a part of history are also rel-evant in other event contexts (cf. McDonald, 1991; Parent & Foreman, 2007). As studies of events accumulate, the next challenge will be to examine and compare findings to separate the nomothetic from the idiographic, or to identify boundary conditions on particular effects.

Similarly, it is not uncommon for the Olympics to be treated as if they are somehow distinct from other mega-events. It is true that they are larger than most (but not all), and Olympic symbolisms are more thoroughly grounded in an explicit ideology than one finds in other events. Those facts certainly make the kinds of issues studied here (and in other Olympic research) more salient than they might be if examined at other events. That is one of the advantages of Olym-pic research. Nevertheless, those same issuesbe they logistics, managing sym-bolisms, or creating and managing a temporary event organizationare common to many sport events (cf. Handelman, 1990; Hanlon & Jago, 2004; Parent, 2008). It would be unwise, therefore, to assume that insights from Olympic work are not applicable to other event organizations. The more parsimonious assumptionthe one to retain unless disprovedis that insights from Olympic research are likely to be pertinent to other sport event organizations, particularly when the event is mega and the organizing committee is temporary.


Much of the work of sport occurs in the context of events. Yet we know very little about the experiences and meanings that event work engenders, or the roles that varied institutional contexts play in those experiences and meanings. This study demonstrates that event workers experiences and meanings are substantial and significant. By studying them, we will learn a great deal about the roles that sport plays in the lives of those who deliver it.

Acknowledgments

The authors wish to express their utmost appreciation to the twelve study participants. This study would not be possible without their unreserved sharing with the authors about their work life at the Beijing Organizing Committee for the 2008 Olympic Games.

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