Quarterly Chronicle

The Royal African Society

Quarterly ChronicleAuthor(s): Alan GraySource: African Affairs, Vol. 57, No. 228 (Jul., 1958), pp. 170-181Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal African SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/718324 .

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170

Quarterly Chronicle Compiled by ALAN GRAY

ALTHOUGH the general election in Southern Rhodesia resulted in Sir Edgar Whitehead's United Federal Party being returned to power

again, two other factors-the big increase in the strength of the Opposition Dominion Party and the crushing of the United Rhodesia Party led by Mr. Garfield Todd-were regarded as much more significant of the developing political scene. It was generally conceded that the enthusiasm for the

United Federal party had cooled somewhat, but The Rhodesian the degree of this reaction had not (12 months

Scene ago--even six) appeared as strong as it has now turned out to be.

Could all the blame for this be placed on the shoulders of the former Prime Minister, Mr. Todd, then the task of the political commentator would indeed be easy. Certainly, Mr. Todd has been at the centre of things for the last few years, but the attempt by his " rebel " Ministers to make him the master of their evil hour led them into so many contradictions that in the end they ran the danger of not being taken seriously at all. As guilty as those who spun the tissue which was to be Mr. Todd's shroud were those who were suddenly struck by paralysis. All this not because of Mr. Todd himself (the fine record of his years of premiership will not escape the historian) but because of the general feeling of insecurity in the United Federal Party, and the longing for cartharsis, ritual cleansing, which insecurity engenders in an institution which feels itself threatened. So will a rich man who has put off having an operation for years choose a time when shares are tumbling to draw the blinds and motor to Harley Street.

The record of the Todd Ministry and the policies of the United Federal Party were not seriously faulted by Sir Patrick Fletcher and others in the course of the political crisis. Indeed, the rebels considered the Government's record had been so good that they were determined that the merit for the measures should be shared among them. They recognised that Mr. Todd's strongest suit lay with his performance in office. Once that had been taken from him (though the attempt was in fact never really successful and only confused the electorate more) then it would be possible to present Mr. Todd the Symbol to the public. The speeches in the local division of the U.F.P. seemed geared to this end. Ultimately it was Mr. Todd as the champion of African advancement who was to be sacrificed, the man who had rated a " Profile " in the London " Observer ", who had eschewed making the kind of remarks about the Africans which are part of the bluffness-in-office to which Rhodesians had been conditioned by the long premiership of Lord



QUARTERLY CHRONICLE 171

Malvern (Sir Godfrey Huggins). Not a faultless man--one who perhaps in dealing with London too often seemed inclined to rely on a public relations presence-and when it came to the moment of strength in the caucus--a man weak in experience who was no match for those who opposed him.

The success of the "smelling out " of Mr. Todd in the election may be taken as a reflection of the general uneasiness on the question of African advancement which ordinary people are feeling. In part it is a product of the economic uncertainty in the north which has come from the drop in the price of copper, in part it is a fear that Mr. Todd might in the forthcoming conference on the revision of the Federal Constitution have been prepared to go too far towards the views taken by the Colonial Office on questions of African advancement-a fear which was given fresh dynamic by the pros-~ pect of a Labour Government being in power in 1960; a Labour Government prepared to negotiate only on the basis of the minimum demands set out in the Labour Executive's recent statement of policy on Central Africa. Cer- tainly the swing away from the more open policies of Mr. Todd, and for that matter of the United Federal Party, is a reflection of the feeling that the challenging and provocative attitude of the British Labour Party cannot be met by anything short of firmness. It is not that the Rhodesianl public, wants a " less liberal " approach in African affairs, but (in this context) it has been disturbed by the obvious lack of confidence displayed by a British Opposition which in the short future might become the British Government. The desire for a more careful and therefore less speedy approach to the broad question of African advancement could only be expressed in this situation by a swing to the Right. It is not, however, a crude choice between clear alternatives, but a charge to politicians on both sides of the House to proceed carefully. A stronger Opposition must mean a more effective Parliament. The vulnerability of a slogan like " Partnership " has been obvious since first it was adopted both at the Federal and at the Territorial level. The pious hope that Southern Rhodesia should have a Parliament with an effective Opposition which did not have racial affairs uppermost in its policies has been expressed in the past by (among others) Lord Malvern. Perhaps it is too early yet for such a division in the House. It may even be inevitable that in the first instance effective opposition will have to be of the kind which has now emerged. Certainly until the constitutional basis of partnership is established by the gradual interaction of the present two political forces in Southern Rhodesia there seems no prospect of going on to the kind of Parliament envisaged by Lord Malvern.

The United Federal Party won 17 seats, the Dominion Party 13 out of a total of 30. It was estimated that about 55,000 voters took part in the election. There were 85 candidates and in many of the constituencies they fought three-cornered contests. Apart from a few Independents, the candidates represented the United Federal Party (Government), the Dominion Party (Opposition) and the United Rhodesia Party (breakaway group of the United Federal Party led by the former Prime Minister, Mr. Garfield Todd).



172 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

It was believed that about 1,600 African voters would take part in the elections. They represented only a fraction of the number who would have been eligible to vote if they had registered under the new Rhodesian franchise laws. Before the political crisis which precipitated the election the African National Congress was urging Africans not to register under the new franchise law in Southern Rhodesia until the Constituency Delimitation Com- mission's report has been made public. But overtaken by political events, Africans who held off from registering were therefore unable to vote in the election. It has been estimated that about 8,000 Africans qualify for the vote in Southern Rhodesia.

The immediate cause of the election was the defeat of the Southern Rhodesian Prime Minister, Sir Edgar Whitehead, in the Hillside by-election. Sir Edgar, who had been Federal Minister in Washington, was called on to lead the United Federal Party at a meeting of the territorial division of the party in which he was put forward against Mr. Todd and Sir Patrick Fletcher for the leadership. This followed the crisis engendered by the resignation of all four of Mr. Todd's Cabinet. Led by Sir Patrick Fletcher, the Ministers accused Mr. Todd of adopting dictatorial methods and of claiming all the merit for the measures which had been passed during his term as Prime Minister. Developing the " cult of personality " theme, they said Mr. Todd had sought to become the white hope of the liberal Press in Britain by rep- resenting himself as the champion of African advancement. They said that this personal image of Mr. Todd was exaggerated, and claimed that the "liberal "measures which had been introduced were as much to their credit as they were to his. They stressed that they had no argument with the policy of the United Federal Party, but maintained that the exaggerated aura of liberalism which now shone about Mr. Todd had created enough confusion and criticism in the country to lose the U.F.P. the coming election if Mr. Todd remained leader.

This led to a bitter election campaign. In seats where the United Federal Party and the United Rhodesia Party opposed one another discrediting of candidates was one of the main Features of speeches. For on the broader political questions there was very little that could be said, the policies of the two parties being very much akin. Even the fight against the Dominion Party had to be conducted to some extent in this way, for the Opposition did not stand against African advancement as such, but advocated a realistic approach to this question. The tactic of the other side was to accuse the Dominion Party of dissembling, and to call on it to say what it really stood for---which was apartheid of a brand closely akin to that practised in South Africa. Accusations and denials of this kind were a feature of the campaign and did nothing to lessen the confusion of a scene already charged with uncertainty.




EVENTS took a fresh turn in Algeria in the middle of May when the Scommander of parachute troops, General Massu, formed "a committee

of public safety " in Algiers and called on the authorities at home to set up a Government under the leadership of General de Gaulle. This munprecedented threat to constitutional rule evidently had been planned with some care.

It came after a day of rioting in Algiers, and after one month of the politi-

Call to Greatness

cians in Paris trying to form a new Government to succeed the outgoing ministry of M. Gailliard. It came on the eve of the debate in the French Assembly, the outcome of which gave the new

Premier, M. Pflimlin, the vote of confidence needed to form the new Govern- ment. The events were closely connected. Fears that M. Pflimlin would not take the strong anti-rebel line wanted by the million or so French settlers in Algeria but would be prepared to negotiate a settlement with the Arab nationalists, had evidently been played on by those supporting right- wing policies--by those advocating pressing the military campaign to decisive victory, and those using slogans like "Algeria must remain French" as a rallying call. So-called committees of public safety were formed in other centres, notably in the coastal cities.

The early impression suggested that the movement in favour of General de Gaulle would be handed firmly by the new French Premier. Later it became clear that many in metropolitan France supported him. Events moved quickly after Gaullist supporters in Corsica bloodlessly renounced the Pflimlin regime and set up a committee of public safety along the lines of those already established in Algeria. The French Government protested strongly against the illegality of the Corsican move, but faced with the real test of using military forces to counteract this challenge to its authority, it capitulated. There seemed no doubt that the challenge in Corsica was engineered from Algeria with the object of bringing the general issue to a head. Certainly a Government unprepared to deal with the Corsican coup would be even less prepared to deal with a challenge in France itself. The French Premier's explanation that no troops were being sent to Corsica because their removal from the mainland might open the way for insurrection in France itself, did nothing to hide the fact that the Government could no longer act. The moment of destiny was approaching rapidly for General de Gaulle. In the days that followed it seemed that only the details of his accession to power remained to be settled. The principal concern was that the republican sentiments of the people--particularly those belonging to the Left Wing parties--should not be too outraged. The exchanges between the General, the President, the representatives of Parliament and the outgoing Premier were all directed to cutting the republican cloth to fit the General's figure. In exchange for his leadership, the General asked for full powers to deal with the situation.

The General succeeded in forming a Government after the President of France, Mr. Coty, told the Assembly that unless it accepted the de Gaulle



174 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

terms he would resign. Some days after taking power General de Gaulle flew into Algiers where he was acclaimed by big crowds. In a speech of great patriotic fervour he expounded the idea of Moslem and French being a single nation; paid tribute to the courage of the rebels but condemned the fratricidal slaughter to which it had been directed; and promised elections for all within three months' time. Noticeably absent from his speech in Algiers and others delivered elsewhere was any reference to M. Soustelle, the popular de Gaullist leader in Algeria and former Governor. General de Gaulle left no doubt behind him when he returned to Paris that he would tolerate no independence of action on the part of the committee of public safety or the generals in Algeria. With the Paris leadership once more restored, and General de Gaulle's call for greatness still ringing in their ears, the French people were looking more hopefully towards the future. Not even the rebel movement could have been unimpressed by the noble gamble of the de Gaulle policy.

THE GENERAL ELECTIONS in South Africa (April 16) resulted in a sweeping victory for the Nationalist Party led by the Prime Minister,

Mr. J. G. Strijdom. Out of a total of 156 seats, the Nationalists secured 103. The United Party Opposition, led by Sir de Villiers Graaff, won 53 seats (including 24 in which the U.P. candidates were unopposed). The election of representatives of the Coloured voters took place earlier in April, and

South African Election

resulted in all four anti-Nationalist candidates being returned. Their four members-like all other members of the House of Assembly and the Senate--are Europeans.

The following table shows the state of the parties at the time of the dissolution of Parliament compared with the new House :

New At House Dissolution

Nationalist Party .. .. . . .. 103 96 United Party .. .. .. .. 53 52 Labour Party .. .. . . .. None 4 Independents .. .. . . .. None 4 Natives' Representatives .. . . .. 3 3 Cape Coloured Representatives .. .. 4 None

163 159 The election of the Natives' Representatives will take place later this year. The United Party, the only other party now represented in the House of

Assembly, are in a minority of almost two to one. The Labour Party has been eliminated, and the Liberal and Independent candidates, without exception, were heavily defeated. While the Prime Minister and other members of the Cabinet were returned without mishap, including Dr. Verwoerd, the Minister of Native Affairs, who enters the House of Assembly for the first time, Sir de Villiers Graaff, leader of the United Party, was unseated




in his own re-delimitated constituency of Hottentots Holland, where his Nationalist opponent won by 5,290 to 4,392--a majority of 898. Sir de Villiers was later returned unopposed at Rondebosch where the sitting U.P. member resigned to make way for the U.P. leader.

Over the whole country the polling was consistently heavy, averaging about 90 per cent. The Nationalists not only increased their representation in Parliament, but also in many constituencies increased their voting strength. Mr. Strijdom, in a statement, said: "The answer that has been given to our opponents here, and to all those who libel our country beyond its borders, is that the electorate is still solidly behind the Government and our policy, and that no interference in our domestic affairs will be tolerated".

The Nationalists were generally expected to win the election, but it was not anticipated that they would increase the total votes cast in their favour. The United Party had not expected to lose as many seats as it did, although a number had been put in jeopardy by the re-delimitation of a number of constituencies. The division of the Hottentots Holland seat held by Sir de Villiers Graaff had made it uncertain from the start that he would be able to retain it. In spite of this he insisted on fighting the seat rather than take on a safe U.P. seat elsewhere. His performance throughout the campaign was greatly to his credit. It is a long time since the United Party has enjoyed the leadership of a man in whom such courage and energy abound. In the coming Parliament the party he leads will face a further instalment of the long struggle it has had since Dr. Malan swept to power in 1948. It will have to do so with its numbers depleted and its future less certain than it has been at any time in the past 10 years. It still, however, has about half the electorate behind it and quite clearly is a force which is far from spent. But if a lesson may be drawn from the last election, it might be that the United Party is potentially rather than actually able to intervene in the country's political affairs. Such a situation is not new in the Union. It is one in which the Nationalists found themselves for a number of years. During that period in the political wilderness, Nationalist leaders faced up to the task of reshap- ing policies, and a similar re-appraisal now seems to be needed in United Party circles if its potential force is to be translated into power in the future. Coupled with this re-thinking of policies, the party's expectation may reason- ably be that events (particularly economic ones) should within the coming decade tend to work less in favour of the present Government than they have since 1948. Such events are beyond its control, but their impact provides the possibility of historic chances for the United Party no less than it did for the Nationalists.

REPORTING to the Trusteeship Council, the United Nations missions which visited Tanganyika lastAugust said the territory was now under-

going a process of rapid advancement accompanied by an upsurge of nation- alism affecting a large segment of the population. Many Africans, seeing in the accelerated advances of recent years a promise of swift progress,

12 Vol. 57



176 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

were anxious to assume increasingly responsibility for the management of their own affairs.

Tanganyika's Progress

The debate on political matters centred mainly on forthcoming elections for the territory's Legis- lative Council. These are to be held on a common

roll with a qualitative franchise in 10 constituencies each of which will return three members, each voter being required to vote for one African, one Asian and one European candidate. Although the mission congratulated the Tanganyika Administration on introducing the electoral system, it reported that African opinion had opposed parity representation of the races, the compulsion to vote for three candidates of each race and the qualifications required for the franchise. The mission suggested that Africans might be better disposed towards the coming elections if the three-votes or no vote provision was dropped. It also suggested that the voting qualifications should be " liberalised".

Replying to the first of these proposals, the Administering Authority said it was unable to agree that changes in the voting system should be made before the elections. " Bearing in mind that these will be the first central government elections ever to be held in Tanganyika, the Administering Authority is of the opinion that the compulsory tripartite vote will, in the circumstances prevailing at present, have the advantage of encouraging racial moderation on the part of all candidates for contested seats, and that it, therefore, has sufficient merit to warrant giving it a trial". The parity arrangements would, however, be reviewed by a constitutional committee which was to be appointed in the autumn of 1959, after the first elections had been completed.

On the question of widening the franchise, the Administering Authority replied: " Irrespective of the merits of the suggestion that the franchise should be' liberalised 'before it has even been tried, it would be quite imprac- ticable to consider any such step at the present time, bearing in mind that the registration of voters for the elections planned for September 1958 (which the mission itself considers that it would be undesirable to postpone) has already been completed on the basis of the present qualifications". In the view of the Administering Authority, the introduction of a qualitative franchise on the basis of a common roll represents a great step forward in the constitutional advancement of Tanganyika towards responsible government, and " it would be premature at this stage to forecast the timing of the various phases of constitutional development, such as... the widening of the franchise or to attempt to estimate the rate at which such developments will occur ".

At the conclusion of the Trusteeship Council discussions, the Council recorded its view that the tripartite voting system could only be tested by experience. As regards limitations on the franchise, the Council recalled its opinion, given on a previous occasion, concerning the desirability of pro- gressively broadening the franchise, and expressed the hope that the elec-




toral qualifications would be reviewed after the elections with a view to promoting the introduction of universal suffrage as soon as possible.

The visiting mission toured extensively throughout Tanganyika, visiting farms, factories, hospitals, schools, and various development projects, and its report, which records progress in many directions, deals in detail with the economic situation, land tenure, labour problems, social development, educational facilities and a number of related questions. It states that the mission was able to observe signs of "considerable economic activity and expansion " in certain areas, notably in the building construction in cities, and elsewhere in the expansion of agricultural production and mining activities. However, the report points to a " lack of uniformity of this development geographically, industrially and racially."

Replying to this point, the Administering Authority stated that its economic policy was " to raise living standards generally throughout the territory, without regard to race, as fast as resources and opportunities permit." It pointed out that " in a country as large and diverse as Tangan- yika, there are great disparities, not only in the endowment of natural resources, but also in the sociological characters of the peoples and their response to the change from a subsistence to an exchange economy".

The Trusteeship Council noted the general improvement in the territory's economic development, and, in particular, the increase in African agricultural productivity, and it hoped that the authorities would "continue to seek with the utmost vigour and imagination to improve the economic status of Africans." Recognising the extent to which economic development plans over the next few years would depend on the availability of capital, the Council welcomed the current efforts recorded by the visiting mission to obtain funds for specific projects, and noted the assurance given by the Administering Authority that it would "' continue to do everything in its power to ensure the provision of development finance for the territory".

Commenting on the emergence, since 1954, of a vigorous trade union movement in Tanganyika, the visiting mission gave its opinion that this was "one of the most important and encouraging developments inl the territory, which, if properly directed, can do much, not only to improve the condition of the people, but also to assist in, and hasten, the territory's economic advancement". Many of the unions were, however, in need of trained leaders and of an educational programme among their members, and the mission hoped that the valuable guidance and assistance already given by the British TIrades Union Congress and the International Confedera- tion of Free Trade Unions would continue, and that the advisory and training services provided by the Government's Labour Department would be extended.

The Administering Authority agreed with the mission's view, and quoted from an address given recently by the Governor of Tanganyika to the Legis- lative Council, in which he said that the Government desired " the full co-operation of the trade unions.., in the sound development of the terri-



178 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

tory", and would steadily pursue its policy of encouraging "the growth of sound and healthy trade unions".

A continuing expansion of the health services "reflected in the increases in the medical and nursing staff and the construction of new hospitals" was noted by the visiting mission and was commented upon favourably in the Trusteeship Council discussions, where particular satisfaction was expressed with the emphasis placed on the expansion of preventive medicine.

On the question of education, the Council recalled earlier recommendations which it had made concerning the desirability of unifying the territory's educational system. Noting the visiting mission's observation that progress towards this goal had been slow, it expressed the hope that the Administering Authority would take a "more positive lead in introducing inter-racial education as soon as possible".

To the particular recommendation of the visiting mission that secondary schools should be opened to all children with the necessary qualifications, irrespective of race, the Administering Authority replied that the mission was perhaps minimising the difficulties involved in providing a greatly increased expansion of secondary school facilities, for which funds were not available. It pointed out that, since secondary schools in Tanganyika draw pupils from a very wide area, many had to be boarding schools, and to provide boarding and other facilities appropriate to " the different social, religious and dietary backgrounds of the children of the various communities in the territory would pose problems of no small magnitude, and would probably lead to a considerable increase in the costs of secondary education".

Despite these difficulties, the Administering Authority did not regard the closer integration of the school systems as an insoluble problem or as an undesirable objective. " With the steady progress of education through the separate systems, the cultural and intellectual levels of the various communities are gradually becoming closer, and the stages at which integration is possible. . . will then gradually increase... It is still felt that unduly to force a growth which is coming about naturally would do more harm than good and might well not be conducive to the evolution of the unified and integrated society which is the declared aim of the Administering Authority."

A MONG the provisions of Kenya's new constitution, which was brought into operation by Order in Council on April 5, was an increase in the

number of elected members of the Legislative Council. This was to be achieved in two ways: by the addition of 6 seats for elected Africans (making a total of 14 constituency elected African members) and by the creation of 12 special seats to be filled through election by the whole Legis-

Kenya Elections

lative Council sitting as an electoral college and voting by free and secret ballot. Of the special seats, 4 were to be filled by Africans, 4 by Europeans, and 4 by Asians (1 Arab, 1 Asian

Moslem and 2 Asian non-Moslems). Candidates were required to have the support of five members of the Legislative Council.




Elections for the African and the special seats have taken place. In 2 of the 6 constituencies where African elections were due to be held candidates were returned unopposed. Each of the other four seats was contested by two candidates, and voting took place between March 22 and 24. The most striking result was the defeat in Central Province (South) of Mr. E. W. Mathu, former leader of the African representative members in the Legis- lative Council. After their election, the 6 new African elected members joined the 8 existing members in a boycott of both nominations and elections to the special seats, and none of them took any part in these proceedings in the Legislative Council.

Elections for 10 of the 12 special seats were held on April 22, candidates for the 2 Asian non-Moslem seats having been returned unopposed. For the 4 African seats there were 8 nominations; for the 4 European seats, 5 nominations; and 2 nominations each for the Arab seat and the Asian Moslem seat. Successful candidates included a number of former European and Asian Ministers and a former African Parliamentary Secretary. Mr. E. A. Vasey, formerly Minister of Finance, was unsuccessful when, because of a tie in the number of votes, lots had to be drawn for the fourth European member's seat. He is, however, continuing in office, at least until after the presentation of the Budget. Since several of those elected to the special seats were already constituency elected members of the Legislative Council, a number of by-elections have become necessary, and these will be held later this year. At the same time there will be an election for a second Arab constituency elected member who, under the provisions of the new constitution, will replace the former Arab representative member.

Shortly after their election the 12 specially elected members announced their joint intention to promote policies without racial or sectional bias, in the following statement:

" We, the specially elected members of the Legislative Council of Kenya, met on the morning following our election and have resolved to form an Association with the primary object of promoting policies for the benefit of Kenya as a whole without racial or sectional bias.

" We have appointed an interim committee to draw up draft articles of association and rules which will cover, amongst other provisions, the qualifications for various types of members and the permanent pattern and organi- sation of the Association. It is our intention to produce a policy statement which will provide a lead and a guide to the vast numbers of peoples of all races in Kenya whose main desire is the economic, political and social development of the country as a whole and not the propagation of selfish interests nor the domination of one race or sect over another.

" We, as the first members of Kenya Legislative Council to represent all races, recognise that we carry heavy responsibility, but we are confident that, with the tolerance and understanding which exists and which we are determined to increase, we will attract the support of the great majority of our fellow-Kenyans and we will be able to lead our country to greater harmony and prosperity."



180 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

The objectives of Government policy in Kenya were outlined in a dispatch sent by the United Kingdom Secretary of State for the Colonies, Mr. Lennox- Boyd, to the Governor of Kenya, and published on April 23. The dispatch covered some of the matters of policy arising from the new constitutional arrangements, and referred particularly to the obligations and responsibilities of those who would accept office in the Council of Ministers. " I have no doubt", the Secretary of State said, " that, before recommending individuals for appointment as Ministers. you will satisfy yourself that they are prepared to respect the constitution as now established."

THE Governments of East Africa recently issued a White Paper setting out their views on the future development of higher education. They

fully accept that, in the next ten years, there will be a very urgent need for an increase in higher education facilities and they believe that the organisa- tion of higher education should continue to be a matter for the closest co-operation between the Governments. They recommend that serious

Education in East Africa

consideration should be given to the desirability of creating a single University of East Africa, of which existing and future colleges should form constituent units, each specialising in the subjects

most appropriate to it. Since it would be some time before this new university could be brought

into being, the Governments endorse the recommendation of the working party for the establishment of a university college in Nairobi. One of the main problems has been to decide on the provision of degree teaching in Nairobi, and the Governments have agreed that this can best be achieved '" by starting the university college at Nairobi in a modest way rather earlier than had otherwise been intended," and by starting it in the beginning with only a faculty of arts. The Governments also welcome the working party's proposal for a University College of Tanganyika, on the understanding that both it and the University College of Nairobi would be complementary to, and not competitive with, the existing colleges. Concerning the future of the Royal Technical College, the White Paper recommends that it should be suitably integrated into the University of East Africa, if one comes into being, and that it should eventually develop technological and other training courses for graduates, to prepare them for specific careers. The Governments have, however, reached the conclusion that degree work, except possibly in technological subjects at a later stage, is not practicable. For the immediate future they recommend a period of consolidation, when only the natural expansion of the college arising out of existing courses should take place.

Since the proposals contained in the White Paper raise many difficult academic and financial questions, the East African Governments decided to ask the United Kingdom Secretary of State for the Colonies to appoint a working party to examine the proposals in greater detail. This recommendation has been accepted, and a working party, headed by Dr. John Lockwood,




Master of Birkbeck College, University of London, will visit East Africa later in 1958. In the meantime, the Governments intend to establish a grants committee, under an independent chairman, to carry out a quin- quennial examination of higher education as a whole, and to submit to the Governments its recommendations as to the proper programme for development in the ensuing five years. They are also asking the Governing Councils of Makerere College and of the Royal Technical College to create an academic liaison committee to ensure that there is no umeconomic duplication of activities.

Concluding their report, the East African Governments state that they are anxious to expand the facilities for higher education, but " limited funds dictate the scale on which progress can be made, and it is important to ensure that all branches of education develop in proportion to one another and in proportion to thie other social services for the community as a whole."

There are at present two institutions of higher education serving the British dependencies in East Africa: Makerere College, the University College of East Africa, in Uganda, and the Royal Technical College of East Africa, in Nairobi, Kenya. Makerere College, founded in 1922 as a trade and technical school, gradually increased the scope of its curriculum and devel- oped branches of higher study until, in 1949, it was granted University College status and was accepted into special relations with the University of London, so that its students may sit for London degrees. It now has faculties of arts, science, medicine, agriculture and veterinary science, an Institute of Social Research, a School of Art, and a Department of Extra- mural Studies. By October 1956 there were 625 students enrolled, mainly from Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika, but including small numbers from Zanzibar and from other British territories in East and Central Africa.

The University College has had substantial assistance from United King- dom Colonial Development and Welfare (CD & W) funds, totalling over ?2'75 million. Recurrent costs are met principally from equal block grants made by the Governments of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika. The Royal Technical College, established in 1954 by an Act of the East Africa High Commission, and first opened to students in March 1956, at present provides courses in architecture, arts, commerce, domestic science, engineering and science, some of which lead to the examinations of United Kingdom profes- sional institutions. It now has over 270 students, including Africans, Asians and Europeans. The site for the College was provided by the Kenya Govern- ment, and the capital cost has been covered mainly by grants from United Kingdom CD & W funds (?345,000), from the Governments of Kenya (?160,000), Uganda (?148,000) and Tanganyika (p50,000), and from the Gandhi Memorial Society (?200,000), which had collected funds in East Africa and India for the foundation of a multi-racial college and which has now incorporated its plans with those of the Royal Technical College. The East African Governments make block grants to meet current expenditure.



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