Quarterly Chronicle

The Royal African Society

Quarterly ChronicleAuthor(s): Alan GraySource: African Affairs, Vol. 57, No. 229 (Oct., 1958), pp. 252-265Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal African SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/719243 .

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252

Quarterly Chronicle Compiled by ALAN GRAY

THE Colonial Secretary, Mr. A. Lennox-Boyd, in July, met the Governor, of Northern Rhodesia, Sir Arthur Benson, and a delegation of " un-

officials" of the Legislative Assembly to discuss constitutional changes. He announced in Parliament that he would issue a White Paper outlining constitutional reforms during the summer recess.

Muclh misunderstanding of the attitude of the people of this Protectorate

N. Rhodesia Constitution

towards the Northern Rhodesia Government's own White Paper formed a background to the recent talks in London. It prompted the Chief Secretary of the territory, Mr. E. D. Hone, to write

in the following terms to The Times: " To speak of 'the rejection ' of the Northern Rhodesia Government's proposals for constitutional change in the territory by the Legislative Council is as inaccurate as would be a statement of their full acceptance. With the object of obtaining a clear and detailed expression of views from the different groups of members of the Legislative Council, these proposals, which are complex to meet the complex conditions obtaining in Northern Rhodesia, were presented for discussion in the Council in a motion which particularised all the major details of the plan as set out in the Government's White Paper; and this motion was treated by the Speaker as' a complicated motion'. The effect of the Speaker's ruling was that each clause of the motion was put to and voted upon separ- ately, and was individually open to amendment.

" The Legislative Council has a total membership of 26, of whom eight are official members. During the course of the debate 52 amendments were moved; 15 were acceptable or immaterial to the official members and were adopted; 37 were negatived. In general the amendments which were moved by members who spoke primarily on behalf of African interests were opposed by those who spoke primarily on behalf of Europeans and vice versa, the official members supporting the White Paper proposals throughout. The last clause of the motion proposed that the Governor be requested to report to the Secretary of State for the Colonies the views expressed in the debate and to recommend ' the foregoing proposals' to him as a balanced plan for constitutional advance in Northern Rhodesia. During the debate two of the important substantive clauses in the motion were negatived against the vote of the official members: these related to the casting of a second vote and the value to be attached thereto (defeated 12-10) ; and to the composition of the Executive Council (on which the voting was even, the Speaker casting his vote in the negative in order to keep the matter open).

" When the final clause was debated, it was the view of the official members



QUARTERLY CHRONICLE 253

-and this was agreed by all groups in the Council--that the failure to accept these two major points in the White Paper proposals had destroyed the balance and coherence of the plan as a whole, and there was consequent unanimous agreement to delete the words ' to recommend the foregoing por- posals... as a balanced plan ' from the final clause. Contrary to the sugges- tion made in the first sentence of your leading article on July 24 (The Times) the task of creating a new Constitution for the territory is nearing its end, the final decision resting, of course, with H.M. Government in the United Kingdom."

Mr. H. Nkumbula, president of the N. Rhodesia African National Con- gress, who was in London as an unofficial visitor at the time of the constitutional talks said: " We of the African National Congress want our African elected representatives to equal the number of elected Europeans and European officials added together. We no longer have any confidence in Colonial Office officials as the ruling voice in future legislation because of the imposition of Federation on us with the consent of the British Parlia- ment...

" Strong African representation in the Legislative Council is necessary in order to enable African opinions on the question of secession from the Federation to be given full expression. In turn we are prepared to give the minorities adequate safeguards, but we are not prepared to allow settler domination to become part of any new Constitution. The African people grow angry as oppression rises against them. That voice is growing in strength and bitterness; it comes from the villages, the mines, the farms, the busy streets, and the lonely roads where only two may meet in a day's journey. It must not be forgotten".

All Africans in Northern Rhodesia are opposed to the proposals for constitutional change contained in the Northern Rhodesia Government's White Paper, Mr. Nkumbula told a Press conference in London. He criticised the proposals as racialist because the country was to be divided into 12 constituencies in which Europeans would predominate and only six where Africans would dominate; moreover, the qualifications for the franchise were much too high, and Africans objected especially to the proposal that the special voters' qualifications should be progressively eliminated over a 10-year period. Congress wanted parity of representation between African elected members on the one side and all European members of the Legislative Council, whether official or non-official, on the other. It also demanded universal adult franchise.

" Some people tell us that the White Paper proposals are an improvement on the present Constitution. We do not agree. What these proposals offer to Africans is not worth having", Mr. Nkumbula stated. He expressed disappointment that the official Northern Rhodesian delegation sent to London for constitutional talks with the Secretary of State for the Colonies had not contained a Congress representative, " although the views of the European Federal Party and such extremist views as those held by Mr. John Gaunt are being put to the Colonial Secretary". 17 Vol. 57



254 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Asked what the feeling of the African public was on the question, Mr. Nkumbula replied that it was intense; as a result of Congress propaganda the African public had come to accept universal adult suffrage, so that "one-man-one-vote " was now used as a greeting. Congress held that in the 14 seats along the line of rail there should be an African and a European candidate in each constituency, every registered voter having two votes, one to be used for an African and the other for a European candidate. He agreed that in practice that would result in the European voters having a minority influence in returning European candidates. In other areas the principle of one-man-one-vote should operate.

Before the House adjourned for the summer recess, Mr. Stonehouse (Lab.) asked the Colonial Secretary for an assurance that no changes would be imposed in Northern Rhodesia before the House had had a chance to debate them. He asked the Minister to bear in mind that there was widespread opposition, not only in the Protectorate, but also in the House, to the proposals which would give a majority to the European minority, which was only 3 per cent of the population. Mr. Lennox-Boyd said he could not accept that description of the White Paper proposals, but he would be quite frank with the House: it would be necessary to make constitutional instruments during the Recess in order that the Government of Northern Rhodesia could proceed with the registration of voters under the new franchise proposals to enable the holding of an election within the time limits imposed under the present constitution.

There were difficulties, but he did not believe that there would be a different policy whichever party was in power, in regard to the proceedings during the next few months. They could not stop the necessary work during the Recess.

Accordingly, the Colonial Secretary proposed that in place of the single Order in Council (which otherwise would have been the procedure) two Orders would be published. One would be issued during the Recess and would enable the Northern Rhodesia Government to get ahead with re- registration of voters to meet the provisions of the new Constitution. Details of the Constitution would be published as a White Paper during the Recess. Members would thus have a chance of considering what the Government envisaged. A second Order in Council bringing the new Constitution into operation would not be issued until after the House had reassembled. They would thus have the opportunity to debate the new Constitution if they wished to do so. In answer to a question, the Colonial Secretary undertook to rescind the first Order in Council and replace it with a new one, but he will only do so if the Opposition shows incontravertible evidence of serious flaws in the new Constitution.




AS time carries the Federation towards the date provisionally set for reviewing the Constitution, the politicians no longer talk about a

delegation of all parties speaking for Rhodesia at the 1960 conference. Today the Dominion Party Opposition, still flushed with recent gains in the Southern Rhodesia general election, is making a bid for power in the Federal general election by claiming to be the party which will demand independ-

Federal Affairs

ence for the Federation in 1960. The Government United Federal Party, through the Federal Prime Minister, Sir Roy Welensky, asked recently, who the electors of the Federation would trust to

negotiate on their behalf at the 1960 constitutional talks? That, he said, was the "simple " issue which Federation would have to face at the coming general election. It had to choose between those who tried to prevent Federation and those whose leaders had brought the Federation into being and were confident that they could take it on to full nationhood under the Crown and within the Commonwealth.

The opponents on the right (The Dominion Party) would be the same as in the territorial elections-" the same old crowd that fought against Lord Malvern, against Federation, and against everything progressive over the years". On the left would be a much more dangerous kind of opposition-the black extremists who were opposed to Federation in 1953, who found their spiritual home in a number of organisations, the principal one being the African National Congress. Those groups had opposed a number of progressive steps, their most bitter hatred being reserved for the whole basic concep- tion of Federation itself.

Sir Roy said it was not surprising that the Dominion Party on the one hand and the African Congresses on the other had produced very similar schemes for dismembership of the Federation. The Dominion Party had a plan to carve out two black States, Barotseland and Nyasaland: they were quite willing to say to the 8,000 Europeans in Nyasaland that they counted for nothing in the plans of the Dominion Party, which wanted to see those States kept under Colonial Office control. As one who had spent most of his political career fighting to diminish the power of the Colonial Office, "I need hardly say with what horror such a completely retrogressive idea fills me". The Dominion Party scheme was the same as that advanced by the African National Congress in Northern Rhodesia, the only difference being that extreme African nationalism would like to see the whole of Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland as African States.

The whole concept of Federation had been based on the belief that, rather than allow Central Africa to develop into a collection of small and weak States, some predominantly white and some predominantly black, the courageous step should be taken of building a powerful British State, which would judge not on race but on standards of civilisation and advance the legitimate interests of all the inhabitants.



256 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

The Dominion Party at its annual congress unanimously resolved that if it is in power at the time of the 1960 constitutional conference it will try to per- suade the British Government of the justice of the Federation's claim for independence. If that plea fails, "no unreasonable and unbending reaction overseas will distract us from our purpose". Federal voters would be invited to declare by referendum if they favoured prompt independence, and if the answer were in the affirmative the party would then " make a declaration of independence within the Commonwealth", excluding from that declaration Nyasaland and the Barotseland Province of Northern Rhodesia unless it were demonstrated that they wished to be included. If they were excluded, the party would want their Protectorate status to continue, but under the joint control of the United Kingdom and Federal Governments.

The campaign against the African National Congresses and their policy of breaking up the Federation has increased steadily and sharply in recent months. Doubtless, these strong attacks have been mounted partly for the benefit of the United Kingdom Parliament and public opinion in Britain as a whole. But apart from that aspect, there has been criticism of the methods used for gaining support, and a number of warnings addressed directly to the African nationalist themselves. Intimidation was becoming more and more popular with the extreme African nationalists, Sir Roy said recently in the Federal Parliament. The Federal Government was giving the matter special attention.

Pointing out that intimidation was widely used in boycotts and strikes to whip up support for African National Congress activities, Sir Roy said. "I have positive evidence of assault by congress ruffians on the wives and children of Africans who have preferred to reserve judgment and eschew extremism". Homes had been burnt, property destroyed, and innocent people frightened and hurt in the cause of this "vicious and tyrannical movement."

The resignation of the Rev. Andrews Doig, who h.s been Nyasaland's European member representing African interests in the Parliament of Rhodesia and Nyasaland attracted considerable interest and some criticism.

In his letter to the Speaker of the Assembly he said: " My conviction that I can no longer usefully represent African interests in the Federal Assembly rests upon two facts.

" (1) The setting aside of the reservation of the African Affairs Board in regard to the Constitution Amendment and Franchise Bills has so weakened the position of the board as to render it completely ineffective as a safeguard for African interests. It is true that the board has no power of veto, but it is equally true that the members of the board consider all the aspects of a Bill and decide if on a balance it is disadvantageous. That this was the considered opinion of two thirds of the board and of all the members representing African interests from the two northern territories, both Euro- pean and African, should have given the Federal Government, and even more the British Government, furiously to think before pressing on regardless of the consequences for the board. In my opinion further service




on the board is useless. " (2) The action of the Governments in insisting upon a fundamental

change to the Federal Constitution (a) while African support had still not been won for Federation at all; (b) despite the implicit assurance in the wording of the Constitution that territorial practice would prevail (cf. introduction to sections 10-13; a variety never yet explained): (c) despite the increased suspicion and uneasiness of the Africans and the declared opposition through statutory councils and non-official bodies; and (d) without offering any explanation or proof of the urgency for such fundamental change, is a course of action I could not possibly defend and I feel compelled in the interests both of Africans and of the peace of these territories to protest further by my resignation".

THE membershipof Kenya's new Council of State was announced at the end of May. The chairman is Sir Donald Charles MacGillivray. Appointed

for a term of ten years are Mr. James Frederick Hume Hamilton, Chief Wilson Nzwii Thuru, Sheikh Salim Mohamed Alashamy, and Mr. Alan Frankland Beakbane. Appointed for seven years are Lieut.Col. Stanley George Ghersie, Dr. Mohamed Ali Rana, and Chief Mathry Mwenesi, and for

Kenya State Council

four years : Mr. William Githu Kimemia, Mr. John Louis Riddoch, and Dr. Shankar Dhondo Karve. The Governor has appointed Mr. Hamilton, who is a local lawyer, as deputy chairman of the Council.

Sir Donald MacGillivray was until recently High Commissioner for the Federation of Malaya, a post which he occupied in succession to Sir Gerald Templer. Chief Wilson Thuru and Chief Mathry Mwenesi are in the service of the Government, the first in Kitui and the second in North Nyanza district. Sheikh Salim Alashamy is at present acting for the Liwali of the Coast (the senior Arab magistrate, head of the Arab community and adviser on Arab affairs to the Governor); he has served with the Kenya Police. Mr. Beak- bane is the chief representative of Brooke Bond Ltd. in East Africa, and runs their tea estates at Kericho in the Highlands. Colonel Ghersie is a Nairobi accountant and has for long been a European elected Member of the Legis- lative Council, and chairman of the Colony's Public Accounts Committee. He resigns his seat on appointment to the Council. Dr. Rana and Dr. Karve are both well-known figures in the Asian community-the first is a Muslim and the second a non-Muslim-and both are ex-members of the Legislative Council. Mr. Kimemia is an education officer in Kenya Government service and a leading Kikuyu loyalist from Fort Hall district. Mr. Riddoch has for long been a nominated member of Legislative Council and will now resign his seat. He has extensive business interests in Kisumu on Lake Victoria.

The functions of the Council of State, it will be recalled, are chiefly to intervene upon any legislation adversely affecting the interests of any community in Kenya, and to delay it, suggest amendments, and request its reservation-that is, delay its coming into force when finally passed. The



258 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Council will also be able to study and report on subordinate legislation, like the African Affairs Board in the Central African Federation, but will do so from the point of view of the interests of each separate community and not merely that of the African community.

The purpose of the new body was to strengthen inter-communal confidence in Kenya and to provide a safeguard for the interests of each group. Although the members are in no sense representatives of particular communities and are chosen solely for their individual merits, all the major communities are in fact numbered on the Council. Although the chairman and deputy chairman are Europeans, and Col. Ghersie will be the senior member of the Coun- cil after these two officers, there will be a majority of non-Europeans on the Council as a whole..

" We are a new and unique species in the now numerous constitutional forms of the Brtish colonies." Sir Donald MacGillivray, the chairman, said in the Council of State after its inauguration by the Governor, Sir Evelyn Baring, on June 2. " Our character is so very different in many ways from the characters of those other members of the family that it is likely that our habits will also differ and our way of life may be somewhat unconventional." Sir Donald went on to define the Council's objective as " to adopt a way of life which is in the best public interests of this country. We shall try to be worthy of the charge laid upon us : to be an impartial and vigilant guardian of the interests of all communities". The Governor had earlier explained the functions of the Council in drawing the attention of the Legislative Council to measures it regarded as discriminatory. It would not intervene merely because a provision was discriminatory, he said. It would do so only if it was unfairly discriminatory. Some discrimination was beneficial and necessary in the general interest or for the protection of particular communities Sir Evelyn pointed out. After copies of Bills at present before the Legislative Council had been circulated, the chairman called on the members to let him know within a few days whether they had any objection to raise to them so that a further meeting of the Council can be called. The effectiveness of the Council will depend on the liveliness of those who compose it, on their willingness to see the point of view of each community and finally to act courageously for what is best for Kenya as a whole. A truistic prescription perhaps, but one which in the context of Kenya needs constant reiteration. For the territory it is understandably a time for manifestos and expressions of faith. Among them has come the following from the African elected members of the Legislative Council.

" We, the African Elected Members of the Kenya Legislative Council, personally, collectively, and on behalf of the African community which we represent, do hereby pledge ourselves to observe, perpetuate, and safeguard the principles and ideals herebelow outlined, which we believe to be the most just and most humane for the kind of Kenya society which we long for and for whose realisation we have dedicated ourselves.

1(a) Every man, woman, and child is entitled to the fullest development of




his or her physical, mental, and spiritual attributes. (b) In pursuance of the above ideal, we envisage, and shall work for, a democratic society in which equality of educational and economical opportunities, as well as equality of political and legal rights will be the fundamental principles of Government.

2(a) Every person is entitled to enjoy the fruits of his or her labour in accordance with the principles of equality and fair distribution of wealth. (b) We believe in equal pay for equal work irrespective of race or sex of the worker ; we condemn all forms of exploitation of peoples or confiscation of their private property and do cherish the principles and if the distribution of wealth is such as to violate the very elementary principles of equality, justice and the proper utilisation of the country's resources (vide the Kenya Highland system) the State is justified to intervene so long as just compensa- tion is duly paid to.all those whose property may in any manner be affected by the re-distribution or by the economic planning that the State deems necessary.

3(a) The purpose of the State is to do for the community those things that the community cannot do for itself. Accordingly, the State, through its organlised institutions of Government, is responsible for the well-being of its individual citizens who are in unavoidable want-for every soul counts and none are expendable. (b) This principle must go hand in hand with the concept of civic responsibility, which calls upon every individual to be fully conscious that his duties to the community and the State are best safeguarded by individual citizens' willingness to play their full parts as contributing members of the body politic.

4. No society, however well organised or well fed, can last unless it is founded on some deep-seated moral and spiritual convictions, among which are: (a) The enhancement of human dignity and respect of all men as images of God. (b) Chivalry and uncompromising opposition to all forms of cruelty and unkindness and violence, and more so to women, children, and the helpless. (c) Equality of all peoples before the law, and the belief in the Golden Rule in social, economic, and political relationships. (d) A burning faith in eventual triumph of truth and justice and peace among peoples and among nations.

The aims of our political struggle are formed on the obvious factor that Kenya geographically, historically, and popularly is an African country. The fact that Kenya also has some thousands of non-Africans does not alter this fundamnental factor that Kenya is essentially an African country. Our first aim, therefore, is the establishment of a democratic society in Kenya, organised politically in accordance with the principles and patterns of parliamentary government. In that system the African people, through their elected representatives and democratically established institutions, will govern Kenya, subject only to the usual and democratic safeguards of minorities as outlined below.

We realise that political freedom without economic well-being is like a car without petrol. Our second aim, therefore, is to do all in our power to



260 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

increase the productivity of the people of Kenya, to raise the standards of the people's earnings, to promote all forms of education which go to provide Kenya with growing numbers of skilled men and women, and to constantly earn the faith of home and foreign investors by observing the economic and internationally accepted rules of fair play.

Continued peace and goodwill among the people who live in Kenya is our third goal. We hold it to be self-evident that no amount of written guarantees and pledges and safeguards can provide any sense of security unless they be buttressed with goodwill on the part of all concerned. Those who seek these written safeguards, therefore, must do all in their power to earn the goodwill of the people in whose hands the governing of the country will most certainly rest, i.e. the African people as far as Kenya is concerned. That African people are known for their goodwill and hospitality towards immigrant or foreign communities and their dedication to this political struggle is not motivated by hate or ill-will but is motivated by their desire to secure their rights to political freedom and social-economic advancement against white supremacy, imperialism, and economic exploitation.

The parliamentary system which we envisage will contain the features herebelow outlined: (a) Parliamentary legislative supremacy coupled with the power of judicial review, i.e. any laws passed by Parliament are subject to review by the High Court of Law as to their constitutionality, and consist- ency with the declared rights of individuals and property safeguards. (b) A Bill of Rights of individual citizens vis vis the State shall be an essential feature of the Constitution, so that every citizen, irrespective of race or country of origin, may know them clearly and have easy access to the courts of law in case of their alleged violation.

We, the African Elected Members, convinced that the only just and correct direction for Kenya's constitutional development is the direction that leads to true parliamentary democracy hereby propose: I.-That African communal elections, like the communal elections for the immigrant races, must be on the basis of universal adult franchise, i.e. every African aged 21 or over to be eligible for one vote, and one vote only, provided he or she is a citizen of the United Kingdom and the Colonies or a British protected person residing in Kenya.

II.-That African representation in the Legislative Council, which at present is most inadequate, should be increased by creating new African communal constituencies as follows:

Members Nyanza North.......... 1 South Nyanza.......... 1 Masai ......... ...... 1 Central Rift............ 1 North Rift ............ 1

Members

Nairobi-.............. 2 Kiambu............. 1 Nyeri ............... 1 N.F.D .............. 1 Taita/Taveta .......... I Kwaile ............. 1

Total: 12 additional African members.




III.-That the specially elected seats be abolished. We propose instead that steps be taken to examine the workability of a common roll system in Kenya.

IV.--Council of ministers: During this initial phase of constitutional development towards democratic self-government, which is our cherished goal, we propose that the number of ministerial portfolios be reduced to a minimum as follows; (1) Chief Secretary and Defence Minister; (2) Finance; (3) Economic Affairs (to include economic planning, land, natural resources) ; (4) Education ; (5) Social Services (i.e. health, welfare, housing); (6) Internal Affairs (police, immigration, information) ; (7) Agriculture and Animal Husbandry; (8) Labour and Works; (9) Legal Affairs; (10) Forest, Game, and Fisheries (including tourism) ; (11) Commerce and Indus- try.

Africans to hold 50 per cent of the non-official Ministries. All the non- official Ministries to be filled only by persons recommended by elected members of all racial groups sitting together : The posts of Assistant Ministers (whether known as such or by any other name) to be abolished, in view of Kenya's limited funds.

Council of State : We propose that this body be abolished and no provisions (disguised or modified) be made to take its place. We believe that the surest way at this stage for guarding against discriminatory and punitive or unjust legislation based on only racial grounds is the issuing of an Order in Council making such legislation null and void and prohibiting discrimination based on race, colour, or religious faith.

Conclusion: Our aim now, as in the past, is the achievement of self- government in Kenya with a constitution that provides for parliamentary democracy and government by the majority of the inhabitants of this country, namely, the Africans, with adequate minority safeguards and the upholding of human rights.

THE Anglican Archbishop of Cape Town, the Most Rev. Joost de Blank, has been under attack by the Dutch Reformed Church and various

members of the South African Cabinet for a recent analysis of the Dutch Reformed Church's outlook on racialism. When he was in New York at the beginning of June he made some remarks in the course of a sermon which led to a strong protest by the Dutch Reformed Church. He said that the

Apartheid and Christianity

Dutch Reformed Church had given tacit approval to apartheid. " They have got their Calvanistic outlook wrong," he said. " Calvanistic churches in Europe and elsewhere do not see eye to eye with

them on apartheid. This is not a matter of opinion. It is a matter of fact. I do not and never have impugned their sincerity, but I think the members of the Dutch Reformed Church are misguided in their approach".

In an official statement the Churches in the Transvaal said that unless the Archbishop was able to show that he had been wrongly reported, the



262 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Dutch Reformed Church representatives would be withdrawn from the committee which was making preparation for an inter-church conference in December this year. No reply to the Archbishop's statements could repair the harm that had been done the D.R.C. said. It would be sheer hypocrisity for the Church to continue with the discussion in the present circumstances. A spokesman for the Dutch Reformed Churches said that the actions of the Archbishop were all the more incomprehensible since the Dutch Reformed Church in the Transvaal had gone out of its way to meet the Archbishop on his arrival in the country and to assure him of its willingness at any time to discuss with him problems inherent in the South African situation.

Dr. de Blank reiterated what he had said, but emphasised that he included all Churches in South Africa in his criticism of the ecclesiastical approach to apartheid. His only complaint of the Press reports was that his remarks about the D).R.C. had been given without the context of his general criticism of the Churches in the Union. Moreover, he had gone out of his way to praise the Dutch Reformed Churches for their work among Africans in the mission field.

Government spokesmen and Nationalist newspapers expressed their horror at the Archbishop's remarks and especially condemned him for having criticised another South African Church while he was out of the country, instead of reserving his remarks for home consumption. The Nationalist Press took strong exception to this aspect of the matter, hinting that the Archbishop was seeking to obtain allies abroad among the enemies of his adopted country. Dr. de Blank was also assailed from the United Party Opposition side of the fence. Two U.P. front-benchers, Mr. Harry Lawrence of the Cape, and Mr. Henry Tucker in the Transvaal, condemned his remarks and dissociated the United Party from them.

The Anglican Church in South Africa, although it has for over a century now been independent in theory of the Church of England, still retains the closest link with the parent body. This is readily exploited by Nationalist politicians, who lose no opportunity of reminding their followers that the Anglican Church is still the same body that caused the Afrikaner so much trouble in the days of the Great Trek, and even before. Clerics like Father Huddleston, the Rev. Michael Scott, Bishop Reeves, of Johannesburg, and now the new Archbishop, are regarded as the enemies of Afrikanerdom. Regarded as the spiritual descendants of the troublesome liberal Anglicans of the past, these modern churchmien come in for much extravagant and emotional criticism. During one debate recently a Nationalist member even suggested that they deserved a floggirng. The Dutch Reformed Cmhurches feel themselves beset by the forces of evil from outside. They feel safe only with the English Nonconformist Churches (which sided against Dr. de Blank in the recent controversy), and in particular they show their fear of the Roman Catholic Church, whose influence has been increasing in the Union during recent years. There are times when the Dutch Reformed Church attitude towards the Roman Catholics become more violent than anything they ever display




towards the Anglican Church. A large number of English-speaking South Africans are with the Dutch Reformed Churches on this subject. Although the feeling seldom emerges in public, United Party supporters--probably a large majority--dread these doctrinal utterances by Anglican churchmen for two reasons. One is that they are in agreement with the Afrikaner fundament- ally on the subject of apartheid, and the second is that, more cynically, they realise that every time a Huddleston or a Reeves makes this type of gesture, the floating vote stampedes for safety in the direction of Nationalism.

THE new Belgian Government, which is headed by M. Gaston Eyskens, in cludes two former Ministers of Colonies. They are M. Wigny, who is

now Minister of Foreign Affairs, and M. Dequae. M. Leo Petillon, Governor- General of the Belgian Congo, whose term of office ends in December next. M. Petillon, who is a Conservative, is considered an expert of colonial affairs rather than a politician..

Congo jubilee

The Prime Minister outlined his Government's programme in the colonial sphere at the parliamentary session of July 2. The future of the Belgian Congo, he said, was a national responsi-

bility, and no one political party could resolve all the problems involved. The Government would promote a great expansion of education, including technical instruction and higher education, and would do everything to promote the advancement of the Congolese population. Belgium would give increased assistance to Ruanda-Urundi in order to give the people greater responsibility and to strengthen the collaboration between the Belgian and native inhabitants of Ruanda-Urundi.

This year Belgium is celebrating the fiftieth anniversary of the annexation of the Congo Free State, and also the 73rd anniversary of the foundation of the Free State by King Leopold II. Many celebrations were held in Brussels to commemorate these anniversaries. The first was the International Congress of the Colonial Press under the presidency of M. Fred van der Linden, secretary-general of the Association of Belgian Colonial Interests and president of the Belgian Colonial Press Association. This occasion brought together over 100 colonial journalists from the Congo and many other countries and leading colonial personalities, including M.M. Pierre Mayere, Courcelles, de Coster, Ugeux, Van Overloop, and Ryelandt.

Other ceremonies took place in Brussels on June 29 on the occasion of the " Journe'es Coloniales". In the presence of King Baudouin, Ministers Van Houtte, Meyers and Van den Boeynants, Governor-General Pttillon, and M. Bruneel, chairman of " Journdes Coloniales", there was a parade of a detachment of the Colonial Forces with their band. The troops were reviewed by King Baudouin at the Grand Palace in the presence of a crowd of on- lookers. The two Mwamis (Kings) of Ruanda and Urundi in their magnificent robes attracted considerable attention. Other ceremonies included a special service at St. Gudule Cathedral, a Te Deum sung at the Royal church of St.



264AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Jacques, and a luncheon at the Cercle Royal Africain. The anniversary of the battle of Sayo, where the Belgian Congo forces defeated the Italians in July 1941, was commemmorated on July 3. A big sports meeting was held at Heysel Stadium at which athletic teams from Leopoldville and Stanleyville gave a display.

It is interesting to note how the world recession in metal prices reflects on the Belgian Congo mining industry. As the Congolese mining industry is concentrated mainly in Katanga and in the east, it is these two areas that are directly affected by the situation. Although the average price of copper dropped from 43 frs. per kilo in 1956 to 31 frs. in 1957, production was nevertheless maintained at 240,000 tons, only 10,000 tons less than in 1956. Cobalt output was reduced from 9,000 to 8,000 tons in 1957 and the price cut from 280 frs. to 200 frs. per kilo, mainly due to the cessation of United States stockpiling. The manganese used for the production of cast-iron and special steel has kept its level, due chiefly to the withdrawal of Russian competition, and output has risen from 330,000 to 370,000 tons in a year while the price has been maintained at 2,600 frs. per ton. Cassiterite, which had a 15,000-ton production in 1957, is both harmed and benefited by the international agreement on tin, which imposes a 40 per cent. reduction of Belgian Congo exports during the first six months of this year. On the other hand, as the agreement is effective in reducing all world production at the same time, cassiterite has maintained its price on the international market. In Kasai, diamonds hold their predominant place with a production of fine stones exceeding 600,000 carats, while in the Bakwanga area the yield of industrial diamonds and crushing boart is reported to be up by 10 per cent.

Recently published studies and technical reports reflect the rapid development of electrification in the Belgian Congo. Work on the Ruzizi River hydro-electric power plant should be completed in November 1958, instead of January 1960, as originally envisaged. Construction of the Kiymbi power plant is ahead of schedule and should be finished in June 1959, instead of January 1960, and that work on the Bukavu-Katana line is eight months ahead of schedule. It is reported that in Katanga Province the total consumption of electricity increased from 1,261,000,000 kWh. in 1956 to 1,320,000,000 kWh. in 1957. (These figures do not include current exported to Rhodesia.) Consumption by the mining industry increased from 1,200,000,000 kWh. in 1956 to 1,250,000,000) kWh. last year, and by domestic and small industries from 61,000,000 kWh. to 70,000,000 kWh. The total consumption represents an increase of 15 per cent. against 14 per cent. in 1955-56.

URING the year 1957-58, the United Kingdom contributed almost ?19.3 million towards development and welfare schemes in the United

Kingdom dependencies. Of this sum, more than ?1.3 million was for research.




The total amount issued under the United Kingdom Colonial Development and Welfare (CD and W) Acts during the twelve-year period since the war was ?156,156,137, of which ?13,266,291 was spent on research. Total

Financing Colonial Advance

commitments under the CD and W Acts, from April 1946 to March 1958, amounted to ?194,259,668, of which ?191,972,097 took the from of grants and ?2,287,571 the form of loans.

Grants approved during the year reviewed included: ?5,331,284 for communications (of which ?3.5 million was for roads and ?1.1 million for civil aviation) ; ?3,989,383 for education (of which ?1.6 million was for higher education); ?3,152,466 for agricultural and veter- inary development; ?1,129,461 for physical planning, surveys and census; ?729,564 for water supplies and sanitation ; ?572,660 for housing and town development; and ?514,367 for medical and health services. Research grants included ?351,709 for agriculture, ?158,830 for tsetse and trypanosomiasis research, ?106,207 for medical research and ?101,108 for research on insecticides.

During the year grants totalling ?451,010 were approved for the University College of East Africa. Grants to Kenya included ?1,016,000 for the intensifi- cation of African agricultural development and ?300,000 for the improvement of territorial roads. A grant of ?283,000 was allocated to the Somaliland Protectorate for the development of Berbera port. The principal grants made to Tanganyika, totalling ?568,000, were for road development and improvement. Grants to Central Africa included ?145,800 for the installation of water-borne sewerage in African high-density residential areas. Education in Nigeria benefited from grants totalling ?1,054,855, including ?584,000 for the expansion of general education in Lagos, ?305,093 for the development of education in the Eastern Region, and ?137,900 for the Nigerian College of Arts, Science and Technology. Grants to the Western Region of Nigeria were for road development (?771,680) and water supplies (?464,295). Fourah Bay College, Sierra Leone, was allocated ?113,629, mainly for building and equipment. Grants to the High Commission Territories in Southern Africa totalled ?725,576, including ?156,973 for soil conservation in Basutoland, ?81,394 for tsetse control in the Bechuanaland Protectorate, and ?154,000 for a road survey in Swaziland.

Grants approved for research schemes included: ?135,730 to the East African Trypanosomiasis Research Organisation, ?65,000 for the expansion of vaccine production and associated research in Nigeria, and ?51,675 for agricultural research in Swaziland.



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