Quarterly Chronicle

The Royal African Society

Quarterly ChronicleAuthor(s): Alan GraySource: African Affairs, Vol. 58, No. 232 (Jul., 1959), pp. 195-209Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Royal African SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/718138 .

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195

Quarterly Chronicle Compiled by ALAN GRAY

HE Promotion of Bantu-Self-Government Bill, which has been passed by the Union House of Assembly, vests the Bantu Territorial Author-

ities with legislative power and the right to impose taxes in their respective Territories, according to a White Paper tabled by the Minister of Bantu Administration and Development. The Bantu Territorial Authorities are also empowered to undertake works and to give guidance to subordinate

Bantu (regional and tribal or community) Author- ities.

Bantu Self- Rule ities. The Bill provides for the appointment of five

Commissioners-General, who will form a direct link for consultation between the Bantu Authorities and the Union Govern- ment. The Bantu population will be divided into eight national units in different parts of the country-North Sotho, South Sotho, Swazi, Tsonga, Tswana, Venda, Xhosa and Zulu. One of the five Commissioners-General will be accredited to the North Sotho unit, one to the Tswana and South Sotho units, one to the Venda and Tsonga units, one to the Xhosa unit and one to the Zulu and Swazi units. The existing representation of the Bantu in the Union Parliament and the Cape Provincial Council will cease when the terms of office of the present white representatives expire.

The White Paper says that, in presenting the Bill, the Government is giving an unequivocal assurance of its intention to create self-governing Bantu national units. The irrevocable first steps in this direction have been taken, and the Government is now moving to a further stage. The Bill accordingly provides for the gradual development of Bantu national units, and for direct consultation between them and the Union Government on matters affecting their interests. The balanced development envisaged in this programme, the White Paper says, is determined on the one hand by the inherent vigour of the young Bantu communities and on the other by responsible guidance of the European guardian, which means that the guardian must meet his obligations on the basis of creative self-withdrawal. The realisation of the political autonomy envisaged for the Bantu national units demands that all retarding factors should be systematically removed. Examined from this angle, it appears that the greatest impediment is the representation of the Bantu in the highest institutions of white Government. On the one hand it is the source of the white peoples' fears of being swamped by the Bantu in the political sphere, and on the other hand it fails to stimulate the development by the Bantu of Bantu institutions, because it fosters expectations of greater participation in white political institutions and promotes the desertion of trained human material from service within its own community. Representation in the guardian's Parliament, moreover, is not a factor which plays a role in the attainment of self-government by dependent territories. This appears clearly from the history of the growth

14 Vol. 58



196 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

of the British Commonwealth, where none of the competent territories, destined for autonomy at any time, had direct representation in the Parlia- ments of the United Kingdom. The Commonwealth system, the White Paper says, is based on the systematic political emancipation of dependent national and territorial units, following on proof being furnished by the different units of their ability to govern themselves in a progressive manner.

After the abolition of the existing Bantu representation in the Union Parliament, the White Paper continues, the Minister of Bantu Administra- tion and Development and his representatives, including the Commissioners- General, will be in direct contact with the Bantu by means of conferences with competent bodies and persons better informed than the present elected (white) representatives as to the legitimate needs and desires of the different Bantu national units. By reason of their close contact with the Government, the Bantu leaders will be able to pay positive attention to the real needs of their people. As a result, Bantu interests in Parliament will, wherever necessary, be effectively attended to by the Minister, assisted by the Deputy Minister, the Minister of Bantu Education, and those members of the Native Affairs Commission who are members of the Assembly, as well as by the Senators who have been nominated for their special knowledge of the non- white population.

Under the Bantu Authorities system the Bantu already play an active and increasingly important part in all facets of community development. For the first time in their history, the White Paper says, they realise that the white man is prepared to grant them full freedom of progress within their own sphere of life and that it is not the intention to retard the assignment of powers to them on the ground that the time is not yet ripe. Understanding of the new deal has fired the imagination of the Bantu people and com- mcndable results have been achieved, with over 300 Bantu Authorities now managing their own affairs and Bantu parents in 4,000 school committees controlling their own educational system to the satisfaction of all, the White Paper says.

Dealing with the immediate objects of the Bill, the White Paper says the formal and binding expression of the fundamental approach is contained in the following provisions:

(a) The recognition of Bantu national units and the appointment of Com- missioners-General whose task will be to give guidance and advice to the units in order to promote their general development, with special reference to development in the administrative field;

(b) The linking of Bantu working in urban areas with the Bantu Terri- torial Authorities by conferring powers on these Authorities to nomi- nate persons as their representatives in urban areas;

(c) The transfer to Bantu Territorial Authorities, at the appropriate time, of land in their areas at present held by the Native Trust;

(d) The vesting in the Bantu Territorial Authorities of legislative authority and the right to impose taxes, to undertake works and give guidance to subordinate Bantu Authorities:



QUARTERLY CHRONICLE 197

(e) The establishment of Territorial Boards for the purpose of temporary liaison through Commissioners-General if, during the transition period the administrative structure in any area has not yet reached the stage where a Territorial Authority has been established; and

(f) The abolition of Bantu representation in the highest white governing bodies.

It is impossible to predict, the White Paper says, to what extent the different Bantu communities will make use of the opportunities for development now offered. Success will depend on intelligent and dynamic leadership by the Territorial Authorities, each of which, within its own homeland, will be the core around whichi the rehabilitation and progress of the whole national unit concerned will take place.

The objects which the Union Government, through its Commissioners- General and Departments of Bantu Administration and Development and Bantu Education wish to achieve by "creative withdrawal," the White Paper concludes, can be outlined as follows:

(a) The creation of homogeneous administrative areas for the Bantu by uniting the members of each Bantu national group in one national unit, concentrated in one coherent homeland where possible;

(b) The education of the Bantu to a sound understanding of the problems of soil conservation and agriculture, so that all rights over and responsibilities in respect of Bantu soil may be assigned to them. This in- cludes the gradual replacement of European agricultural officers of all grades by qualified and competent Bantu;

(c) The systematic promotion of a diverse economy in the Bantu areas. acceptable to the Bantu and to be developed by them;

(d) The education of the Bantu to a sound understanding of the problems and aims of Bantu education, so that, by decentralisation of powers, responsibility for the different grades of education may be vested in them. This means the gradual and systematic replacement of Euro- pean teachers and administrative and professional officers by qualified and competent Bantu.

(e) The training of Bantu with a view to effectively extending their own judicial system and their education to a sound understanding and the unimpeachable application of the common law, so that responsibility for the administration of justice in their areas can be transferred to them. This means the gradual replacement of white judicial officers by qualified and competent Bantu;

(f) The education of the Bantu to a sound understanding of effective territorial administration and consequently the gradual replacement of white administrative officers by qualified and competent Bantu; and, finally:

(g) The exercise of legislative powers by the Bantu in respect of Bantu areas, at first on a limited scale, but with every intention of gradually extending this power.



198 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

Mr. M. D. C. de Wet Nel, Minister of Bantu Administration and Deve- lopment, moving the second reading of the Promotion of Bantu Self- Government Bill, said the greatest question before South Africa was whether to move towards multi-racialism or the development of separate national groups. The choice had been made, not only by the whites but also by the Bantu, in favour of separate groups. The Zulu were proud to be Zulu, the Xhosa to be Xhosa, the Venda to be Venda. South Africa, he said, had now reached a stage where serious and effective attention had to be given to the right of the Bantu to handle their own affairs. All who wished to be honest would admit that the present system was unsatisfactory for the Bantu and uncertain for the whites. The example of Kenya, Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia, where Britain had given the black people a voice with the whites in the Government of these territories, showed that this only brought greater dissatisfaction. It did not bring peace but strife.

Sir de Villiers Graaff, leader of the Opposition, objected to the second reading on the ground that the Bill involved the division of South Africa into black States on the one hand and a multi-racial State on the other. It carried grave danger to all South Africans The Bill was repugnant to natural justice, since it removed long-standing rights without giving anything of substance in return and left the native population without any voice in the Parliament which governed them. And it sought to establish in the black areas a system of government in conflict with western democratic ideas, and would leave the millions of natives permanently settled outside the reserves without any means of political representation whatever.

Mrs. Margaret Ballinger, a Natives' Representative and leader of the Liberal Party in the Assembly, opposed the Bill on several grounds. She said it sought to lay the foundation of a political separation of white and black in South Africa which would deprive Africans of all say in the government of the country to which they belonged and of which they were an essential part. She said that in return for this the Bill conceded to the Africans a system of local government controlled by a Minister and subject to a Parliament in which they would have no representation. And she said the Bill was being introduced without consultation of the Africans and against their wishes. The Bill would reduce them to the position of a com- pletely subject race; it deviated from established South African practice; it repudiated the conditions and foundations of the Union. The Bill was based on false premises, was supported by fallacious analogies and was a denial of the trust of the Europeans. The Bill would bring South Africans into contempt both at home and abroad. It would endanger the peace and security of the country.

The Prime Minister, Dr. Verwoerd, said he could see no valid objection to a South Africa consisting of a number of nations each having its own territory. If the Opposition believed that a Nationalist Government would try to escape from the possibility of ultimate full independence for the African areas it was mistaken. Referring to the speech by Mr. Basson (a Nationalist "rebel" who objected to the abolition of the Natives' Represen-




tatives, and who was subsequently expelled from the caucus) against the removal of African representation in the Union Parliament, Dr. Verwoerd said he (Mr. Basson) was young and idealistic. Mr. Basson had been told by the party that he could abstain over the clause providing for the abolition of the Africans' representatives, but must vote for the second and third readings of the Bill.

Dr. Verwoerd said he had no hesitation in choosing a smaller white State where the white man could control his own territory and work out his own destiny, rather than a bigger State which eventually would become non- white. There might be some dangers for the future, but it was his deep con- viction that the proposed Bantu States, and the Bantu people, would be grateful for what had been done for them. There would be so many mutual interests and so much co-operation, that the Bantu States, with the Union of South Africa, would become a sub-continent bound together by a community of interest and goodwill, Dr. Verwoerd predicted.

Whatever happened, however, he would prefer to keep South Africa a white country, rather than capitulate at this stage. "There is only one way out. We stand today before a choice between whether the whites should govern their own area and the Bantu govern theirs, or whether there should be a mixed South Africa with the Bantu governing all." As far as the Bantu were concerned, they aspired to govern themselves in their own areas. "They don't want mixed government," Dr. Verwoerd said. The continued representation of the Africans in Parliament would undoubtedly delay the fulfilment of Bantu aspirations to self-government in their own areas, the Prime Minister said.

HE sequel to the unrest in Nyasaland was a powerful display of anti- Federation sentiment in political circles in Britain. Much of it was

regarded as an attempt on the part of the Labour movement to discredit the Federal Government in order to tie the British Government's hands at the conference on the constitutional future of Rhodesia and Nyasaland due to be held later next year. Sir Roy Welensky, the Federal Prime Minister,

made several attempts to counteract the hostility Federation and its in the United Kingdom towards his government.

Foes Included was an interview he gave for trans- mission on the British television network.

Subsequently he attempted to untangle the misunderstandings that had arisen from the statement he had made. Sir Roy said that during a television interview on March 31, he was asked: "In the House of Lords your pre- decessor, Lord Malvern, seemed to imply that if thwarted Rhodesia might be prepared to use its Army and Air Force, presumably against us. Does that mean that you are prepared to go it alone in certain circumstances?" The Prime Minister said that his reply was: "I have no hesitation in saying



200 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

that in certain circumstances we would go it alone. I am not prepared to detail what those circumstances would be, but I think that rather than put up with some of the attitudes that have been expressed towards us, particularly in the light of our record and what we have done in certain circumstances, I would be determined to go it alone."

Sir Roy said this reply was "quite unconnected" with the 1960 constitutional talks, but directed to the attitude of the Labour Party towards the people of the Federation. Subsequently, Sir Roy said, he gave an interview to a Salisbury Sunday newspaper in which in reply to the question "What would happen if you declared independence and the rest of the Common- wealth refused to accept you?" he had said:

"This would be too bad. We are primarily concerned with retaining our allegiance to the Queen in whatever form that was possible whether as a republic or in any other way." The Prime Minister said that misunderstandings had obviously arisen with regard to the declaration of a republic. He added: "I was at all times at pains to make it clear that this would only happen if the decision was forced on us, and I laid particular stress on the loyalty of the whole Federation to the Queen. The last thing I wish is a republic."

The Church of Scotland at the meeting of the General Assembly in May showed uncompromising hostility towards the Federation and called for constitutional reforms in Nyasaland that would give the Africans a majority in the Legislative Council. The attitude of the Nyasaland Church of Scot- land missionaries towards public affairs was discussed in a short adjournment debate before the House of Commons rose for the Whitsun break. In the course of replying to the debate, the Colonial Under-Secretary, Mr. Julian Amery said:

"The Church of Central African, Presbyterian, was established by the Church of Scotland in Central Africa and Nyasaland. The link between the two has been maintained by Church of Scotland missions in Nyasaland. It has been the deliberate policy of the Church of Scotland, and I think it is important that we remember this, to encourage the maximum autonomy of the Church of Scotland (in Nyasaland) and to relinquish mission control of both church and schools as much as possible. The Church came to Nyasa- land before the State, and there was for a time what one might call a theocratic Government in Nyasaland when the Church of Scotland really administered the country both in the political and administrative sense as well as in the spiritual sense. Its early leaders were men of great stature who have left a deep imprint on the land. Not unnaturally, as the Church of Scotland had been the Government before the secular Government came, there have been disagreements and tensions between Governments and Church. The Church had a wide body of experience and its own sources of




information and there were from time to time, though by no means all the time, disagreements between the two.

"In the early days the main problem for the Church was that of winning people to Christianity and caring for health and education. More recently, through the development of Central Africa and the general approach of Christianity in Nyasaland with the Government taking more and more responsibility for health and education, the Church is itself up against the social and political problems of the modern world which are relatively new in Nyasaland.

Other factors have been at work. There has been a decline in contribu- tions from the Church of Scotland to Nyasaland, and the Church has been faced with increasing competition from other denominations and secular political movements. All these things have led the Church quite openly to take up a position on political matters in Nyasaland. Many men have been drawn into the service of the missions who have a deep interest in the issues which are part of the daily political life of Nyasaland.

"From the first the Central African Church, Presbyterian, has been against the idea of Federation. No doubt it has studied the problem very objectively but the conclusions it reached have been hostile to federation. This has been made quite plain both in its publications and in sermons and talks in Nyasaland. In the process of opposing Federation, it has naturally found itself-I will not say in alliance, because I do not think it has been an alliance-but working for a common cause with the African Congress. It has openly campaigned on the issue of Federation in churches and schools. I make no complaint about that. But wheI considering this Central African and Nyasaland problem it is important that we should all realise that the Church is not, as is sometimes the case in our own country, above or outside politics. It is deeply involved. It is one of the parties to the debate. I make no complaint about that at all. It is not for us to define the role of the Church or what part it should play. We consider carefully any advice given to us by the Church, although I would echo the words of Lord Salisbury: "While everyone must have the highest respect and admiration for the courage and selflesseness of missionaries, I must say that I have never taken the view that the clergy at home or abroad are necessarily entirely reliable guides on matters of politics."

"The Nyasaland Government believe that the Church of Scotland can help in a major way in our policy of promoting the all-round advancement of the African and the well-being and good government of Nyasaland. If the Church does that, its assistance and co-operation would be greatly welcomed."



202 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

HE Uganda National Movement was proscribed by order of the Governor towards the end of May. A number of the movement's leaders

were served with orders restricting them to their districts of residence. This action was taken under special police powers after the Kingdom of Buganda had been formally declared a disturbed area by the Governor. The leaders of the outlawed organisation immediately announced that a new one called

the Uganda Freedom Movement had been set up. Uganda They announced that a delegation would visit Unrest London to explain the political situation to the

Colonial Secretary and members of the House of Commons.

These developments were directly related to dissatisfaction felt in Buganda over the Colonial Secretary's reply to the Lukiiko's request for independence for the Kingdom.

A letter dated April 9 addressed by Mr. Lennox-Boyd to the Kabaka of Buganda, in answer to a request from the latter to the Queen for the cessation of Britain's protecting authority over the territory, was read to the Buganda Lukiiko (Parliament) on April 20. It expresses sympathy with the Buganda people's wish to preserve their individuality and ancient traditions. but puts forward the view that, in the best interests of the Buganda and the other peoples of Uganda, this aim might be better achieved by "some development or evolution from the existing position" than by severance of the connection with Britain while the Uganda Protectorate is moving forward towards self-government. Mr. Lennox-Boyd hopes that discussions, on this general basis, may take place soon between representatives of the Buganda Government and the Governor of Uganda, and concludes his letter by expressing the hope that the Kabaka's Government will "give earnest of its good intentions to co-operate fully in the constitutional discussions .. . by resuming meanwhile Buganda's representation in the [Uganda] Protectorate Legislative Council".

Buganda, the most politically advanced of Uganda's four provinces, is constitutionally on a different footing from the rest of the protectorate. It has its own ruler, and its own parliament and ministerial system. Tribal loyalties are strong throughout Uganda, and traditionally the Buganda Government has shown a reluctance to participate fully in the central Government of the protectorate-an attitude which led to the temporary withdrawal of recognition of the Kabaka by the United Kingdom Govern- ment in 1953. The crisis was resolved in 1955, when a new Buganda agreement re-defined Buganda's status as a province of the protecorate and provided for its participation in the Protectorate Legislative Council, while at the same time giving the Kabaka's Government increased responsibility for internal affairs in Buganda. Under this agreement, the Kabaka returned to Buganda as a constitutional ruler, and, in accordance with its provisions,




the Governor asked the Buganda Government to submit the names of five candidates for appointment as representative members of the central Legis- lative Council: but this the Buganda Government refused to do.

Recently the Katikiro (Prime Minister) of Buganda sought, but failed to obtain, a declaration from the Uganda High Court which would, if granted, have absolved the Buganda Government from carrying out its obligations under the agreement in respect of Buganda representation in the Legislative Council. The Katikiro later failed on appeal to the East African Courts of Appeal. Meanwhile the Lukiiko passed a resolution seeking the abrogation of the Buganda agreements and the cessation of British protection over Buganda. The resolution was disallowed by the Governor; and the Kabaka then addressed, through the Governor to the Queen, a letter enclosing a memorandum drawn up by the Lukiiko seeking the withdrawal of British protection and the abrogation of all Buganda agreements at present in force.

The full text of Mr. Lennox-Boyd's reply, on behalf of the Queen, is as follows :

"Your Highness,

"I have the honour to refer to your letter of 21st January, 1959, addressed to Her Majesty The Queen, and the Memorandum from the Buganda Lukiiko accompanying it, in which you convey the peaceful demand of the people of Buganda, as expressed through their Lukiiko, for the cessation of Britain's protecting authority over Buganda. I thank you for, and am glad to be able to acknowledge, the references in your letter and in the Lukiiko Memorandum to the benefit of protection emanating from the Crown and the expressions of appreciation of the progress made by the people of Buganda during the last 64 years.

"As Your Highness and the members of your Government and of the Lukiiko are aware, as seems to be indicated in the concluding paragraphs of the Lukiiko Memorandum, the request for a cessation of British protection over Buganda raises important and weighty issues not only directly affecting Buganda and its peoples but also the peoples and other parts of the Uganda Protectorate. It is after the most serious and earnest consideration of all these issues that I have to inform Your Highness that I have laid your letter and the Lukiiko Memorandum before Her Majesty The Oueen, but was unable to advise Her Majesty to grant the request contained in them. I do not believe that an early cessation of British protection, and consequent severance, or at least serious diminution, of the British connection, would be in the best interests either of Your Highness's own people or of the other peoples of Uganda, for all of whom Her Majesty's Government have a special responsibility, but consider instead that the best prospects for Buganda's future progress and prosperity are otherwise, and lie in the direction which I outline briefly below, and on which I earnestly hope discussions and subsequent negotiations may take place between representatives



204 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

of Your Highness's Government and Her Majesty's representative in Uganda, the Governor.

"The reports of discussions the Governor had with members of the Buganda Constitutional Committee towards the end of 1957, and subsequent advice I have had from Sir Frederick Crawford [the Governor], have left me in no doubt of the fervent and understandable desire of the people of Buganda to preserve the Kabakaship, and their individuality as a people and ancient traditions. I have sympathy with these aspirations, and can understand possible fears that the course of political events in Uganda, as elsewhere in Africa, may appear to threaten their realisation. But I do not believe that these aspirations and possible fears can be met by a future State of Buganda established in a condition of isolation, devoid of the support both economic and otherwise and the protection of Great Britain, and possibly lacking a satisfactory relationship with its neighbours in Uganda. On the contrary, I believe that some development or evolution from the existing position, designed to preserve and safeguard the Kabaka- ship and the separate identity and traditions of Buganda, while at the same time ensuring, possibly by some extension and development of the existing relationship, Buganda's participation in the central councils and general economy of Uganda. offer the best prospect for the future, not only of Buganda but of Uganda as a whole.

"The development of this concept-an individual Buganda, increasingly responsible for the conduct of its own local affairs, but integrated nevertheless into Uganda as a whole, and to that end participating in its central councils and continuing to enjoy the benefits of British protection while the protectorate is moving forward towards self-government-clearly requires considerable local thought and consultation; and I would hope local discussions could be begun soon on this general basis, perhaps resulting in due course in amendment of the various Buganda agreements.

"It has long been the high tradition of Her Majesty's Government to observe strictly and absolutely, both as to letter and spirit, the terms and conditions of agreements entered into between Her Majesty's Government and other parties; and the agreements existing between Her Majesty's Government and the Kabaka of Buganda are no exception. I would expect that Your Highness's Government would give earnest of its good intentions to co-operate fruitfully in the constitutional discussions I have suggested above by resuming meanwhile Buganda's representation in the Protectorate Legislative Council.. .. "

HE death of eleven Mau Mau detainees at Hola Camp in Kenya was investigated by a coroner's court. The subsequent report made it clear

that the men had met their deaths as a result of physical violence used by the prison guards. The coroner was unable to apportion responsibility between individual members of the camp staff. He said: "It is impossible to




determine beyond reasonable doubt which injuries on the deceased were caused by justifiable and which by unjustifiable

The Kenya blows, and which injury or combination of Scene injuries resulted in the shock and haemorrhage

causing death." The Attorney-General of Kenya announced later that he shared this view. But he said that action was being taken against the camp commandant and his assistant. They had been sus- pended and would appear before a disciplinary tribunal.

The circumstances in which the eleven men died created widespread dis- gust in Kenya and the United Kingdom. The shock generated by the incident in the British Parliament was felt by all shades of political opinion. The Opposition has declared that it is determined to press this matter in the House until those responsible have been brought to justice.

In the course of an adjournment debate in the House of Commons on April 22, Mr. Lennox-Boyd outlined the British Government's aims in Kenya and made it clear that, while, as in other dependent territories, the ultimate objective was self-government, it was still not possible to forsee a date when conditions in Kenya would justify the United Kingdom giving up its responsibilities. He reviewed briefly the conditions which would be necessary for self-government and the ways in which the United Kingdom could help the people of Kenya to achieve them.

On the question of constitutional evolution, Mr. Lennox-Boyd stated his intention to convene a conference well in advance of the Kenya general election of 1960, at which the next steps in constitutional advance would be considered. He referred to the political developments which had taken place in Kenya in the past few weeks, and particularly to the emergence of a moderate, multi-racial group of members of the Legislative Council, under the leadership of Mr. Michael Blundell, formerly Minister of Agriculture. Lord Perth, Minister of State for Colonial Affairs, had spoken with members of the group during his recent visit to Kenya, and had also met members of a delegation, under the leadership of Mr. Oginga Odinga, chairman of the African constituency elected members of the Legislative Council, which is visiting London for talks with the Secretary of State at the end of April.

Concluding his speech, Mr. Lennox-Boyd referred to the subject of land in Kenya, and informed the House that a statement of policy had just been made in the Kenya Legislative Council. The Kenya Government had announced that its aim was to secure the progressive abolition of racial and tribal land barriers, and to ensure that the basis of tenure and manage- ment of all agricultural land would, in future, be similar throughout Kenya. regardless of race and tribe, so far as local economic and ecological factors would permit.

The following are extracts from the Secretary' of State's speech. "I have, on many occasions, made it clear that I cannot now forsee a

date at which it will be possible for any British Government to surrender their ultimate responsibilities for the destinies and well-being of Kenya.



206 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

To that view I still adhere. Nevertheless. it is perfectly legitimate to ask in what direction Kenya's political evolution is likely to move in the years ahead.

" The aim of Her Majesty's Government in Kenya, as in other dependent territories, is to build a nation based on parliamentary institutions and enjoying responsible self-government in conditions which secure for its people a fair standard of living and freedom from oppression from any quarter. I see no reason why the conditions necessary for the people of Kenya to make a success of responsible self-government should not one day be fulfilled. At present, they are not fulfilled. We believe that there can be no question of relaxing United Kingdom control until it is generally accepted that the continuous co-operation of all the individuals now in Kenya in all spheres, and particularly in public life, is indispensable for the maintenance of an effective government in the country.

"By such co-operation, Kenya would become a single nation, drawing on the best traditions, skills and capabilities of all who have their homes there, and on the combined experience and high standards of the past. It would reflect no credit at all upon any British Government to abandon the people of Kenya to their fate when they have no certain prospects of being able to stand on their own feet economically and being able to run efficiently, and without risk of collapse or misuse, institutions of representative government. The responsibility of Her Majesty's Government is to all the in- habitants of Kenya of all races and communities, both backward and advanced. It would be a betrayal of that responsibility if we were to abandon our ultimate authority prematurely.

"At this stage in Kenya's history our duty is to retain that authority, but, in the exercise of it, to do everything we can to help the people of Kenya to create the conditions in which we shall eventually be able to hand it

over with a good conscience." "What are those conditions? First, there must be, in the territory as a

whole, a sufficient understanding of parliamentary institutions, and sufficient sense of responsibility in public affairs, to hold out a reasonable prospect that parliamentary institutions, representative of the people, will produce responsible government and not chaos or dictatorship. Self-government, I think we would all agree, is but a mockery if it is purchased at the expense of personal freedom.

"Secondly, there must have been established a sufficient measure of understanding and co-operation between the various communities who have made their homes in Kenya to ensure mutual tolerance and acceptance by all of the right of each to remain in Kenya and continue to play a part in the public, as well as the economic, life of the country.

"Thirdly-and this is closely linked with both the first and the second- there must be a reasonable prospect that any governments to which Her Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom surrender their responsibili-




ties will be able to ensure for the people of Kenya a fair standard of living in an expanding economy. This they will only be able to do if they can maintain the confidence of investors in a country which, not having great mineral resources, is particularly dependent on the continued introduction of capital and skill. Without that capital and that skill they cannot hope for a secure economic future or for the maintenance of the standards of living to which its people of all races have attained, let alone that improve- ment of the standards of the great majority that we all want to bring about.

"Fourthly, a competent and experienced civil service is an essential part of political institutions if these are to function successfully for the benefit of the people as a whole. A Kenya Government composed of local people will not succeed in their task unless supported by a well-trained and experienced civil service, which, ultimately, and in the natural course of events, would be drawn also from local people. I know that it is the firm intention of the Kenya Government to increase the number of local people holding posts throughout the civil service as rapidly as is consistent with the maintenance of the standard of efficiency required by the interests of the Kenya public as a whole.

"I believe that there are two ways in which the Government here can help the people of Kenya to create these conditions. We can materially help by encouraging the growth of education and of all forms of development which will serve to increase the proportion of the people of Kenya who have knowledge and experience and an economic stake in the country, and who are qualified to play a useful and responsible part in the conduct of its affairs. In the recent past, the Government have given much help to this end, and, within the general framework of the Colonial Development and Welfare Acts, and of the new system of Exchequer loans [see 17.3.59 p. 273], we shall continue to help as generously as we can. But we can also help by pressing on vigorously with the critically important task of building up institutions of local and central government which will provide a good training ground for responsible government and will be well devised to secure, within a broad framework of democratic government, the proper rights and interests of all the different communities. The task of promoting constitutional development in Kenya has not, so far, been an easy one. With the aims which I have tried to outline in this statement, we shall continue to apply ourselves to it. We appeal for the co-operation of the leaders of all communities in Kenya. Failure to give it, and, still more, any attempt to secure objectives by unconstitutional means such as intimidation, can only delay progress and make impossible the construction of those sound foundations on which any constitutional structure must rest."



208 AFRICAN AFFAIRS

TIHE Northern Region of Nigeria attained self-government in March, but the main celebrations to mark this historic event were postponed until

May because March was the fasting month of Ramadan. The principal guests of the Northern Region Government at the celebrations were Their Royal Highnesses the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester, and Mr. Alan Lennox-Boyd, Secretary of State for the Colonies, and Lady Patricia

Lennox-Boyd.

N, Nigeria The premier of the Northern Region, Alhaji Sir Self Government Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, made the

following statement on attainment of self- government.

"Now that we, in Northern Nigeria, have obtained self-government, the end of our journey towards independence is in sight. And on the first of October next year, when the Federation of Nigeria becomes an independent and sovereign nation, we will have at last achieved that which we have striven for for so long. A great chapter in our history will have been written; a great era will have drawn to a close. We know, however, that this is not the end, but rather the beginning. We realise that independence is not easily achieved or lightly borne; that it brings with it not only great opportunities but also many heavy responsibilities.

"Since the turn of the century, tremendous political social and economic changes have taken place in Nigeria, bringing with them many new problems. These will not readily be solved; and, indeed, they cannot be solved except by courage, patience and hard work, by singleness of purpose and the sacrificing of personal interests. We are confident of overcoming our difficulties; for in our respect for liberty, justice, tolerance and goodwill to men of all races and creeds, we possess the cornerstones of good government. We are a great nation, the largest single block of population in Africa, and we shall not shrink from taking the part expected of us. This does not mean that we shall cut old ties and break with proven friendships. We in the North envisage, rather, as we set out on our new venture as an independent nation, an even closer association and friendship with Great Britain and with the other sovereign members of the Commonwealth. As we go forth, we shall need your goodwill and we shall welcome assistance in every field, commercially, technically, and professionally. We shall not, however, come with our caps in our hands. For we believe that we on our side, with our great potentialities of men and material, have much to offer.

"Three years ago, Her Majesty the Queen, the Head and symbol of unity of this great Commonwealth, honoured us by visiting us in our country. During the forthcoming visit of Their Royal Highnesses, the Duke and Duchess of Gloucester, to attend our own celebrations in the North, and later during the visit of Her Royal Highness Princess Margaret on the occa- sion of the Independence of Nigeria, we shall welcome the opportunity of again showing our devotion to Her Majesty and to a great ideal."




The Duke and Duchess of Gloucester arrived at Kano airport on May 13. They were received by the Governor-General, the Prime Minister of the Federation, the Governor of the Northern Region and the Premier of Northern Nigeria. Later that morning the Duke and Duchess paid an in- formal call on the Emir of Kano at his palace and drove round Kano city. Later that day the Royal visitors flew down to Kaduna where they were again met by the Governor and Premier.

On May 15 came the highlight of the celebrations--the Durbar. About 3,000 horses and 8.500 people from all parts of Northern Nigeria took part in the procession on the Kaduna racecourse.

Many thousands of people watched the Durbar, and the other events scheduled to take place on the racecourse, from a long earth embankment.

On the morning following the Durbar 4,000 Northern Nigerian school- children took part in a Kaduna pageant depicting the growth of education in Northern Nigeria. On May 18 the Duke and Premier each laid a foundation stone of the new Chamber at Lugard Hall.

During Celebrations Week, an exhibition was held in buildings erected on the Kaduna Golf Course. This illustrated fifty years of material progress of the region and included:

(1) "Made in Northern Nigeria" section confined to the display of goods partly or wholly manufactured in the Northern Region;

(2) A section to allow the commercial firms an opportunity to show the part they have taken in the development of the region;

(3) A section in which Ministries were given the opportunity to show the public the work for which they are responsible.

The Royal visitors toured the exhibition on May 18. Other events included a searchlight tattoo by the Army; fireworks; drum-

ming; dancing; wrestling and boxing competitions; and a display of plays, films, arts and crafts.

Most of the activities took place in the capital, Kaduna. But the provinces made their own arrangements for their own brand of celebrations. The Duke and Duchess of Gloucester visited Zaria and Jos before leaving the region for Enugu on May 22.



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