Journal of Social Issues, Vol. 46, No. 3, 1990, pp. 1-20

Psychology for the Third World?

Tod S. SloanUniversity of Tutsa

Most citizens in the industrialized nations know the Third World only throughsecondhand and distorting images conveyed by the mass media. While theseimages and related processes of globalization are increasing awareness of pov-erty, civil strife, and human rights abuses in the Third World, few people in theFirst World seem to care about changing these painful realities. Ignorance,neglect, and a form of defensive dehumanization allow the "developed world" toproceed as if there were no serious problems in the "developing world." Yeteven the most basic statistics on conditions in the poorest nations point tomassive and systematic suffering. Western behavioral scientists, who clearlyhave much to contribute, have yet to manifest the sustained concern necessary todevelop fruitful interventions. This is due in part to ideological constraints onpsychology and related disciplines. Nevertheless, numerous researchers workingin the Third World have been pioneering models and methods that may challengeothers to rethink disciplinary assumptions, and begin to confront Third Worldproblems effectively. This article surveys the development of these activities andissues a call for increased involvement.

The Third World. Fbr those of us who live in the industrialized societies, it isseen as another world, not our own. It is nevertheless a world whose surfaces andtextures we know fairly intimately. Through television and magazine images,and perhaps through travel, we are familiar with the dust and the mud, the desertsand jungles, the temples and tourist sights, the slums surrounding the mega-lopolises, the children and the beggars, the crowds, the lively markets, the garbageand pollution, catchy rhythms and bright patterns, colorful festivals, military

The author thanks Stuart Oskamp and several anonymous reviewers for their comments on anearlier draft of this article. The editors thank the University of TUlsa Office of Research and Depart-ment of Psychology for material and clerical support in the preparation of this issue.

Correspondence regarding this article should be addressed to Tod S, Sloan, Department ofPsychology, University of Tblsa, Tlilsa, OK 74104,

1

0022-*537/90/0900.0001$06,00/l 1990 The Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues

2 Sloan

dictators, brilliant sunsets, the fly-filled eyes of famine victims, the destructionleft by civil wars and car bombs, mobs of angry youth, veiled and silent women.

Very few who are able to read this page, however, have more than a fewfragments of understanding that penetrate these plentiful but superficial anddistorting images. The Third World exists for us on a day-to-day basis mainly asa jumble of striking images broadcast from the world's hotspots into comfortableliving rooms. The reports we receive are filtered through a variety of lenses thatoften tell more about the processors of the news than about what is actuallyhappening (Dorman, 1986). Partly as a consequence of fragmentation and ideo-logical distortion, the events that prompt Third World news reports line up in ourmemories like a chain of explosive situations to which we feel unconnected: ElSalvador, Ethiopia, South Korea, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Chile, Mozam-bique . . .

Yet that other world, as alien as it may seem to the eyes of the industrializedworld's citizens, is obviously part of this world. It is made up of the three or fourbillion fellow human beings who will live and die in conditions that few "mod-em" persons would tolerate for more than a few days or weeks. Perhaps it is thisunthinkable difference that inclines us to construe their existence as somethingseparate, untouchable, even irrelevant. Or perhaps we have learned that to beginto empathize with their situations is to begin to feel connected to them, to senseour common humanity, and to feel responsible, so we defensively deny theconnection and dehumanize them (Kelman & Hamilton, 1989). This oft-repeatedmove plays its part in perpetuating their inhuman conditions. A century or twoago, that other world and all those people were conveniently far away, justcolonial territories, exotic places, or tropical paradises. We could afford to ignorethem (and exploit them). But now they are in our living rooms nightly, and theirgovernments and economies are interwoven with ours. Furthermore, we who livein the industrialized world (and in its outposts in Third World capitals) see themstreaming in to live among us. Even when we see them here, close up, we find itdifficult to recognize them as fellow humans. Empathy is difficult to generatebecause our direct interests are not involved, we are unable to care (Bat-son, 1990), and we go about our business.

I apologize to those readers who will not be able to empathize with thislanguage of "we" and "they," of "here" and "there." Professor Montero and Iplanned this issue of the Journal of Social Issues, in part, as a move towardovercoming this linguistic residue of colonial times. The sad fact is that, in amanner that mirrors the industrialized world's persistent dehumanization and/orexclusion of what Harrington (1969) calls the "vast majority," Western psychol-ogists operating within this language have ignored the societies of the ThirdWorld, viewing them as the proper subject matter for other disciplines, such aseconomics or anthropology. Many critical tasks, some of which we hope toexamine here and in the following articles, have thus not been confronted.

Psychology for the Third World? 3

Pick up any introductory psychology or sociology textbook. Flip through itspages. Where is the Third World, the other half of the world's population? Nosign of it? Perhaps it is just not there explicitly. Perhaps we will find it hidingunder such topics as the psychology of poverty, immigration, exile, malnutri-tion, crowding, unemployment, exploitation? Not a chance. True, you will in-creasingly find glimpses of Third World life in brief sections on cross-culturalcomparisons of psychopathology, perceptual processes, or child-rearing prac-ticesbut in these treatments we are often still dealing with Others (the mentallyill, traditional cultures).

The reader will ask, perhaps in annoyance, whether a psychological sciencethat represented the other half would really be any different. Would our basicconcepts and theories change if we took into account the existence of the ThirdWorld? This question, which certainly follows from otir line of thought to thispoint, is the basic impulse for most cross-cultural psychology, a well-intentionedventure that has corrected some nearsightedness regarding the universality ofWestern psychological processes. An example can be seen in the state-of-the-artcross-cultural psychology textbook entitled Human Behavior in Global Perspec-tive (Segall, Dasen, Berry, & Poortinga, 1990). This approach seems to be moreinterested in variables than in human problems. It acknowledges potential ap-plications in various settings, but gives few hints as to where and what the mostpressing global problems are.

One must wonder, therefore. How has psychology been capable of ignoringThird World realities for so long? Why has this energetic science not managed toaddress systematically the most ubiquitous forms of human suffering on theplanet? We may now recall the title of this volume and ponder it in the form of aquestion: Is there a Psychology for the Third World?

The question immediately raises more questions: Which psychology?Whose psychology? For whom? For what purpose? And who should answerthese questions?

The Western reader who pauses to ponder this project will be confused bythe images it provokes. What could it possibly mean? MMPIs for the urban poorin Brazil? Desensitization therapy for Mozambique? Shipments of introductorypsychology texts to Afghanistan?

The Third World reader will be similarly perplexed, but from other angles:Will they now send us psychology as a form of foreign aid? Do they thinkpsychology will solve our problems? How much will it cost?

Given the questions that rush to one's mind, based on our title, we spentconsiderable time debating whether this issue should be called Psychology in,and, of, OT for the Third World. Since our basic question regards the sort ofpsychology that will be appropriate in addressing Third World problems, wedecided on Psychology for the Third World. But whatever that psychology maybe, it will obviously also be in and of the Third World. So our issue gives some

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attention to all of these topics. We turn now to describe some aspects of thereality we hope psychologists will begin to address more systematically.

Indicators of Suffering

The 3 or 4 billion people overlooked by psychology are the world's im-poverished groups, most of them living in what are called (always with contro-versy) the "developing societies," the "underdeveloped" economies, or the"less-developed countries" of Asia, Africa, and Latin America (Alavi & Shanin,1982). The desperate conditions among the poor in these countries have beendescribed in popular books (Harrington, 1969; Harrison, 1981, 1983), featurefilms (e.g.. The Children of Sanchez, El Norte, Salaam Bombay), and in hun-dreds of documentaries and fund-raising videorecordings. International agenciesroutinely gather the often gruesome economic and demographic statistics onThird World conditions. Since the latter information is less prevalent in thepopular media, we will review some representative basic facts here.

Consider, first, a few of the "development indicators" compiled recently bythe World Bank (1988), presented in Table 1. Now, link these figures with thestatistics in Table 2. (The secondary school enrollment figures are percentages ofsecondary-aged youth actually enrolled for 1985. The under-5 mortality rate isthe number of deaths during the first five years of life per thousand children for1987.)

For the low- and middle-income economies, the picture is generally bleak.Their economies struggle and for the most part get nowhere while the alreadyindustrialized countries forge ahead. The gap between rich and poor societies

Table 1. Selected Development Indicators of Representative Nations

Nation

Low-income economiesEthiopiaBangladeshUgandaHaiti

Middle-income economiesNicaraguaVenezuela

Industrial market economiesUnited KingdomJapanUnited States

GNP per capita1986 (U.S.$)

120160230330

7902920

887012,84017,480

Mean annual % growthin GNP per capita.

1965-1986

0.00.4

- 2 . 60.6

- 2 . 30.4

1.74.31.6

Average lifeexpectancy

46504854

6170

757877

Source: Adapted from World Bank (1988).

Psychology for the Third World?

Tahle 2. Nutrition, Education, and Child Survival Data for Selected Nations

Nation

EthiopiaBangladeshUgandaHaitiNicaraguaVenezuelaUnited KingdomJapanUnited States

Daily calorieintake

170418042483178424642485314826953682

% enrolled insecondary school

1218

n.a.183945899699

Under-5 mortalityrate per 1000

2611911721749945118

13

Source: Adapted from World Bank (1988) and UNICEF (1989).

thus widens, and even using wildly optimistic projections, it can be establishedthat existing economic and political structures wiil never permit poor nations tocatch up (Donaldson, 1986). For the moment, we will leave aside the questionsof whether those societies should want to emulate the material standard of livingof the industrialized countries and whether there are ways of improving materialconditions without severe social disruption.

To render this picture of Third World conditions more concrete, one cantranslate the above figures from the low-income economies into the image of asingle person's existence: a life of hunger, malnutrition, backbreaking work,stagnation, disease, wrenching losses of loved ones, and early death. The impos-sible psychological task for concerned individuals is to multiply that stark imageby several billion and to sense the magnitude of suffering experienced by at leasta third of the world's inhabitants. One may be tempted to argue that they havealways lived that way and may not want to live differently. It is true that themeanings and qualities of Third World suffering are determined by culturalprocesses and historical contexts, but it is safe to say that things have not alwaysbeen as they are. Conditions of Third World life, for those in poverty, havedeclined as a systematic effect of urbanization, industrialization, and relatedpopulation growth, all of which are the direct effects of historical linkages to theindustrial powers (Clark, 1986; Frobel, Heinrichs, & Kreye, 1985; Harris,1986).

Is Psychology Relevant?

Until recently, psychologists could have shrugged oflf this reality, arguingthat Third World development is an economic or political problem about whichpsychologists know very little. It would just be a matter of time, they could say.

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before these suffering societies would share in the benefits of industrial civiliza-tion. But for most countries, despite intensive international efforts, developmenthas not occurred as planned. This is partly due to world recession in the 1980s(UNICEF, 1989) and partly to what has come to be known as "underdevelop-ment"the systematic destruction of "peripheral" economies through unequaland distorted exchange with the "core" nations (Clark, 1986). There is muchdebate about the extent to which "underdevelopment" accounts for Third Worldeconomic problems, and even more controversy about the cultural and ideologi-cal ramifications of North-South economic relations (cf. Montero, this issue;Walker, 1984). These may be pseudoissues, because even in the few successfulnewly industrializing countries such as Taiwan, South Korea, and occasionallyBrazil or Mexico, in which economic growth has begun to improve materialconditions for some sectors of society, there is a neglected reality that manyobservers prefer not to see. It is, however, exactly the sort of reality about whichpsychologists need to be concerned. Improvement of material conditions doesnot necessarily depend on or lead to the development of just and equitable laborpractices or social institutions. For example, Harris (1986) writes that the humancosts of rapid economic growth have been extensive, creating inherently unstablesocieties. Income gaps have not decreased but widened, and the price of austeritymeasures necessary for growth is paid by the poor:

In reality, the dazzling high rates of growth of output, year in and out, were not achievedby magic, nor by governments, nor by management; they required the musck, biain anddiscipline and the unremitting toil of millions of collaborating workers. . . . One of themost massive and continuing sources of subsidy to the growth of capital derives from afailure to pay the full costs of the process, as seen in the workers' conditions of housingand nutrition, water and drainage, in pollution, in the exhaustion of labour, in all thecasual savageries of police regimes. (Harris, 1986, p. 194)

Perhaps some psychologists have assumed that when the basic needs ofThird World citizens have been met, psychology will become more relevant sinceit is equipped to deal with emotional needs that are somewhat secondary tophysical survival needs. This would be a logical assumption since the adjustmentand fine-tuning of the individual for education, work, and self-actualization hasbeen the primary role of psychology in the developed world. But by now it mustbe dawning on us that emotional needs aie equally primary, that physical needsare not likely to be met very soon in most countries, and that psychologicalfactors are intricately bound up with the capacity for survival of the world's poor.Psychoideological factors also certainly play a role among the elites in the Firstand Third Worlds as they justify their own positions of luxury in social systemsthat have done little to relieve the suffering of the world's poor.

The importance of the psychological realm is also borne out by the fact that,over the last decade, a key topic of debate among development experts has beenthe role of "culture" in economic development (cf. Laszlo, 1985; and whole

Psychology for the Third World? 7

issues of the journal Deve/opwenr, 1981, No. 3/4; 1987, No. 1). Included underthis concept of culture are attitudes, motivational states, values, and knowledge,all of which were previously seen as secondary effects of gross economic pro-cesses. The concept is often used in a problematic way, in a sort of mass"blaming the victim" analysis, attributing a nation's failure to thrive to thenegative traits of cultural/emotional character of its citizens. (As an example ofthis, see L. E. Harrison, Underdevelopment Is a State of Mind: The LatinAmerican Case, 1985). The entry of behavioral scientists into the culture-and-development debate might correct some of these analytic problems.

Notable Absences

It may be a surprise to some readers that these obviously important issuesand questions have been raised only rarely in the behavioral science literature.They arise from a set of concerns that apparently converge only sporadically. Thereasons for this are admittedly complex, but we can address some of the mainones here by reviewing developments over the past quarter century.

Early psychological studies in Third World settings were conducted underthe disciplinary umbrella of anthropology, usually in connection with the largelydiscredited, or at least out-of-fashion, "culture and personality" school (Bock,1988) or by multidisciplinary teams (cf. Kluckhohn & Murray, 1953). Psychiatryhas a Jong record of concem about mental illness in the Third World (UnitedNations, 1963; Argandona & Kiev, 1972). But the innovative book Thai PeasantPersonality by Phillips (1965) is probably one of the earliest North Americanstudies conducted in a Third World setting that can be recognized as operatingwithin contemporary limits of behavioral science.

From this reviewer's vantage point, it was the Journal of Social Issues thatbroke ground for wider discussion of psychology's role in connection with sever-al aspects of Third World problems when it devoted the April 1968 issue to socialpsychological research in developing countries. The articles in that volume weregenerated by an international conference on the topic in Ibadan, Nigeria (Kel-man, 1968). Conference participants, most of whom had already given extensivethought to the problem, charted a bold course for international scientific coopera-tion in applying social, motivational, and educational psychology to stimulatenational development. Despite a large proportion of North American social psy-chologists at the conference, the project was carried forward primarily by Britishand Indian psychologists. It seems that North Americans who happened to beinternationalists at that time soon had their hands full with mobilization againstthe war in Vietnam. Other psychologists, working on isolated Third Worldprojects, were busy trying to achieve practical effects, and thus tended not topublish academic reports on their work. Others were distracted from concerns forsocioeconomic development by the abstract debates and more easily researched

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issues that arose in the budding field of cross-cultural psychology (cf. Triandis etal., 1980, for a comprehensive summary of this work). The psychological liter-ature of the 1970s is thus strikingly silent about ongoing research in connectionwith development projects or Third World problems, ftychological variablesplayed a role in the work of Inkeles (1983) on modernization, and McCkUaud(1977) continued exploring applications of his need-for-achievement model tosocietal development. Yet it seems that most of the research and action energiesof Western behavioral scientists who might have contributed directly to ThirdWorld problem solving flowed into the cross-cultural paradigm, or perhaps intononpsychological administrative or investigative roles in development-relatedwork.

Later, in the 1980s, we begin to see the fruits of the British and Indian work(Blackler, 1983; Sinha & Holtzman, 1984; Sinha, 1986) as well as a NorthAmerican recognition that a major task had been ignored (Rosenzweig, 1984;Kennedy, Scheirer, & Rogers, 1984; Cole, 1984; Wagner, 1986; Bond, 1988).We also see the emergence of Latin American perspectives on possible roles forpsychology (Ardila, 1982; Salazar, 1984; Diaz-Guerrero, 1984; Montero, 1987;Sanchez & Wiesenfeld, 1987). Many of these authors question the appropri-ateness of Western-style behavioral science for Third World settings, while oth-ers envision fairly direct importation of models and methods.

It is striking to note that the majority of these articles discuss the potentialcontributions of psychology. For instance, Sinha (1986)., in his review of psycho-logical work in India, concluded with frustration that, for all their activity,psychologists had done little to solve "real-world" problems there. As reasonsfor this, he cited the following: (1) overdependence on the Euro-Americanworldview; (2) a distorted sense of scientific priorities; (3) irrelevance of modelsand findings of the "modem" world in the "traditional" world; (4) lack ofpetspective on larger soc\a\ structures and processes', (5) lack of interdiscipli-narity; (6) absence of a problem-focused approach; (7) constraints of natural-scientific, mathematical, and hypothetical-deductive research methods; (8) lackof appropriate instruments for use with an uneducated and illiterate population;and (9) fragmented research programs. One may hope that interdisciplinary,problem-focused, methodologically flexible projects will lead to more successfulinterventions. But there is a major obstacle to overcome first: at the heart of thepsychological enterprise (particularly in the United States), few seem to care.

The reader may have noted that many of the key articles cited above werepublished in recent editions of the International Journal of Psychology (e.g.,Sinha & Holtzman, 1984) and the American Psychologist. They should be com-mended for bringing articles about the global challenge to our attention. Theirefforts, however, have had little impact in the United States, where the psycholo-gy industry is the largest in the world. As evidence of this, consider whathappened when one of two special themes of the 1988 convention of the Ameri-

Psychology for the Third World? 9

can Psychological Association in Atlanta was "Psychology and Developing Na-tions." Numerous sessions were planned on intriguing and important topicsranging from therapeutic work with torture victims to the psychological impactof apartheid. While hundreds packed halls to hear presentations on selfhood orcreativity, sessions with a Third World component were poorly attended. Orga-nizers of those symposia were extremely discotiraged by the lack of interestevidenced by their colleagues at the convention. Similarly, there are few signsthat psychology department hiring efforts and curriculum requirements intend togo beyond an occasional obligatory (often APA-mandated) nod toward multi-cultural, interdisciplinary, and international perspectives. On the bright side,certain textbook publishers seem to have caught the multicultural and interna-tional vision (inspired by developments in other disciplines) and may be able toprod the field along through progressive publishing programs. Furthermore,excellent examples of constructive psychological studies by North Americans arebeginning to appearfor example, Aptekar's (1988) work on street children inColombia.

I would argue that the lack of concem for the Third World among behavioralscientists, as well as inability to translate whatever concem they do have intoeffective action, is primarily the product of ideological processes that shape theself-understanding of the 20th-century psychologist. Psychology has been, andfor the most part still is, a Eurocentric science. Its contours are established by thehorizons of the Judeo-Christian worldview. The presuppositions of this world-view have been only partially masked by positivist methods that attempt to screenout ideological bias through operationalization, quantification, probability test-ing, and supposedly value-neutral reporting of findings (Habermas, 1971; Par-ker, 1989; Sullivan, 1990). Yet the positivist outlook has been so successful inportraying itself as providing the only adequate basis for studies of humanbehavior and social action that most social scientists regard it as the scientificmethod.

The question of appropriate behavioral science epistemology and meth-odology is one that is raised repeatedly by the authors in this issue. Theirresponses, it seems to me, converge around the idea that the appropriate sciencewould redefine the relationship between theory and practice. Rather than con-ceiving of knowledge in temis of an adequate correspondence between socialscientists' cognitive maps and social reality, knowledge would be assessed interms of dialogue with participants in real-life situations, aiming toward under-standing and, if necessary, transformation of social reality.

A second core characteristic of the ideological conditions in which psychol-ogy emerged as a science is individualism. In general, the enterprise of psychol-ogy has supported the goals of adjustment rather than social transformation,therapy rather than prevention (or revolution), and private solutions to collectiveproblems (Albee, 1986). The globalization of psychological perspectives to en-

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compass the Third World will probably entail further critiques of Western indi-vidualism of the sort that have become increasingly urgent in recent years (e.g.,Sampson, 1989).

The Globalization of Psychology

Given that behavioral scientists have generally ignored the crucial task ofunderstanding and aiding the Third World, it will be useful to consider why thosewho are already engaged in aspects of that task have become so. The followingconsiderations seem to be relevant:

First, we must consider the grov/ing psychological concem for Th\td WOTWdevelopment as part of the general movement toward global awareness producedby the development of international communication and transportation systems.Solutions for First World problems are increasingly understood as the cause ofnew problems in the Third World. To consider just one current example, theNorth American appetite for hamburger beef can be linked to the deforestation ofthe Amazon basin to create grazing ^and. This not only interrupts the naturalcycles of atmospheric self-regulation but also has a more direct human cost in thedisplacement of indigenous peoples from their natural habitats. The list of suchsocial, ecological, and political interconnections grows longer each day, as socialand natural scientists adopt holistic worldviews. This wave of new science hasrevolutionary political implications, most of which were hotly debated first inenvironmentalist circles, and now in the broad "Green Movement" which beganin Europe and is already becoming an important political factor in the Americas(Bahro, 1986; Porritt, 1984; Spretnak & Capra, 1986). The Green Movement canbe understood sociohistorically as an umbrella movement for many groupswhose interests are not being met by the economies, security systems, andpolitical institutions of the Western social formationespecially women, chil-dren, the Third World poor, and nature (Galtung, 1986).

Second, current psychological interest in the Third World is also part of asearch for postcolonial and postimperial relations between the core and pe-ripheral states (Clark, 1986). Memmi (1965) and Fanon (1968) alerted Europeanand African intelligentsia about the psychological damage caused by colonialrelations. Their viev/s, in fact, have provided foundations for alternative psychol-ogies that promise greater relevance to Third World societies (Bulhan, 1985).

Third, psychology's budding interest in the Third World reflects the interna-tionalization ofthe social sciences in general (Tiryakian, 1986), and is an echo ofdevelopments in theoretical (Taussig, 1980) and applied (Bastide, 1971) an-thropology, which themselves were triggered by geopolitical developments.Western concem for the development of the Third World first arose in thevacuum created as colonialism collapsed with World War II (Alavi & Shanin,1982). The movement of "developmentalism" aimed to reduce the gap between

Psychology for the Third World? H

"traditional" and "modem" societies through capitalist economic processes.However, the failure of numerous development programs led to a political-economic outlook called "dependency theory," which emphasized the systemicneed for subordinate, exploited countries in the capitalist world order. The Inter-national Monetary Fund and the World Bank, the very banks responsible forThird World development, were accused of sponsoring underdevelopment be-cause they stood to benefit from maintaining the repressive political structuresthat characterize peripheral capitalist nations. Economic progress for a few wasfrequently bought at the price of socioeconomic devastation for the masses. Thesocial sciences have played roles both in analyzing and criticizing these develop-ments. Psychologists doing international work could not ignore them.

Fourth, while Western governments placed their hopes in gradual politicaland economic transformation of the developing societies, many European andEuropean-trained intellectuals favored a more radical position, which has beentermed "Third Worldism" (Harris, 1986; Rangel, 1982). Third Worldism hasmany facets, but it was more prominent in the late 1960s and early 1970s whenthese Western scholars and activists looked to the peripheral "proletarian na-tions" of the world as the source of revolutionary energy that would finallydestroy the order of the "Center" (cf. Marcuse, 1969). They supported nationalliberation movements of various sorts, in particular the struggle of the Viet-namese against France and the United States. They longed for a new world unity,but found themselves increasingly disenchanted with the "revolutionary myth."They felt deceived by tyranny and incompetence in Cuba, Cambodia, Vietnam,and African socialist nations (Gamier & Lew, 1984). These disenchanted intel-lectuals now search for more concrete and limited ways of making a difference inthe Third World.

Fifth, a partial paradigm shift within the traditional methodological ap-proach of "cross-cultural psychology" has opened room for discourse aboutpractical roles for psychological intervention in Third World settings (Chems,1984; Creekmore, 1986; Durojaiye, 1979; Trimble, 1988). Related to this is thevery important movement among both First and Third World theorists toward"indigenous psychologies." These are viewpoints that appreciate the value ofindigenous culttiral systems as guides to understanding human action along di-mensions and distinctions relevant to each particular culture (Heelas & Lock,1981).

Sixth, the professional maturation of a 1960s-inspired activist generation,particularly within the Society for the Psychological Study of Social Issues, hasbrought fresh attention to possible roles of psychologists in human rightsmonitoring and research. United Nations and other development programs, andpeace research.

Seventh, at a metascientific level, an emerging interdisciplinary attitudeseems to be carrying with it a concem for the practical relevance of research in

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the human sciences (Bernstein, 1983; Fay, 1987; Gergen, 1982; Giddens, 1987;Mendel, 1980; Parker, 1989; Polkinghome, 1983; Riegel, 1976; Rosenwald,1988; Wexler, 1983).

Eighth, interest in Third World populations and related topics has increasedrecently because new forms of cultural and ethnic diversity (due to immigration,refugees, migrant workers, and so on) in industrialized societies have createdthorny problems in schools, workplaces, and communities. Interethnic violencehas not subsided, and racist attitudes seem to be on the rise.

Last but certainly not least, there have been important influences, throughcollaboration and academic exchange, of Third World social scientists on theinterests and concerns of First World psychologists. For instance, D. Sinha hasworked tirelessly to bridge between the two worlds (D. Sinha, 1984, 1986; D.Sinha & Kao, 1988). Similar roles have been played by J. Sinha (1984), Salazar(1988), and Pareek, who reviews his work in this journal issue. Perhaps the mostprominent new voice of this sort, arguing with increased urgency and in-cisiveness for an appropriate Third World psychology, is that of Moghaddam(1987; Moghaddam & Taylor, 1985, 1986). His most recent formulation of theissues follows this introduction.

Confronting all these reasons for increased psychological interest in theThird World is the fact that adoption of a global perspective can throw one offbalance. It requires a new view of personhood (Sampson, 1989). Familiar analyt-ic frameworks can begin to feel irrelevant. Fbr example, if one is accustomed tounderstanding behavior as a function of person and environment, what happensto that framework when the person is no longer one's vague image of a middle-class "rational actor" and the environment is not the usual small group, family,or classroom? What if we consider the "person" as the 40,000 children who diedaily of curable illnesses such as diarrhea (UNICEF, 1989)? How do we under-stand the "environment" or "situation" when it includes the complex web ofinternational economic decisions, migrations, and local political structures thatset up the immediate conditions experienced by those children? And what is therelevant "behavior" in this example? The example would feel even more absurdif we tried to apply other favorite psychological concepts and topics: heredity vs.environment, gender differences, factors in attractiveness and liking, categoriesof psychopathology, cross-national personality comparisons, and so on. Count-less behavioral science concepts and issues are simply irrelevant when we con-front them with social realities that do not mesh with the ideologically condi-tioned concerns of behavioral scientists in industrial societies. Certain of ourestablished concepts will undoubtedly be useful, but perhaps only as temporarytools, and certainly not as the career-making "entities" they have become inmainstream social science. It seems likely that entirely new visions of what itmeans to be a psychologist or a social scientist, perhaps merging political ac-tivism with consultation and networking, will have to be hammered out (Hamnett& Porter, 1983; Parker, 1989; Petras, 1978).

Psychology for the Third World? 13

Contents of This Issue

As co-editor Maritza Montero and I began planning this volume, we wereconstrained by several factors. The most important constraint was that most ofthe people who are engaged in employing any sort of psychological knowledge inthe solution of Third World problems usually do not have the time to writearticles, and especially not ones that conform to the editorial/scientific norms ofleading Anglo-American journals. They are concerned with the practical prob-lems of day-to-day project coordination, administration, political work, crisismanagement, and personal maintenanceall of which are much more time-consuming in Third World settings than in modernized conditions.

Readers accustomed to the systematic, "value-neutral," and apolitical arti-cles of, for example, the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology mayfrequently raise their eyebrows as they read through this issue. For a variety ofreasons, the styles of research and writing that produce such articles are ofteneither impossible or undesirable in Third World contexts. As a result, some of thearticles that follow may seem relatively abstract or concrete, sketchy or detailed,theoretical or politically motivated, and so on.

However, it seems significant, especially in light of the way this issue had tobe pieced together across disciplines and intemational frontiers, that the piecesconverge around a few central themes.

First, the theme of psychology's possible orientations toward the Third Worldare examined by the next two articles in the first section. Fathali Moghaddam callsfor a "generative" behavioral science that attempts to initiate and influencechanges in society, but that simultaneously raises critical questions about the goalsand beneficiaries of programs for national development. Maritza Montero presentsa psychosocial analysis of ideological processes that function in society, and whichneed to be explicitly recognized and studied by social scientists in order to helpunderstand otherwise confusing or contradictory behavior.

The second section discusses various contextual determinants of the courseof "modernization" or development, and of the political repression that oftenaccompanies it. Vanaja Dhruvarajan describes how even extensive legal changesin modem India have largely failed to improve the status of Hindu womenbecause of the predominant male-centered religious ideology, and she proposespossible ways to approach the goal of gender equality. Gary Gregg describes thepsychocultural conditions that have led to increasing peripheralization and under-development, not greater development, in a North African rural society, and hedraws broader lessons conceming obstacles to or facilitators of change. IgnacioMartin-Baro, in a posthumous paper, also stresses the role of ideological pro-cesses by showing, with empirical public opinion data, how people's religiousviews infiuence their postures of criticism of or acquiescence to the social order.As a result, religion can become both a target and a weapon in psychologicalwarfare.

14 Sloan

The final section presents several examples of practical interventions, draw-ing from such diverse areas as organizational development, housing improve-ment, and human rights work. Roberto Briceno-Leon, Silverio Gonzales, andMauricio Phelan describe an action program for improvement of housing condi-tions aimed at disease control in a rural Venezuelan community, and tUey drawconclusions about the psychosocial and situational factors that motivate personalinvolvement in such programs. Udai Pareek reviews his action research projectsin the sphere of organizational development, which led him to emphasize theimportance of several aspects of a society's culture, and to aim at developingorganizational interventions that strengthened the culture's functional aspects andreduced or managed its dysfunctional aspects.

David Becker, Elizabeth Lira, Man'a Isabel Castillo, Elena Gomez, andJuana Kovalskys describe the principles behind their therapeutic work with vic-tims of torture and political repression in Chile, and they posit that an overallsocietal acknowledgment and reparation are critical for the psychological recov-ery of victims and the future of a democratic society. Finally, M. Brinton Lykesand Ramsay Liem summarize human rights work in which U.S. psychologistshave collaboi-ated with colleagues in Latin America on varied projects both hereand abroadinvolving, for instance, educational programs in the U.S., ex-changes and conferences, therapeutic assistance, material aid, research on tortureand state-sponsored violence, and documentation of human rights violations.Among the distressing aspects of this work has been the frequent realization thatU.S. foreign policy has often contributed substantially to the problems thatpsychologists are trying to allay.

These articles can be seen as the beginnings of bridges across the gulfsbetween the three worlds, not as signs of what future scientific practice willnecessarily bring. They warn us about dead ends and-pseudo issues. They ex-plore new possibilities and encourage nevj participants to begin to contrib-ate tothe monumental task ahead.

The themes in this issue are interconnected in a simple way and build uponeach other logically. In the absence of a critical notion of ideologyone that seesbeliefs and social practices as having key functions in systems of unequalpowerpsychology has been unable to consider ways that individuals and soci-ety are meaningfully related. Hence, it has itself functioned ideologically, allow-ing an ethnocentric individualism to predominate, and largely preventing us fromconsidering how our efforts as psychologists might contribute to the bettermentofthe world's poorer half (Higginbotham & Connor, 1989). The task of confront-ing "Eurocentrism" in social science theory and practice still lies ahead (cf.Amin, 1989). It may be that some of it will be worked out in the process ofdeveloping appropriate modes of First World participation in the solution ofThird World problems.

Once we get beyond the blinders of life in the modem First World won-

Psychology for the Third World? 15

derland, the task is to do something effective about Third World realities. In thiseffort, the focus of development planners has been shifting away from broadnational development projects toward smaller scale, community-centered pro-grams. Westem calls for "participatory research" in "community development"projects have been more and more frequent recently (e.g.. Gran, 1983;Hirschman, 1984; Brown, 1985; Rosenwaid, 1988; Sullivan, 1990), and ThirdWorld social scientists from Puerto Rico to Brazil have extensively analyzed anddocumented successful projects of this sort (Barreiro, 1974; Fals Borda, 1981,1988).

However, as one begins to work with individuals and local communities onpractical problems of the Third World poor, serious obstacles can arise. One mayencounter the opposition of those who benefit from the continued exploitation ofthe masses in developing societies, and who therefore resent and fear efforts toorganize them. Local achievements are thus often erased by bureaucratic tanglesor deliberate foot-dragging by administrators (Derman & Whitford, 1985). Forexample, the impact of the community development work for self-improvementof housing reported by Briceno-Leon, Gonzales, and Pheian (this issue) waspartially undermined by subsequent gifts of housing by the state to individualswho had not participated in the housing improvement program.

In worse cases, change agents themselves can become targets of establishedpower, as was the case for one of our authors, Ignacio Martin-Bar6, to whom thisvolume is dedicated. Martin-Baro was a Jesuit priest, social psychologist, anduniversity administrator who, among many other activities, ran an independentpublic opinion polling institute in war-tom El Salvador. Martin-Bar6 linked hiscalls for social justice, peace, and respect for human rights to objective publicopinion data, speaking truths that the govemment wished to hide. His life hadbeen threatened on many occasions, so it was with little surprise, although withgreat horror, that we leamed of his mutilation and execution, along with fivesimilarly dedicated fellow priest-scholars, and their housekeeper and herdaughter, in November 1989. Subsequent investigations proved that the atrocitywas carried out by an elite U.S.-trained squad of the Salvadoran military. Whichhigher authorities may have been involved is still being determined.

The example of Martin-Baro's murder raises the general question of neo-colonial complicity with political repression and social injustice (Burbach,1986), and in particular, of the very questionable roles played by academics anduniversities in these activities (Feldman, 1989). We need to find ways for psy-chologists, in coordination with others, to contribute effectively to confronta-tions with the authoritarian, antidemocratic state. Some valuable lessons can beleamed from the expanding networks of "human rights and mental health"advocates such as those described by Lykes and Liem (this issue).

If we could have published 40 rather than 10 articles in this issue, we wouldhave wanted to include work representing several more of the distinct regions of

15 Sloan

the Third World, for example, sub-Saharan Africa, the Middle East, central Asia(undeveloped regions of China and the Soviet Union), and so forth. We also wishwe could have included more work on a long list of topics, for example, thespecific problems of Third World children (Ennew & Milne, 1990; MacPherson,1987), women (ISIS, 1983; Obbo, 1985), refugees, workers (Fuentes &Ehrenreich, 1983; Johnson & Bemstein, 1982), the mentally ill (Sonntag et al.,1977), indigenous peoples (cf. any issue of Cultural Survival Quarterly), and theelderly; and on psychocultural aspects of poverty (Leacock, 1971), the globaleconomic crisis (ftobel et al., 1985), primary health care with the poor, popula-tion control, war trauma (Martin-Bar6, 1990), comiflunity participation (Bam-betger, \9%%), envitonmetvlaV ptoiecl\OT\ ^Dwmmg, \9%9\ wrtjaii ttowAi-ng(Roberts, 1978), tourism (Buck-Morss, 1987; de Kadt, 1979), foreign policy(Shapiro, 1988), literacy (fteire, 1985), and many other pressing topics.

Overwhelmed? A useful place to start is the handy resource guide for"linking citizens of the First and Third Worlds" prepared by Benjamin andFreedman (1989).

My personal conclusion about all this is that the First move toward ThirdWorld involvement by Westem-trained behavioral scientists must be a self-purging of individualistic and scientistic thinking (Habermas, 1971). Thiswould entail a shift from "pure" research focusing on individual behavior toapplied research/intervention of the sort normally associated with primary pre-vention programs, public health education, family systems approaches, com-munity mobilization strategies, program evaluation, and even world systemsanalysis. These approaches adopt nonindividualistic perspectives, but theynevertheless hold quality in individual human lives as an ultimate value. Mostpsychologists hold this value at least implicitly, but are prevented by currentideological and practical limitations of their discipline and profession frombeing as effective as the^ might be I^A tealvxmg It. Mtw tU\% pVv'j&e, o? cntk'zAself-refiection, very careful thought must be given to the most effective ways ofgetting involved in the solution of practical problems in the developing world.For some, this will mean building on existing technical or language skills, andredirecting them; others will have to start from scratch, retool, retrain, andreconnect. I cannot imagine a greater challenge for a contemporary social sci-entist. Nor is there an area m which sustained engagement could potentiallyaffect so many lives.

The articles in this issue struggle toward new approaches, both at the the-oretical level and in the practical realm. Aware that the issues raised above andthroughout this volume are exceedingly complex, the authors do not pretend tohave resolved them. Their work, however, gives clear evidence that many ave-nues are open to those who wish to reflect on and modify their own scientificactivities in light of the global perspective that now forces itself upon us all, andcalls for us to work toward meeting the basic needs of all humanity.

Psychology for the Third World? 17

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TOD S. SLOAN is Associate Professor of Psychology at the University of Tulsa.He received his Ph.D in personality psychology at the University of Michigan.Following his interest in "critical psychology," he has published on decisionmaking, moral development, and personality theory. Recently he conductedFulbright-sponsored research on the psychological impact of modernization inVenezuela, completed the book Modernity and the Psyche, and co-editedRafaga: The Life Story ofa Nicaraguan Miskito Comandante.