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Visual Representation of Local Food in Conventional and Unconventional Retail Spaces Tyler Thorp, M.S. | Matthew M. Mars, Ph.D. Background Elements Commodification Taste Regime Elements Commodification Taste Regime The Local Food Movement (LFM) is composed of a complex network of actors including producers (e.g., farmers, ranchers, processors), purveyors (e.g., farmers’ market vendors, retailers, restaurateurs), organizers (e.g., farmers’ market operators, food bank administrators) and narrators (e.g., local food journalists). Limited governance within local food systems (LFSs) and a lack of consensus on the definition of ‘local food’ provide such actors with notable latitude in how they frame the meaning of ‘local’ in the products they produce, market, and sell. The expansion of food products that are marketed as being local within conventional retail spaces may be further convoluting the meaning and representation of local food across the disparate market spaces that operate within a single LFS (e.g. community gardens, farmers’ markets, festivals, grocery stores, roadside stands, you-picks). Indeed, consumers are left to sort through a variety of elements (e.g., activist, aesthetic, community, cultural, ecological, economic, health and wellness) that converge and compete to shape their understanding of local food and guide their consumption decisions. Theoretical Framework Methodology Findings References Department of Agricultural Education | The University of Arizona The following three sociological theories guided our approach to the current study: institutional logics 7,8, 12 , commodification 10,11 , and taste regimes 3,4,6 . Institutional Logics Institutional logics help guide our analysis of the commodification patterns of local food logic(s). More specifically, the various elements of the blended LFS logic that Mars and Schau 9 identify (i.e., activist, aesthetic, community, cultural, ecological, market, and health/wellness) guided our exploration of the various ways in which local food is commodified within and across various retail spaces operating in the SALFS. Commodification We explore variations in how local food is commodified within the SALFS according to the elements of the blended LFS logic. By doing so, we are able to better recognize and understand how both market and non-market contexts work either in isolation or in combination to influence the nature and duration of the social life of a local food commodity 10 . Taste Regime(s) We build on the insights gained on the commodification patterns to illustrate the taste regime(s) that signifies and facilitates the normative practices of local food production and consumption within the SALFS 3,4 . Codifies Identity Retail Practice Signals Legitimacy The theoretical framework we have developed here enables us to explore how elements from the blended local food logic (i.e., activist, aesthetic, community, cultural, ecological, market, and health/wellness) meld together to influence the commodification and social construction of local food production and consumption across multiple retail settings within a single LFS. The flow of the theoretical framework begins with the logic elements guiding the identification and framing of the commodification pattern(s) within and across the various retail sites. In turn, the commodification patterns are drawn on to reveal and illustrate either a single taste regime or the co-existence of multiple taste regimes that are differentiated between retail sites. We used a single case study design to qualitatively explore how the meaning of local food is shaped and conveyed across conventional (i.e., grocery stores) and unconventional (i.e., farmers’ markets) retail spaces within the Southern Arizona Local Food System (SALFS). We define ‘conventional retail spaces’ as those that source the majority of products from dominant agricultural producers and distributors 1 . ‘Unconventional retail spaces’ are defined as those that source the majority of products from local producers and small scale distributors 2 . Our study primarily relies on a structured photo analysis design with the photos being taken of local food products and their presentation across a sample of conventional and unconventional retail spaces. We selected photographs as our primary data source in order to capture a unique perspective on the market presentation and consumption of local food that is not otherwise captured through existing local food scholarship. Overall, I analyzed 683 photos as part of this study with the number of photos specific to each ranging from 6 to 177. At each site, photos were taken of local food products, the aisles or booths containing such products, how the food was displayed/merchandised, advertisements or signs pertaining to local food, and the surroundings of each retail site (e.g., grounds, surrounding businesses and neighborhoods). The breadth of the photos helped reveal the logics (i.e., activist, aesthetic, community, cultural, ecological, health and wellness, market) that guide the strategies used to present and market (i.e., commodify) specific local foods within and across the 10 retail spaces. In general, the inclusion of photos that transcend individual items allowed us to capture a contextually diverse view of each site and enrich our overall analysis. Two levels of deductive analysis were conducted. First, we conducted a round of ideographic analysis 5 that involved coding each photo to reveal the logic elements that influence how local food is presented and marketed at each site. Second, we conducted a round of nomothetic analysis 4 that included the entire set of photos as a collective representation of all 10 of the market spaces. The spaces were also analyzed collectively through several rounds of axial coding to identify general patterns and determine if there is one or more taste regimes shaping what is or is not considered legitimate local food production and consumption within and across the in SALFS. Primary: Market Secondary: Aesthetic Tertiary:Activist, Community, Cultural, Ecological, Health & Wellness Activist: “Shared table for gardeners & small farms” Community: “Income for local growers”, “Community Food Bank” Culture: “Señor Cilantro”, Mexican decor Health & Wellness: “Organic” Ecological: “Pesticide Free” Health & Wellness: “Organic” 1 Abatekassa, Getachew, H. Christopher Peterson. 2011. Market Access for Local Food Through the Conventional Food Supply Chain. Int Food & Agribusiness Management Review. 14(1) 63-82. 2 Albinsson, Pia, Yasanthi Perera. 2012. Alternative Marketplaces in the 21st Century: Building Community through Sharing Events. Journal of Consumer Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.1389 3 Arsel, Zeynep and Johnathan Bean. 2013. Taste Regimes and Market-Mediated Practice. Journal of Consumer Research. (39)5: 899-917. 4 Bourdieu, Pierre, 1984. Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 5 Gelo, Omar, Diana Braakmann, and Gerhard Benetka. 2008. “Quantitative and Qualitative Research: Beyond the Debate.” Integrative Psychological and Behavioral Science 42(3): 266-290 5 Holt, Douglas. 1997. Distinction in America? Recovering Bourdieu’s Theory of Tastes from its critics. Poetics. 25:93-120 7 Lounsbury, Michael. 2007. ATale Of Two Cities: Competing Logics and Practice Variation in the Professionalizing of Mutual Funds. The Academy of Management Journal. 50(2): 289–307. 8 Marquis, C., and M. Lounsbury. 2007. Vive la resistance: Competing logics and the consolidation of US community banking. The Academy of Management Journal 50(4): 799–820. 9 Mars, Matthew M., and Hope Schau. 2017a. Institutional Entrepreneurship and the Negotiation and Blending of Multiple Logics in the Southern Arizona Local Food System. Agriculture and Human Values. https://doi.org/10.1007/s104600169722-3 10 Marx, Karl. 1976. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. London: Penguin. 11 Nost, Eric. 2014. Scaling up Local Foods: Commodity practice in Community Supported Agriculture (CSA). Journal of Rural Studies. 12 Purdy, Jill M., Barbara Gray. 2009. Conflicting logics, mechanisms of diffusion, and multilevel dynamics in emerging institutional fields. The Academy of Management Journal. 52(2): 355–380.
Transcript
Page 1: Visual Representation of Local Food in Conventional and ...Visual Representation of Local Food in Conventional and Unconventional Retail Spaces Tyler Thorp, M.S. | Matthew M. Mars,

Visual Representation of Local Food in Conventional and Unconventional Retail SpacesTyler Thorp, M.S. | Matthew M. Mars, Ph.D.

Background

Elements Commodification Taste Regime

Elements

CommodificationTaste Regime

The Local Food Movement (LFM) is composed of a complex network of actorsincluding producers (e.g., farmers, ranchers, processors), purveyors (e.g.,farmers’ market vendors, retailers, restaurateurs), organizers (e.g., farmers’market operators, food bank administrators) and narrators (e.g., local foodjournalists). Limited governance within local food systems (LFSs) and a lack ofconsensus on the definition of ‘local food’ provide such actors with notablelatitude in how they frame the meaning of ‘local’ in the products they produce,market, and sell. The expansion of food products that are marketed as beinglocal within conventional retail spaces may be further convoluting the meaningand representation of local food across the disparate market spaces that operatewithin a single LFS (e.g. community gardens, farmers’ markets, festivals,grocery stores, roadside stands, you-picks). Indeed, consumers are left to sortthrough a variety of elements (e.g., activist, aesthetic, community, cultural,ecological, economic, health and wellness) that converge and compete to shapetheir understanding of local food and guide their consumption decisions.

Theoretical Framework

Methodology

Findings

References

Department of Agricultural Education | The University of Arizona

The following three sociological theories guided our approach to the currentstudy: institutional logics 7,8, 12, commodification10,11, and taste regimes3,4,6.

Institutional LogicsInstitutional logics help guide our analysis of the commodification patternsof local food logic(s). More specifically, the various elements of the blendedLFS logic that Mars and Schau9 identify (i.e., activist, aesthetic, community,cultural, ecological, market, and health/wellness) guided our exploration ofthe various ways in which local food is commodified within and acrossvarious retail spaces operating in the SALFS.CommodificationWe explore variations in how local food is commodified within the SALFSaccording to the elements of the blended LFS logic. By doing so, we are ableto better recognize and understand how both market and non-marketcontexts work either in isolation or in combination to influence the natureand duration of the social life of a local food commodity10.Taste Regime(s)We build on the insights gained on the commodification patterns to illustratethe taste regime(s) that signifies and facilitates the normative practices oflocal food production and consumption within the SALFS3,4.

Codifies Identity

Retail Practice

Signals Legitimacy

The theoretical framework we have developed here enables us to explorehow elements from the blended local food logic (i.e., activist, aesthetic,community, cultural, ecological, market, and health/wellness) meld togetherto influence the commodification and social construction of local foodproduction and consumption across multiple retail settings within a singleLFS. The flow of the theoretical framework begins with the logic elementsguiding the identification and framing of the commodification pattern(s)within and across the various retail sites. In turn, the commodificationpatterns are drawn on to reveal and illustrate either a single taste regime orthe co-existence of multiple taste regimes that are differentiated betweenretail sites.

We used a single case study design to qualitatively explore how the meaningof local food is shaped and conveyed across conventional (i.e., grocerystores) and unconventional (i.e., farmers’ markets) retail spaces within theSouthern Arizona Local Food System (SALFS). We define ‘conventionalretail spaces’ as those that source the majority of products from dominantagricultural producers and distributors1. ‘Unconventional retail spaces’ aredefined as those that source the majority of products from local producersand small scale distributors2.

Our study primarily relies on a structured photo analysis design with thephotos being taken of local food products and their presentation across asample of conventional and unconventional retail spaces. We selectedphotographs as our primary data source in order to capture a uniqueperspective on the market presentation and consumption of local food that isnot otherwise captured through existing local food scholarship. Overall, Ianalyzed 683 photos as part of this study with the number of photos specificto each ranging from 6 to 177. At each site, photos were taken of local foodproducts, the aisles or booths containing such products, how the food wasdisplayed/merchandised, advertisements or signs pertaining to local food,and the surroundings of each retail site (e.g., grounds, surroundingbusinesses and neighborhoods). The breadth of the photos helped reveal thelogics (i.e., activist, aesthetic, community, cultural, ecological, health andwellness, market) that guide the strategies used to present and market (i.e.,commodify) specific local foods within and across the 10 retail spaces. Ingeneral, the inclusion of photos that transcend individual items allowed us tocapture a contextually diverse view of each site and enrich our overallanalysis.

Two levels of deductive analysis were conducted. First, we conducted around of ideographic analysis5 that involved coding each photo to reveal thelogic elements that influence how local food is presented and marketed ateach site. Second, we conducted a round of nomothetic analysis4 thatincluded the entire set of photos as a collective representation of all 10 of themarket spaces. The spaces were also analyzed collectively through severalrounds of axial coding to identify general patterns and determine if there isone or more taste regimes shaping what is or is not considered legitimatelocal food production and consumption within and across the in SALFS.

Primary: Market Secondary: Aesthetic

Tertiary: Activist, Community, Cultural, Ecological, Health & Wellness

Activist: “Shared table for gardeners & small farms”Community: “Income for local growers”, “Community Food Bank”

Culture: “Señor Cilantro”, Mexican decorHealth & Wellness: “Organic”

Ecological: “Pesticide Free”Health & Wellness: “Organic”

1Abatekassa, Getachew, H. Christopher Peterson. 2011. Market Access for Local Food Through the Conventional Food Supply Chain. IntFood & Agribusiness Management Review. 14(1) 63-82.

2Albinsson, Pia, Yasanthi Perera. 2012. Alternative Marketplaces in the 21st Century: Building Community through Sharing Events. Journal ofConsumer Behavior. https://doi.org/10.1002/cb.1389

3Arsel, Zeynep and Johnathan Bean. 2013. Taste Regimes and Market-Mediated Practice. Journal of Consumer Research. (39)5: 899-917.4Bourdieu, Pierre, 1984. Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.5Gelo, Omar, Diana Braakmann, and Gerhard Benetka. 2008. “Quantitative and Qualitative Research: Beyond the Debate.” Integrative

Psychological and Behavioral Science 42(3): 266-2905Holt, Douglas. 1997. Distinction in America? Recovering Bourdieu’s Theory of Tastes from its critics. Poetics. 25:93-1207Lounsbury, Michael. 2007. A Tale Of Two Cities: Competing Logics and Practice Variation in the Professionalizing of Mutual Funds. The

Academy of Management Journal. 50(2): 289–307.8Marquis, C., and M. Lounsbury. 2007. Vive la resistance: Competing logics and the consolidation of US community banking. The Academy

of Management Journal 50(4): 799–820.9Mars, Matthew M., and Hope Schau. 2017a. Institutional Entrepreneurship and the Negotiation and Blending of Multiple Logics in the

Southern Arizona Local Food System. Agriculture and Human Values. https://doi.org/10.1007/s104600169722-310Marx, Karl. 1976. Capital: A Critique of Political Economy. London: Penguin. 11Nost, Eric. 2014. Scaling up Local Foods: Commodity practice in Community Supported Agriculture (CSA). Journal of Rural Studies.12Purdy, Jill M., Barbara Gray. 2009. Conflicting logics, mechanisms of diffusion, and multilevel dynamics in emerging institutional fields.

The Academy of Management Journal. 52(2): 355–380.

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