Amundsen-Christian Papyri From the Oslo Collection

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Christian papyri from the Oslo collectionLeiv Amundsen

Online Publication Date: 01 January 1945

To cite this Article Amundsen, Leiv(1945)'Christian papyri from the Oslo collection',Symbolae Osloenses,24:1,121 — 147

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CHRISTIAN PAPYRIFROM THE OSLO COLLECTION

EDITED BY

LEIV AMUNDSEN

I.

Fragments of a Papyrus Codex containing Biblical Textsin Greek and Coptic.

(Matthew 11.25-30. Daniel 3.50-55.;

P. Osl. inv. 1661.

Fragment a

3.3 χ 4.5 cm

Fragment b6.6 X 5.6

5

10

Page I.

Recto

(No text)

Page III.

Recto

εν εκεινω

τω καιρώ α

ποκριθεις

ειπεν ο [ις

ε[ζθ[Λθλογο

υ[[ΐαι 90t πρ

κ[ε του ουρά

IV. cent. A. D

Page II.

Verso

nļerA[r]reA[i]ou

Ϊ7ΚΛ]ΤΛ u&e<vioc

ευα]γγελιον

Page IV.

15

Verso

νου και της

γης οτι εγ

ρυψας ταυ

τ]α απο σοφ

ων και συ]ν

ετών και] απ

εκαλυψας] "

Downloaded By: [Universite Laval] At: 19:10 23 November 2008

122 Leiv Amundsen

Fragment c

3 9x5.6

20

Fragment d3.9X5.7

' 35

Fragment e3.6 X 5.2

50

Page V.Recto

αυτά νηπ

ιο ις ναι ο

πηρ οτι ου

τως ευδοκ

[ta εγενε]

[το εμπρο]

[σθεν σου]

Page VIL

RectoI

ον ει μη ο πα

τηρ ου8ε το

ν πατερά τ[ι

ς ε]πιγινω[σ

[κει ει μη ο υς]

[και θ) εαν βο]

[υληται ο υς]

Ι

Page IX.

Recto

. υσω Ομάς α

ρατε τον ζυ

γο]ν μου εφ

υμ]ας και μα

[θετέ απ εμο]

[υ οτι πραυς]

[ειμί και τα]

25

30

40

45

55

Page VI. -Verso

I

πάντα μοι

παρεδόθη

ϋπο του πα

τρος μου [κ

[αι ουδείς]

[επιγινωσ]

[κει τον υι]

Page VIII.

Verso

αποκαλυψαι

δεύτε προς-

με παντε[ς

ο]ι κωπιον[τ " '

[ες και πεφο]

[ρτισμενοι]

[καγω αναπα].

Page Χ.

Verso

πεινος τη κ

α]ρδια και ευ

ρ]ησετε αν[α

π]αυσιν ταις [ψ

υχαι]ς [υμών

[ο γαρ ζυγός]

[μου χρηστός]


Christian Papyri from the Oslo Collection 123

Fragment /3.6x5.4 60

• 6 5

Fragment g3.7x5.1 :

75

80

Fragment ft3.6x5

90

Page. XI.

Recto

και το φόρτι

ov μου ελα[φ

po]v εστιγ

[erūuo Aqor]īīmīč]

[eqxoY ŪUAC]

Page XIII.

Recto

ΛΚΟΆΛΠΟΤ

Λ6 ΑΒΑΛ All

zel .[e MAcpeue]

[κ ūtee ūn][KUTO ΑΒΑΛ]

Page XV.

Recto

ΛΛΤ6 CATI-ie U

6IU[HT

l] n^lHpe ΟΤΔΘ

U]Ū ΛΛΤ6 CATII

[HTI

70

85

Page XII.

Verso

Λθ]Γ6Ι Μ6Κ ΠΑ

uu π[κ

[A? xe Aqecun]

[ΜΘΙ ΛΪϊοοφοο]

[ŪĪJ

Page XIV.

Verso

xeκ n+çe unKUTO ΛΒΑ,ν Α [ Τ

Φ uei ūn[Tn

[pq ΛΒΑ,ν ζ]

[iTŪ ΠΑβί][CUT ΑΟΤ UM]

Page XVI.

VersoDownloaded By: [Universite Laval] At: 19:10 23 November 2008

124 Leiv Amundsen

Page XVII.

Recto

Fragment / . . ] . . [ . . . Λ Ο

Page XVIII.

Verso

[ ]

V 6ΤΑ[ΤΠ AOV 110 · ] · Ū · [ · · AB

AMOK +[ΚΙΛΤ

[ŪTAM MHTKie]

,05 ŗ j

ΔΛ Μ£ΗΤ[ " ·

[ ]

r ι

[ ] "5 [ · ]

(Lacuna.

Page XIX.

Recto

Fragment j1.6 "X 3.6

120

• · · ]ομενον

[ ]

[ • ]

[ ]

[ . ][ ]

[. ]

125

Page XXI.

Recto

Fragment k1.4x5.3 130

135

τοδε οι τρις

[ως εξ ενός]

[στόματος υ]

[μνουν και ε]

[δοξαζον κα]

[t ευλογούν]

[τον θεον εν]

140

Page XX.

Verso

γαρ όυχ [ηψα

[το αυτών το]

[καθόλου το]

[πυρ και ουκ ε]

[λυπησεν ουδ]

[ε παρηνωχλ]

[ησεν αυτοις]

Ι

Page XXII.

Verso

τη καμεινω

[λέγοντες]

[ευλογητος]

[ει κε ο θς τω]

[ν πατερών η]

[μων και αιν]

[έτος και υπ]



Page XXIII.

Recto

Fragment I1.3 X 5.2

145

150

ερύψουμεν

[ος ις τους αιω]

[νας xat εύλογη]

[μενον το ονομ]

[α της δόξης σο]

[υ το αγιον και]

[υπεραινετον]

• και ϋπερυψου

[μενον ις του]

[ς αιώνας ευλ]

[ογη μένος ει]

155 [εν τω ναω της

[αγίας δόξης]

[σου και υπερυ^

Page XXV.

Kerso

Fragment m2.4 χ 3.2

160

Page XXIV.

Verso

165μνητ]ος κ[αι υ

πε]ρενδοξω

ς ' ις τους αι[ω

[νας ευλογημε]

[νος 8t ο επιβλ]

[επών αβύσσους]

[καθήμενος επ]

(The rest is lost.)

Page XXVI.

Recto

ι] χερου[βιν και

υπεραινε[τος

κα]ι υπερϋ[ψου •

[μένος ις τους]

[αιώνας ]

ΠΟ

These remains of a diminutive papyrus codex come from a small

lot of papyri fragments (Inv. 1653—61) which belonged to the

late Dr. A. FONAHN and were transferred to our collection after

his death (1940). The lot also comprises fragments of texts in

hieroglyphic, hieratic, and demotic writing, and was acquired by

Professor J E N S LIEBLEIN (1827—1911), our pioneer of Egyptology,

during one of his visits to Egypt (1869, 1887—88, 1899—1900,

or 1903) — exactly when and where is not stated. In the Greek

fragments no place-name or dating can be read; judging from the

writing they should all be referred to Roman times (1st—4th

century A. D.).


126 Leiv Amundsen

Of the codex, fragments of 13 leaves are extant. As usual they

once formed a single quire.1 Although the inner borders of the frag-

ments / and m are lost, there is every reason to believe that they

once formed a single sheet, pages xxiv and xxv (which both are verso)

facing each other and forming the middle of the quire. Iri other

words, as all the leaves are turned the same way, recto precedes

verso in the former half of the codex. This arrangement, although not

completely unknown, is contrary to the regular practice in Greek

manuscripts.2 On the· other hand, it is known from Coptic manu-

scripts of a relatively late date and "by no means" ranging among

"high-class examples of book-production",3 an observation which

may tell something of the milieu to which our manuscript belongs.

Owing to the lacuna between the fragments ί and ; the original

number of leaves cannot be ascertained with certainty. But as

hardly more than one leaf is needed to end the Coptic text and

introduce the passage from Daniel* we may reckon with 13 sheets

in all, equalling 52 pages. There are no traces of page or leaf

numbering. '

Each leaf originally measured ab. 6.6 by 5.6 cm, which may be

seen from fragment b, the only one on which parts of all four edges

are preserved. Papyrus booklets of this diminutive type are seldom

found. Of course they were still more exposed to destruction than

manuscripts of less modest dimensions. For comparison we may

refer to, e. g., P. Brit Mus. Literary No. 204 (Milne), one of the

earliest fragments of the Greek Psalter, from the 3rd cent. A. D.

Each leaf measures 7.3 by 5.6 cm; the page contains 12 lines,

each of about 21 letters.5 Another specimen is P. Ryl. 28, which ·

contains prognostications to be derived from the involuntary move-

1 Kenyon, Books and Readers, Oxf. 1932, 102. A very full survey of ourpresent knowledge of the papyrus codex, with corrections to and modi-fications of the views of earlier scholars is an article by Henry A. Sanders:The Codex, in University of Michigan Quarterly Review 1938 Feb. 26, 95-111.

2 Kenyon l. c. 106 states that it is not found "in any Greek manuscriptknown" to him. Cf., however, e. g. P. Ryl, 28, a small papyrus codexreferred to later in this article.

3 Kenyon l.c. 107'.4 Cf. below.5 Here, too, recto precedes verso, and as the leaf preserved contains Ps.

2.3-12 it most probably comes from the first half of a quire.



ments of the body: περί παλμών μαντική. Date: 4th cent. Ä; D.The size of the page is about 7.5x6.6; the number of lines onthe page varies between 13 and 17, at an average of 18 letters aline. Recto precedes verso in the first half of the quire.1 — Stillsmaller is Β. Κ. Τ. VI p. 125, P. 8299, containing a Christian acrostichymn: 6x4.5 cm; 4th cent. Cf.also B.K.T.VIIIp.6, No.3 (P.9778),oblong: 5 x 7 cm, cant. Gen. 27.29—28.5; 6th or 7th cent.

Pocket editions of this kind carry on the tradition both fromminiature rolls2 and from the handy tabellae used for all sorts ofnotes in daily life.3 And they were in time replaced by vellumcodices which show the same characteristics. We may mention, ofparchments published among papyri finds from Egypt, e. g., P. Oxy.2065, from 5th or 6th cent., fragment of the 90th Psalm, 4x2.85 cm,— the editors conjecture that the booklet originally consisted ofa quire of four leaves, the first leaf being left blank; used as anamulet; 8 lines a page, mostly JJ letters a line. — P. Oxy. 1782,from late 4th cent., Διδαχή των ιβ αποστόλων, 5.8—5.7X5—4.8 cm.,7 or 8 lines a page, each line 8—14 letters. —P.S. I. 1164, a 4th-cent, codex containing Jonah, 6x5.5 cm, 10 lines a page, most ofthe lines 8 to 10 letters. — P. Brit. Mus. Literary No. 239 (Milne),nine small vellum leaves from the 6th or 7th cent-, probably usedas an amulet; Contents: Invocation to the Nile, the Constantino-politan Creed, and Psalm 132. Size: 6.8X4.5 cm. From 6 to 11lines on each page, no text on the first and last one. Most lineshave 8—10 letters. — P. Oxy. 1594, Tobit, late 3rd cent. A. D.,about 7.5X7.5 cm, 11 lines on the page, 17—20 letters a line.—P. S. I. 5, the Letter of St. James, 5th cent. A. D., 8 x 6 cm, pagin-ation plus 9 lines a page, ab. 13 letters a line. — P. Oxy. 1010,6 Ezra, 4th cent. A. D., 8.4X5.6 cm; pagination plus 12 lines,10—11 letters a line. — P. Grenf. I 6, Zechariah, ab. 5th cent.A. D., 8.5x5.9 cm, 12 lines a page, 9—12 letters a line. — P. Oxy.840, uncarionical gospel, 4th cent. A. D., 8.8X7.4 cm, 22—23 linesa page, 25—32 letters a line. — P. Oxy. 1080, Revelation, 4thcent. A. D., 9.5x7.8 cm, 14 lines a page, 16—19 letters a line.—

1 A still smaller papyrus codex is mentioned by Schubart, Das Buch beiden Griechen and Römern, Berlin 1907, 119: 6 x 4 cm.

2 Kenyon l. c. 49. Schubart l. c. 48, 51. B.K.T. V: 1 p. 75 (P. 10571).3 Schubart l.c. 19.


128 Leiv Amundsen

P. Grenf. I 8, Protevangelium, 5th or 6th cent. A. D., 9.8x6.5 cm,

14—16 lines a page, 7—13 letters a line.

Some Coptic vellum codices of the same kind may also be

referred to: P. Ryl. Copt. 7, the Proverbs, 6.75x6.5 cm. — Brit. Mus.

Copt. Mss. 947, Psalter, 7.5x7.2 cm. — ibid. 943, Psalter, 8.2X7.2

cm. — ibid. 941, Psalter 9.5X7.5 cm. — ibid. 936, 1 Samuel,

9.8x8.2 cm. — Zeitschrift f. d. neutestam. Wissensch. 37 p. 23

(Crum), Church Calendar, 1 0 x 8 cm.

We note that these pocket editions contain a series of biblical

books, canonical and apocryphal. Particularly often we meet with

the Psalter, which was extensively used in the Christian service.

Besides these there occur specimens of popular superstition which

continued to flourish in spite of the increasing Christianization.

Papyri finds of later years have established the fact that the Chri-

stians from early days preferred the codex to the roll form of

book.1 The reasons for using the diminutive book may be partly

economical; it.may, however, be considered, too, that such a tiny

volume was a handy thing to carry along in one's pocket, and

also easy to conceal if necessary (cf. the μαντική and the amulet!)2

;.. The scribes sometimes caused the character of their writing to

conform to the smallness of the pages; cf. especially P. Oxy. 840,

the writing of which is extremely crowded and cramped. But as

a rule they employed a medium-sized upright uncial, and this is

•the case with our Oslo papyrus; most of its lines contain only

8—10 letters, just as the narrow columns of many rolls and more-

columned codices.3 The whole text seems to be written by the

same hand. The letters common to the two alphabets are shaped '

in the same way in the Greek and Coptic parts, but from p. XIX

onwards a narrower or re-cut pen has been employed. The writing

is somewhat uneven, the vertical hastae being partly straight, partly

sloping to the left at the bottom, a has sometimes got an oval,

cursive form, the final stroke being slightly curved; sometimes it

is almost triangular as in the common Coptic style. The topofzf

protrudes to the left, ε is composed of two or three strokes, the

1 H. I. Bell, Recent Discoveries of Biblical Papyri, Oxf. 1937, 25.2 Cf. P. G.M. XXXVI, 40: καì φóρ(ε)ι εv τω ύποχαλύμμοτί σou, of an amulet;

Eitrem ad l. P. Osl. I p. 43 sq.3 Cf. G. Rudberg, Septaaginta-Fragmente, Kra. 1923, S.



start often forming a small hook to the left. In the Coptic part

there occurs a ρ with a very big head, α, ς is written like ε

without the middle stroke ; the same hook may be seen to the left.

ν is sometimes written r , sometimes y. -ψ is written like τ with

à long sloping hasta through the middle. Of ω the middle part

is lower than the beginning and end. There is a small angular

line-filler 1.17. A couple of times the sign of diaeresis occurs: ϋπο,

ϋμας, ϋττερυψου-, but also υπερϋ.[ψου-, and 144 υττ|ερύψουμεν|ος. In

the Coptic part: ue'i". The abbreviation of nomina sacra is not

carried through, πηρ being written side by side with πατρός, πα-

τερά; more examples of abbreviated forms have occurred in the

lacunae. . · - • :

: •

The general impression afforded by the hand-writing tends to

place it in the 4th century A. D., most probably in its earlier

part. The hand may be described as a rougher and more unskilled

variation of the style exhibited by Papyrus Holmiensis, Schubart :

Griechische Palaeographie Abb. 96, and the Rylands Odyssey P. Ryl.

53, Schubart /. c. Abb. 97. •

Ornamental lines ar& found on the title p. ii (probably separating

the Coptic title from the Greek, cf. below), and between the Greek

and Coptic text p. xi. The pages of text are framed by ink lines

drawn without the use of a ruler. But on p. xxiv there is no

frame, and on pp. xvii—xviii and xxv—xxvi the borders are lost.1

Page I. No text; cf. the amulet P. Brit. Mus. Literary No. 239,

described above. The front page (as the last page) was probably

considered as a cover.

Page II, the title. L. 2 read υΛθθΛίοα Cone, the variations

of the name in Greek transcription see Blass-Debrunner, Gramm.

S 40. The form UAOAIOC is not seldom met with in Coptic; cf.,

e. g., Miscellaneous Coptic Texts, ed. by E. A. Wallis Budge, London

1915, p. 254, 1. 2, and other places. In a vulgar Greek text: P.

land. 6. ι (V.—VI. cent.). — It seems preferable to consider the

text as being Coptic, rather than, accept the nominative as a Greek

vulgarism (cf. P. Oxy. 1928, 16: κατά 'Ιωάννης . . . κατά Μάρκος

κατά Μαθθέας). The continuation may then have given the Greek

1 Frame lines of this kind I have not found elsewhere among the. papyri.Cf. the lines of vellum mss., Thompson, An Introduction to Greek andLatin Palaeography, Oxf. 1912, 54 sq.9 — Symbolae Oslocnses. XXIV.


130 Leiv,Amundsen

version: ευα]γγέλιον | [κατά Μαθθαΐον]. But owing to the lacuna

this remains uncertain. . .

For the use of the term εδαγγέλιον κατ« Μ. when only a peri-

cope follows, cf. P. Oxy. 1 0 7 7 = P . Gr. Mag. 4, Matth. 4.23-24 used

as an amulet. — We nowadays use the terms 'Epistle' and 'Gospel'

in the same way with regard to the lessons in our liturgy.

Page III—XI 62, Matthew 11.25-30 in Greek.

25 Έν έκείνω p | τω καιρώ ά|ποκριθεΙς ļ εΐπεν ό [Ί(ησοΰ)ς*] |

έ[ξομολογο]|ϋ[μαι σοι, π(άτε)ρ,] ļ l o ļ κ[(ύρι)ε τοΰ οΰρα]|νοΰ καΐ

της | γης, ότι εγΙρυψας ταϋ|[τ]α άπο σοφ|15|[ων και συ]ν|[ετών,

• και] άπ|[εκάλυψας] ļ αυτά νηπ|ίοις'

26 ναί, ό p°| π(ατ)ήρ, ότι ου|τως εύδοκ|[£α έγένε|το εμπρο'σθέν σου.]

27 Ι 2 5 ! Πάντα μοι ļ παρεδόθη ļ οπό του πα|τρός μου, [κ|α\ ουδείς

•'Ι3 0] Ιπιγινώσ|κει τον υί]όν ει μη ό πα|τηρ, ουδέ τό|ν πατέρα

τ ^ Ι 3 5 ^ έ]πιγινώ[σ[κει. ει μη ό υ(ίό)ς [ καΐ ώ έαν βο|ύληται ό

υ(ίό)ς] ļ άποκαλόψαι.

28 · Ι4 0!· Δεϋτε προς | με πάντε[ς |. ο]ί κωπιον[τ1ες καΐ πεφο|ρτισ-

μένοι, ļ 4 5ļ κάγώ άναπα]|ύσω ΰμας.

29 ά[ρατε τον ζυ|[γό]ν μου έφ* ļ [δμ]ας και μά|50|[θετε άπ' έμο|ΰ,

ότι πραός ļ είμι καΐ τα]1πεινος τη |κ[α]ρδία, καΐ εο|55|[ρ]ήσετε

άν[ά|π]αυσιν ταΐς [ψ|υχαϊ]ς [δμών| . · ·

30 ό γαρ ζυγός | μου χρηστός] ļ 6 0 ! και τό φορτί[ον μου έλα-

[<ρ|ρό]ν έστιν. |. -

7 All other mss. read αποκριθείς ό Ίησοϋς εΐπεν, which also is

the order of the words in the numerous other places where the

phrase (a "Septuagintalism", Moulton-Milligan) occurs in the syn-

optic Gospels and the Acts. The material is collected and discussed

by Chr. G. Gersdorf in his Beiträge zur Sprach-Characteristik der

Schriftsteller des Ν.. T. I, Lpz. 1816, 502—26, especially 514 sqq.

A parallel to our variant reading is afforded by some mss. to Matth.

14.14 (referred to by Gersdorf p. 502) : the chief mss. read και

έξελθών είδεν, but ό ΐς is inserted after εΐδεν by L and some

evangelistaria, "weil sich mit είδεν eine kirchliche Pericope anfängt".Of course this only explains that the nom. propr. was added, not that

it was inserted in the wrong place. In our papyrus the rearrange-

ment of the word order is probably due to the copyist of our text.

12 Read εκρυψας. κ > γ before nasals and liquids, cf. Mayser,

Grammatik I, 169sq. (κράστις : γράστις) ; Moulton, Grammar II : 1 108.



42 Read κο?ηώντες. Confusion between ο and ω, cf. Mayer -/. c.p. 98, Moulton 1. c. p. 73.

, Apart from these vulgarisms, what remains of the Greek textshows no peculiarities.

Page XI 63—XVIII, Matthew 11.25-29 in Coptic, Akhmîmic dialect.In similar texts the Coptic part, is sometimes introduced through

a formula, as "ομοίως its translation", neqBUM.1 Here it followswithout transition. ".

As. far as I can see 2 this passage of the Gospel has not earlierbeen found in its Akhmîmic form. Compared with the extant andpublished versions in the other dialects, our text shows closestaffinities to the Sahîdic, and it may be convenient to quote theverses in Sahîdic from the edition by Horner:

25 eu neoroeijs e-ruuAr AqcmojsB MCPIIC eqxtu ūuoc.

xe +e>;ouoAorei ΜΛΚ rueitoT nxoeic tj-me ūu riKAe. xe

ΛΚ?6Π ΙΙΛΙ βΰεοφοΟ UŪ ΪΪθΛΒ66Τ. 6ΛΚσΌΛΠΟΤ Λβ 6ΒΟΛ

26 Alß ΠΛβΙίϋΤ. Χβ .ΜΤΛΟρΛΜΛΚ ΰτ6Ι?6 ϋπβκΰτΟ 6ΒΟΛ.

27 Λ'Η* ΜΛΙ UnTHpq 6ΒΟΛ ?ITŪ ΠΛ6Ι(1>Τ. ATU) Uli ΛΛΛΤ

c o o r u ūn^jHpe eiuHTi neicuT orAe uïï ,\ΛΛΥ COOTĪJ

ūneicuT eiuHTi rijaHpe. uiī πβτβρβ nînpe

eorcouē MAq GBOA.

28 AUHeiTŪ ^ΐΛροι OTOM MIU eTôce Λτω βτοτπ.

ΑΜΟΚ +IJA+ŪTOU MHTĪ7,

29 qi unAMAeïï eepAi εχϋτΗΤΤΜ ījTeTĪJeiue ΘΒΟΛ ĪJ?HT.

xe AMP qrpupAis ATCU ΦθΒΒίΗν eu ΠΛ?ΗΤ.

erŪTOii ΜΜβτΰ+τχΗ.

30 ΠΛΜΑ?Β ΓΛρ ļOMT AVCÜ CACCÜOT ΪΊθΊΤΛ6ΤΠω.

1 Cf. Leipold, Zeitschrift f. d. n'eutest. Wiss. 4, 350 (P. Berol. 8771, collectionof pericopae in Greek and Sahîdic, 9th cent.). W. Till, ibid. 39,41 (Vienna,Copt. No. 173, Graeco-Coptic lectionarium, 10th—11th cent.).

2 The bibliographical lists by A.Vaschalde, Ce qui a été publié des versionscoptes de la Bible, Muséon 43 (1930), 409-31, 45 (1932), 117-S6, and 46 (1933),299-313, are not accessible to me; nor is W. Grossouw's study: De koptischeBijbelvertaalingen, in Studio, catholica IX (1933), 325-53.


132 Leiv Amundsen

This reads in Akhmîmic according to our present text:

25 e]ū ποτΛβι^ι I [eTŪuo Aqorplcu^Be īTcnĪā ļ eqxor

ŪUAC] I X6 +pes;ouo|[Aojrei neK ΠΛ|βιυοτ nxa.6[ic] ļTO| ΰτπβ

uī7 n[K]<\e see Aq?ton ļ nei Λΐΐοοφοο ļ LIŪ MCAßeere. |

ΛΚίΓΛΛΠΟΤ ļ75ļ Λ6 Λ5ΛΛ ΛΙ|([^|]Ηρ6 ?HU.

26 4ee] ΠΛ6ΐαιτ«χ|[—— - | Η ]»|xe

uAcpeue]K īJ+ce ΰπ|κίϊτο ΛΒΛΛ.

27 Λ[Τ] |+ net unfr-HPIpq ΛΒΛΛ eļiTŪ ΠΛ6ΐ|ΐυτ ΛΟΤ LIŪ] ļ

AAre cxvue Ππκοτ ejuCHTļ90!!] n^JHpe orAe | [u]ū ΛΛΤΒ

CATu|[e ūn^JHpe eiu|HTi neitOT — ļ ļ95ļ · · ]

m-en;anpè | [ · • Joruiê'Aor|&ueq nHTMļe ΛΒΛΛ.

28 . [ - - I j i œ l _ i : _ | Ι | . . ] · · ' Γ · · · ΑΟ]|Τ

6 Τ Λ [ Τ 7 Ϊ ΛΟΤ] ΛΜΟΚ +[ΜΛ+1 105(17τΛΜ ΙΙΗΤΙΙ6. |

2 9 _ _ . _ ) _ ' ^ _ ļ _ ļ . |liO| . ] . „ . [ • ·

&Β]\ΛΛ Μ?ΗΤ[ (The rest is lost.)

For the correspondence between Sahîdic and Akhmîmic soundsand forms it suffices to refer to Walter Till: Achmîmisch-koptischeGrammatik, Lpz. 1928.

67 ρ- introducing a Greek verb, cf. Till I. c. 125 and hisKoptische Dialektgrammatik, München 1931, p. 41.

70—80 As may be seen from the Sahîdic parallel text 81 con-tinues 77, the final χ of 77 being superfluous. The most naturalexplanation seems to be that the scribe made a wrong start whenhe filled out the verso, repeating his last three lines. I have filledout the lacuna in the 'transcript on this assumption. It is difficultto see what else could have been inserted in the text at this point.

The Akhmîmic text of v. 27 shows a peculiarity as compared tothe Greek version preceding, as well as to the Sahîdic translation,which both agree with the leading Greek mss. The Akhmîmiçversion reads: "no one knoweth the Father except (είμήτι) the Son,nor (οδδε) doth any one know the Son except (είμήτι) the Father."This text is known from codex Ν (purpureus Petrop., saec. vi) andquotations by church fathers starting with Justinus and Irenaeus,1

1 W. Bousset, Die Evangeliencitate Justins des Märtyrers, Gōtt. 1891, 100 sqq.— Nouum Testamentam, s. Irenaei, ed. by Vf. Sanday and C. H. Turner,



also Marc

ion, and has given rise to various opinions by modern

scholars. It has even been defended as a prae-canonical tradition

which has been changed in canonical texts for dogmatic reasons.

By others, the saying has been partly or wholly rejected as an

interpolation. The discussion is hardly as yet brought to a close.1

Because of the continuation: καΐ ώ έαν βουληται δ υίος άποκα-

λύψαι the order of the words in the received text presents the

only logical coherence of thought, and the rearrangement must be

considered a very early corruption. It is interesting to discover

this variant reading in the Akhmîmic version. The corruption,

however, does not seem to belong to any definite branch of the

textual tradition, but rather ranges among the "unassorted" early

readings of the Ν. Τ. text.2

As to the last part of v. 27 enough remains to prove that the

Akhmîmic version differed from the Sahîdic. But owing to the

lacunae I have not ventured to try a reconstruction • which, · any-

how, must be very uncertain. The UHTu|e of 1. 97 is especially

puzzling (something like καΐ ώ άν νμών βούλ. κτλ.?) and un-

paralleled in the textual tradition of the passage.3

Our fragment, small as it is, indicates that the Akhmîmic version

of the Gospel was not textually identical with the Sahîdic one, as

has sometimes been supposed,4 but represents a certain independence.Oxf. 1923 (Old-Latin Biblical Texts No. VII), 18: nemo cognoscit (cognouit)Palrem nisi Filius, neque Filtum nisi Pater.

1 Cf., beside the scientific commentaries to Matth. 11.27 and Luce 10.22,references in Bousset l .c .; A. Harnack, Sprüche and Reden Jesu, Lpz.1907 (Beiträge zur Einleitung in das N. T.), 189 -216 ; Ε. Norden, Agnostostheos, Lpz. 1913, 277-308, 394 sq.; Lyder Brun, Jesu evangelium, 2.utg.,Oslo 1926, 62, 538-42; Bousset, Kyrios Christos, 2. Aufl., Gött. 1926, 45 sqq.;Bultmann, Die Geschichte der synoptischen Tradition, 2. Aufl., Gött. 1931,171 sq. (rejects τòν υíòv — oùδε and τις επιγινώσκει); Dibelius, Die Form-geschichte des Evangelium, 2. Aufl., Tüb. 1933, 279 sqq. ("Die in denHandschriften bezeugte Umstellung der Glieder setzt an die Stelle destheozentrischen Inhalts einen Christozentrischen und redet infolgedessenvom Geheimnis der Person Christi an erster Stelle.")

2 Conc, the textual position of the Coptic versions, see F. Kenyon, OurBible and the Ancient Manuscripts, London 1939, 165-68 .

3 Cf. the textual records by Bousset and Harnack Il. cc.4 Frederic G. Kenyon, Recent Developments in the Textual Criticism of

the Greek Bible, London 1933, 36.


134 Leiv Amundsen

Hitherto only very scanty fragments of the Akhmîmic translation

have come to light, and not till the: evidence has multiplied shall

we be able to ascertain how far this independence extends.

102 Owing to the mutilation at the fop of the fragment it is

not certain that this comes from the first line of the page; some

line(s) may be entirely lost.

-As 11. 110—11 belong to the Brst part of verse 29 the Coptic

text continued and ended on a lost leaf. The 59 lines of Greek

text (4—62) correspond to about 66 lines of Coptic translation,

to which should be added the 3 superfluous lines 78—80. The

result of such a computation (which, naturally, must only be con-

sidered a rough estimate) should lead one to suppose that the Coptic

part extended about half a page beyond p. XVIII. On,p. XIX we

meet with another Greek text,, which proves to be Daniel the

prophet. The shape and borders of the fragments show-that they

obviously were stuck together when found, and this makes it rather

improbable that more than one leaf was lost in the lacuna —

unless the codex was in a fragmentary state already at the time

when it was buried. /

The material condition of frag. / makes it probable that it pre-

ceded frag. k. According to our earlier computation about 11 lines

of text, following upon the end of the Akhmîmîc Matthew, should

be lost in the lacuna between pp. XVIII and XIX. Reckoning back

from the beginning of p. XXI where the coherent text starts, this leads

one to suppose that the pericope from Daniel began at 3.49, and the

ουχ of 1. 123 fits exactly in the place where it should be expected.

But the οΰχ is not preceded by καΐ, and the γαρ (uncertain read-'

ing!) is enigmatic, as are the remains of writing of 1. 116 (reading

equally uncertain; it seems out of the question to interpret the

fragmentary letters as τη]ς καμίνου, which we might have expected

to find). In the beginnings of pericopae certain modifications of

the text are occasionally met with, but they are limited to the

change of personal pronoun into nom. propr. or the addition of a

subject noun in order to clarify the context.1 The reading and

position of 11. 116 and 123 are too uncertain to allow any con-

clusions to be drawn as to what has happened to our text.

1 Cf. above. — E. Nestle, Einführung in das griechische N.T. 4. Aufl.ν. Ε. ν. Dobschütz, Gött. 1923, 37.



Pages XXI^-XXVI, Daniel 3.51-53.55, in the translation by Theo-

dotion, which soon was so much preferred to that of the Septuagint

that it even took its place in most of the Septuagint mss.1 '

51 Τόδε οί τρις ļ [ώς εξ ένος ļ στόματος δένουν και έ|δόξαζόν

καΙ1 3 5^ εόλόγουν | τον θεόν έν] | τη καμείνω | [λέγοντες' |

52 Εύλογητος | ι 4 0 | εΐ, κ(ύρθε ό θ(εο)ς τώ|ν πατέρων ή|μων> καΙ

αΐν|ετος καΐ ύχ]|ερύψούμεν|145|[ος ίςτοίις αίώ|νας, και ευλογη|μένον

τοδνομ|α της δόξης σο|ο το άγιον και | 1 5 0 | δπεραινετόν] ļ και

δπερυψού1[μενόν Ις τοί»1ς αιώνας.

53 Ευλ|ογη μένος εΐ | 1 5 5 | έν τω ναω τη*ς | αγίας δόξης [ σου καΐ

ύπερϋ|μνητ]ός κ[αΙ υ|πε]ρένδοξω|16Ο|ς ίς τους αί[ω|νας.

55 Ευλογημένος εΤ, ό επιβλέπων αβύσσους ļ καθήμενος !π|1 6 5 |ι]

χερου[βιν, και] ļ ύπεραινε[τδς | κα]ι ύτΓερϋ[ψου|μενος !ς τους |

αιώνας.

130 Read: τότε. Cf. Mayser, Grammatik I, 175 (τόδε); Moulton,'

Grammar I I : 1, 112. — Read τρεις.

137 Read καμίνω. ·

159 sqq. Read ύπερένδοξος είς. Cf. Mayser I.e.98; Möulton Z.c.73.

166 Read αίνετος. Our ms. agrees with cod. A(lexandrinus).

Throughout the hymn there is much variation in the mss. between

forms with or without the intensifying δπερ-. —'· Perhaps τών should

be read before χερουβιν (or -βειμ, A), as in A and the mss. group

C (Rahlfs). . — The fullest treatment of the text of the Greek

addition to Dan. 3 (the Benedicite &c) is at present the monograph

by Curt Kühl: Die drei Männer im Feuer (Daniel Kapitel 3 und

seine Zusätze), Giessen 1930, especially 104 sqq.; cf. to the hymn

vv. 52—56: pp. 154—58.

The Greek text of the cantus was probably followed by its Coptic

translation. If our earlier computation of the original size of the

codex is correct, there was exactly room for the verses 49—60,

Greek and Coptic — the final page being probably empty like the

front page.

1 Kenyon, Our Bible, 56 sq. Among mss. from Egypt cf. P. Brit. Mus. LiteraryNo. 211, which contains Daniel 1. 17. 18. (Theodotion!), and The Monasteryof Epiphanius, ed. by Winlock, Crum, and Evelyn White, Ν. Υ. 1926,II no. 582 Daniel 3.57 sqq. (not accessible to me), while the ChesterBeatty Daniel (Chester Beatty Papyri IX and X) is the LXX-version; cf.The Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri, by F. G. Kenyon, Fasc. VII, Text,London 1937, pp. X sqq.


136 Leiv Amundsen

It remains to consider the scope and general character of our

manuscript.

The contents: pericopae from the Bible, O. & N. T., suggest that

we have before us a lectionary, or rather an extract from a

lectionary.1 The Christians inherited the reading of Old Test, lessons

from the Jewish Synagogue service, but the lectures (αναγνώσεις)

from their new Holy Scriptures: the Gospels (Εΰαγγέλιον), and

the Acts and Letters of the Apostles ('Απόστολος, Πραξαπόστολος),

soon became dominating. According to Egyptian rite, the lessons

belong to the mass of the catechumens. In the liturgy of St. Mark,

this part of thé service culminates with the two lessons απόστολος

and εΰαγγέλιον. In the liturgy of the Coptic Jacobites, it comprises

lections from 1. an epistle of St .Paul , 2. one of. the Catholic

epistles, 3. the Acts, 4. the Gospel,2 and such* is the usage till

this day in the Coptic church. The Gospel is preceded by verses

from the Psalms. On certain occasions, as the Epiphany and Holy

Week, a long series of lessons from the Old and New Testaments

is read, but except on such occasions, according to this liturgy, the

Old Testament is not used at all.3

1 On lectionaries, cf. F. H. A. Scrivener, A Plain Introduction to the Criti-cism of the N. T., 4. ed., I, London 1894, 74 sqq. Nestle-Dobschütz, Ein-führung pp. 37 sqq. with references. W. Caspari, Perikopen, Realenzyklöpäd.f. prot. Theol. u. Kirche XV, 131 sqq. — List of Greek lectionaries withtexts from the N.T.: C. R. Gregory, Textkritik des Ν. Γ.,Χρζ. 1909, pp.3 2 7 - 4 7 8 , 1211-92, Nestle-Dobschütz pp. 55, 202sq: From the O. T.:Alfr. Rahlfs, Verzeichnis der griech. Handschriften des A. T. (Nachrichtend. Ges. d. Wiss. Göttingen, Ph.-h. Kl. 1914-Beih.=Mitteilungen des Septua-ginta-Unternehmens, 2), 440 sqq.: Verzeichnis der Lectionar-Handschriften. ,Also Monumenta musicae Byzant.: Lectionaria, Vol. 1: Prophetologium,'edd. Carsten Høeg et Günther Zuntz, Fase. 1 (with important preface). 2,Haun. 1939. The study of the textual position of the lectionaries has onlyjust begun. See the article by Ernest Cadman Colwell, Is there a LectionaryText of the Gospels? Harvard Theol. Review, XXV (1932), 7 8 - 8 4 .

2 F. E. Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I, Oxf. 1896, 118 sq.,1 5 2 - 5 8 . Ferd. Probst, Liturgie des vierten Jahrhunderts, Münster 1893,109 (Alexandrian).

3 J . E . Gilmore, Manuscript Portions of Three Coptic Lectionaries, Proceed-ings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 24 (1902), 186 -91 . — Conc.the readings from the O. T., see the study by Rahlfs: Die alttestament-lichen Lektionen der griech. Kirche (Nachrichten d. Ges. d. Wiss. Göttingen,Ph.-h. Kl. 1915, 2 8 - 1 3 6 = Mitteilungen des Septuaginta-Unternehmens,1, 119-230), which also incorporates Coptic material.



The date when a series of lections had become more orless

fixed to a certain Church calendar of days varies from one dioceseto another. There is definite tradition of such calendars from the5th century; but already towards the end of the 4th century Chry-sostom recognized some stated order of the lessons as familiar toall his hearers. C. R. Gregory reckoned with a fixed calendar forSunday (and, perhaps, Saturday) lessons even from the secondcontury on.1

In Egypt the necessity of having the lessons both in Greek andCoptic was early felt, and not a few bilingual specimens of lec-tionaries have come to light, mostly in a very fragmentary state ofpreservation.2 The two texts are either arranged in parallel columns(or pages), or the Greek is followed immediately by its Copticequivalent.3 It happens, too, that the Greek text is given in.anabbreviated form, e. g. limited to the beginning of the pericope,while the Coptic version is written out in full.4

Our text looks like an extract for a single service from such abilingual lectionary. Part of the text from Daniel 3, Cdntus trium1 Cf. Th. Schermann, Ägyptische Abendmahlsliturgien, Paderborn 1912, 38,

and eiusd. Die allgem. Kirchenordnung, früchristl. Liturgien a. kirchl. Über-lieferang. II, Paderborn 1915, 4 3 8 - 4 7 .

2 List of the fragments of Coptic lectionaries containing lessons from theGospels, in Horner: The Coptic Version of the N.T. in the Southern Dialect,Vol. 3, Oxf. 1911, 358 sqq.; bilinguals (Greek and Sahîdic) are numberedwith Greek cursive letters. Most of the Coptic lectionaries are, oF course,written on vellum; up till Ι9Γ4 only two specimens on papyrus wereknown; cf. Crum, J. E. A. 1, 49. — References cone. Coptic lectionaries:Brightman l. c. pp. LXIX sq.

3 The arrangement of the texts when the Greek and Coptic alternate maybe seen, e.g., from the vellum leaf P. Stud. Pal. XVIII. 267 ( = Till, Zeit-schr. f. d. neatest. Wbs. 39 (1940) p. 41 no. 173: Matth. 3. 13-17 Greek,Coptic (neq ΠKλΤλυλθθλιoc), Psalm 77. 65-69 Greek, Coptic( n e q ) , then: εκ του κατα 'Ιωάννου άγíου ευαγγελίου τò (John 20. 1 sqq.,Greek).

4 Cf. the remarks by v. Dobschütz, Zeitschr. f. d. neutest. Wiss. 23 (1924),250 sq. cone, the Strasbourg diglot P6 (5th/6th cent.), in Greek and Akh-mîmic: perhaps the audience understood so little Greek that only thebeginning of the lesson was read in Greek, followed by the., completelesson in the national language. — The notice that St. Anthony heard alesson from St. Matthew read in his own language in a church as earlyas towards the second half of the 3rd cent, is often referred to; Dict.archéol. chrét. XII, 2662.


138 Leiv Amundsen

puerorum or Benedicite very early became a popular canticle, and has-

retained its place both in the Catholic lauds and in the Morning

Prayer of the Church of England till this day.1 But as our quotation

starts with the prose introduction to the hymn, we must infer that

it was meant to be read, not sung.2

• The most detailed account of the lessons from the New Testa-

ment used by the Greek church is given by Gregory in his Text-

kritik des N. T. pp. 343—86. There are two series of lessons,

the Syndxarion for the movable Church year, and the Mlnologion

arranged by -months and days. In the Synaxarion we find our

pericope from Matthew distributed on two days: -Matth. 11.20-26

being read ön the 4th day of the 4th week after Whitsunday

(together with Rom. 11.2-12), while 11.27^30 is assigned to the

following day (together with Rom. 11.13-24). In the Mtnologion, the

Gospel Matth. 11.27-30 occurs no less than 26 times,3 being very

appropriate for the celebration of saints. Most often it is coupled

with" the απόστολος Gal. 5.22-6.2 (seven times) or 2 Cor. 4.6-iO

(or -12) (five times). Unfortunately Gregory leaves out any reference

to lessons from the Old Testament. In some one or other of the

8 cases where the Gospel Matth. 11.27-30 is not followed by a

1 Used as an alternative to Te Deum after the First Lesson. Cone, its history,see Fr. Proctor, A New History of the Book of Common Prayer, rev. byW. H. Frere, London 1932, 383 sq. (I have not seen J . Mearns, The Can-ticles of the Christian Church, Cambridge 1914.) A Dictionary of Hymno-logy, ed. by John Julian", London 1915, 132. Cf. Rufinus († 410), adv.Hieran. II (Opera Hieronymi, IX, Paris 1623, 155 B) : omnis Ecclesia perorbem terrarum, siue eorum qui in corpore suni, siue eorum qui addominum perrexerunt, siue illi sancti confessores fuerunt, seu etiamsancti martyres, quicunque hymnum trium puerorum in Ecclesia dominicecinerunt, &c.

2 In the Greek lectionaries rendered from various mss. by Rahlfs, Die alttest.Lektionen Dan. 3. 1-51 forms the 15th and final lection from the O. T. forthe Evening service of Easter Eve. It was followed by the hymn vv. 57 sqq.sung by the ψάλτης and the community alternating: καì διέρχεται την ωδήνκατα στίχ(ους), λέγοντος του λαου γμνειτε καì ύπερυψουτε αύτòν εις τούςαίωνας. — The Benedicite of the Book of Common Prayer comprises theverses 57—88.

3 Sept 28, 29, Nov. 26, Dec. 4, 5, 11, Jan. 4, 10, 15, 20, Feb. 13, March1.7, 30, April 3, 13, May 6, 8, June 12, 26, July 5, 19, 23, Aug. 3, 28,είς σχήμα μοναχου (-χων), and εις δσίους.


Christian Papyri from the Oslo Collection. 139

lesson from the 'Απόστολος, one might, perhaps, venture to suspect

that a pericope from the Ο. Τ. has been read. The instances are:

Feb. 13 Μαρτινιανοϋ (or Μαρκιανοο).

April 18 του 'Ιωάννου του Παλαιολαυρίτου (or Ί . μαθητού, τοΟ-

αγίου Γρηγορίου, του Δεκαπολίτου).

May 6 τοΰ αγίου και δικαίου Ίώβ.

" - 8 "Αρσενίου. . • :

June 26 άποστ. 'Ρούφου καΐ τ. άγ. Θεράττωνος.

July 5 τ· Βασιλείου καΐ των συν αυτω (or Λαμπαδοϋ, Φουρτου-

ν ά τ ο υ ) . • . ' · ' . . •

July 23 τ. Τροφίμου, Θεοφίλου, καΐ των συν αίιτοϊς (or Φωκα,or χροφ. Ιεζεκιήλ). -

Aug. 3 Δαλμάτου (τοΰ οσίου πατρός ημών Ίσακίου της Δαλ-μάτου) καΙ Φαύστου. .' '·

At present it is impossible for me to investigate the correspond-ing sources as to the usage of the Coptic church.1 The lectionsfrom Daniel seem to belong chiefly to the Holy Week.2 Ön theother hand, the readings from the Gospel of St. Matthew are for

1 No help is afforded either by the descriptions of the Vatican mss., Scrip-torum veterum nova collectio. ed. Mai, IV (2), (Romae 1831), Lagarde,Abhandl. d. Ces. d. Wiss. Göttingen, Hist.-phil. Cl. 24 (1871); the Syna-xarium Alexandrinum, ed. J . Forget (Corpus script. Christ. Orient), Ser.Arab. III: 18. 19, Romae 1921-26, or Synaxarium d. i. Heiligen-Kalenderder coptischen Christen, aus dem Arab, übers, ν. F. Wüstenfeld, Gotha1879. The lectionaries described by Mai pp. 14 sqq. contain only thereadings from the Gospels. But cf. No. LX (p. 92): "Catameras, id estLectiones ex vetere et novo testamento, nec non ex homiliis SS. patrum,in hebdomada passionis, a dominica hosannarum ad vesperas resur-rectionis, iuxta ritum ecclesiae alexandrinae Coptitaram, ad vesperas,matutinum, et missam, recitandae"; written 1673. Malan's Original Docu-ments of the Coptic Church IV, London 1874, and the Synaxaire publishedin the Patrologia Orientalis, are not in our library, nor is vol. X of thesame series, containing the Menologia of the Coptic church (now extantonly iri Arabic).

2 W. E. Crum, Catalogue of the Coptic Mss. of the Brit. Mus., No. 775.There are several lections from Daniel in the collection of "lectionesecclesiasticae Veteris Testamenti? described by Zoëga, Catalogus p. 179,cod. Sahid. num. 32, but its place in the church calendar seems not tohave been fixed. A. Baumstark, Die Qaadragesimale. AlttestamentlicheSchriftlesung des koptischen Ritus, Oriens Christianus 1929; 37-58, isinaccessible to me.


140 Leiv Amundsen

this period, naturally, taken from the last chapters, relating to

the Passion.

So far I have not succeeded in connecting the two lessons with

any special Church service.1

If the find circumstances were known to us, we might have a

more definite idea of how our booklet was used. Was it prepared

for a special celebration — just as poor Christians among the

Copts made extracts of the Gospels on ostraca in order to prepare

themselves for the service, a collection of simple potsherds forming

a poor man's lectionary?2 Was there any special connection between

the bearer or owner and the saint to whose memory such a service

was celebrated? Or was the tiny codex carried as an amulet, and,

perhaps, followed its bearer into the grave?3

These questions we are unable to answer.

1 One might ask for the inner reason for coupling the two texts together.Origines considered the "cry of exultation" Mattb. 11.25= Lucas 10. 21 themodel prayer of thanksgiving (de oral. 14.5, quoted by Schermann, Ägypt.Abendmahlliturgien p. 56), and with this in mind we may, perhaps, see aconnection with the model hymn of benediction.

2 Dict, archéol. chrét. VIII, 2305 sq. and XIII: I, 108 sq. Deissmann, Lichtvom Osten, 4. Aufl., Tüb. 1923, 46.

3 Cf. the small codices P. Oxy. 2065 and P. Brit. Mus. Lit. No. 239,mentioned above..— Christian texts worn as amulets, see Papyri Grae'caemagicae II Nos. 4, 5 b, 9, 17, .19. Cf. J . G. Winter, Life and Letters inthe Papyri, Ann Arbor 1933, 187 sqq., and the quotations from Chryso-Stomus hom. 7 2 p. 703 Β (ώς πολλαί νυν των γυναικων ευαγγέλια των τρα-χήλων εξαρτοσαι εχουσι) and Isidorus Pelusiot. ep. 150.2 (ίσ ί δτι τά φυλακ-τήρια δελτία ηv μικρα τον νóμον ωδίνοντα, απερ εφóρουν οί των 'Ιουδαίωνκα ηγητάì ωσπερ νυν αί γυναίκες τά ευαγγέλια μικρά, adduced by Ε . Schaeffer,Papyri landanae, fasc. I (Lips. 1912), 31. — Acts of Andrew, 23 (James,Apocryphs NT p. 343: Trophima prayed continually, and had the Gospelon her bosom; . . . the Gospel fell to the ground; cf. p. 347). See alsothe late Latin version of The Assumption of thé Virgin (analysed ibid.p. 218): any Christian who has this writing in his house will be safe fromvarious afflictions — lunacy, deafness, blindness, sudden death — and hewill have the protection of the Virgin at his end. — Very illuminaiing arethe prescriptions Anecdota Graeco-Byzant I, Coll. A. Vassiliev (Mosquae1893), p. 341: εlς παιδìν κακόσκοπον, i. a. είς τα διάστυλα (intercolumnia) τηςεκκλησίας μέσα καì ας ειπη τας δ' προφητείας εις την κεφαλήν του παιδιου, δύοτων βαίων καì δύο της ν' (=πεντηκοστης) καì μετα ταυτα ας φάλλη τρισάγιονκαì ας εìπη τòν απόστολον της λαμπρας κυριακης απάνω εìς την κεφαλην τουπαιδίου καì ας ψάλλη τò αλληλούια ας εìπη καì τò ευαγγέλιον της λαμπρας

al τòν ν' (φάλμον) εκ τρίτου καì νά σβυση τους χαρακτηρας τoυ δίσκου δπουτους έλει έχειν(ν) γραμ(μ)ένους πλην νά ποίηση τòν άπομυρισμòν ήγουν ναγράφη τους χαρακτηρας με μελανί καì ας τους βάλη εìς τòν πóτον του. íερεωςκτλ. (written 1497).



II.

Christian Amulet.

P. Osi. inv. 1644. 2nd half of IV. cent.-A. D.

Prob. Oxyrhynchus.

a: 3.9x11.7 cm.b: 7.7x13 cm.

ο

+ Π[άτε]ρ ημών ώ εν τοις ο[ύρανοΐς, άγιασθήτω τό δνομά σου, έλ-

θάτω ή βα-

σιλία σου, γενεθήτ[ω το θέλημα σου ώς έν τω ουρανω και έπι τη-

τόν

ς γης, τον άρτον ήμώ[ν έπιουσιον δός ήμΤν σήμερον κ-

αΐ α)φ[ες ήμίν τα όφειλήματα ημών, ώς και ήμεΐς άφήκαμεν .

5 τοΐ[ς ό]φελ(έταις) ημών, και μη [είσενέγκης ή μας εις πειρασμόν,

άλλα ^ϋσε ή μας ζάπο τοϋ πονηρού, art σου Itrrtv ή δόξα^ είς τ[ούς

αιώνας τών αιώνων. Ή άγάττη τοϋ θ(εο)ΰ και

την χάρις τοϋ Χρυστοϋ κ[αι ή κοινωνία τοϋ αγίου πν(εύμα)τος μεθ'

υμών.

Ό κατοίκων έν βοήθεια [του 'Τψίστου έν σκέτη] τοδ θεοΰ τοϋ ουρα-

νοΰ

αύ]λησθήσαται. έρΐ τω κ(υρί)ω ['Λντιλήμ7ττωρ μου· εΐ καΐ καταφυγή

μου,

10 ό θ(εό)ς μ[ο]υ βοηθός μου, έ[λπιώ έπ' αυτόν, οτι αύτος ^υσεται με

έκ παγίδος θ]ερευτώ(ν) και άπ[α λόγου ταραχώδους, έν τοις μεταφρέ-

νοις

αΰτοΰ έπισ]κιάσι σε, κα[1 ύπδ τας πτέρυγας αυτοϋ έλπιεΐς.

This papyrus was purchased in Egypt 1936 together with a

collection of documents from Oxyrhynchus dating from Roman and

Byzantine times. The two fragments were glued together by the

native dealer ignoring the lacuna of about 1.5 cm between them

(1. 4). The supplements prove that about 3/s of the length of the


142 Leiv Amundsen

lines are lost, so that the original breadth of the papyrus was

about 30 cm. The text is written across the fibres on the recto.

The verso is empty. The handwriting belongs to the early Byzantine

type. The forms of the letters show affinities to, e. g., Schubart,

Palaeographie Abbild. 56 (middle of the IV. cent. A. D.) and 57

(A. D. 359), but give the impression of a rather unskilled writer.

There is a mixture between literary and cursive forms (h and H ! ) .

The duetus is upright, the letters rather large, with few ligations

from one letter to the following.. The writing may be assigned to

the later half of the IV. cent. There are no traces of folding.

A few abbreviations occur: 5 ο]<ρελ or ο]φελ[']? 9 nom. sacr. κω

11 θ]ερευτω.

The Christian cross at the beginning is followed by the Lord's

Prayer.The use of the Lord's Prayer for magical purposes, alone or

together with other texts, is known from a series of Greek amulets:

(a) P . G. M. 04, from Megara, IV. cent. No ostracon, but a clay

tablet, the text of the Lord's Prayer being: written with a needle

or stylus in the soft clay before burning. Cf. Deissmann, Licht

v o m Osten, 4. Aufl., T ü b i g e n 1 9 2 3 , 4 3 . Diet. arch, ehret. 1 1 : 1,203 sqq. (with fig.). ·,.

(b) P. G. M. 19 = P. S. ί. 719, from Oxyrhynchus (?), IV. or V.

cent. Contents: Cross, Χ[(ριστέ) σώτε]ρ (?), ev.Joh. l . i , Matth. l . i ,

Joh. 1.23, Me. l . t , Lc. l . i , Psalm 90. ι (και τα έξης), the Lord's

Prayer: Matth. 6.9 (και τα έξης), doxology: δόξα πατρί και υίω

και άγίω πνεύματι νϋν καΐ άει καΐ είς τους αιώνας των αιώνων,

αμήν, Χ[(ριστό)ς], three crosses.· • ·

(c) P. G. M. 7 7 = P . land. 6, purchased at Hermupolis; V. or. VI.

cent, εύαγγέλιον κατά Ματθαίον: ev. Matth. 8.1 + Le. 11.1 sq.,

followed by the Lord's Prayer ace. to Matth. 6.9 sqq. The lines of

text are. disarranged and intermixed with lines from an έκξορ-

κισμό<ς> Σαλομώνις, which i. a. contains reminiscences from

Psalm 90.5.6.13.

(d) P. G.M. 9 = W . Chr. 133, from Heracleopolis magna, VI. cent.

The prayer of Silvanus, inserting the Lord's Prayer: κ(αΐ) [μελ]λ[ήσω]

ειπείν την εύαγγελικήν εΰχήν [υγιής]' 'πάτερ ημών' κτλ., followed

by ]κα! ή των . . . , ev.Joh. 1.1, Matth. 1.1; ώ φως έκ φωτός κτλ.

(from Symbi Nicaen.); invocation of s.. Serenus.



(e) P. Bad. 60, from Qarâra (Φυλακή Ίππώνος?), VII. or ratherVIII. cent., found in a tomb. A wooden tablet containing the Lord'sPrayer written with Coptic letters and displaying an orthographywhich may be characterized as almost incredibly vulgar.1

(f) Magical roll on vellum, once belonging to Suleiman ibn Sara,now in Chicago, XII. or XIII. cent. Cf. Zeitschrift f. d. neutest.Wiss. 32,188. Contents: ev. Matth. 1.1,-Ic. l . i , Joh. l . i , the Lord'sPrayer, Symb. Nicaen., Psalm. 68; decorated with 7 pictures (Evan-gelists, Trinity, Mary, David).

These documents ranging in date from the IV. to the XIII. centare the exponents of a strong tradition that manifests itself alsoin the fixed group of texts with which the Lord's Prayer is coupled.In other parts of the Christian world* the Pater noster and othertranslations have certainly played a no less prominent part in therealm of popular belief. Significantly, Pater noster is found as amediaeval runic graffito in the remote country church at Lorn,Norway, cf. Magnus Olsen, Nordisk kultur, 6 (Sth. 1933), 107.Abundant material illustrating the use of the Lord's Prayer in magicis also found in A. Chr, Bang, Norske Hexeformularer og magiskeOpskrifler, Kr. 1901—02, passim, and F. Ohrt, Danmaŗks Trylle-

formler, I & II, Kbh. 1917—21 (Pater, noster, thrice after Psalm130: I p. 498; II p. 120). See also, e.g., Handwörterbuch d. deut-schen Aberglaubens, 8 (1936—37), 1513 sqq. (Schneider) and index.

1 Ζ..· ό; Mayser I 99, Moulton II 73, .2 /. βασιλεία σου, γενηθήτω. Mayser 1 87, 64, Moulton II 16, 73.3 της before γης as in the 'Koine'-text (Antiochen-Byzantine

'Reichstext'): codd. EFGHSVÛ, the codex Bezae (D), and:others.So, too, P. G. M. 17, which also reads ώς έν τφ ούρανω— whetherthis text is correctly supplied in the lacune 1. 2 of our papyrusremains uncertain. · ·

4 Ι. όφειλέταις. Influenced by δφελος, όφελής etc. A few similarcases Mayser I 70 sq. ·

Ķ.Ļ ρ"ϋσαι. Mayser I 107, Moulton II 80. — The scribe seemsto have dropped a line from the text which he copied. The supple-ment above is taken from P. G. M. 17, but, of course, the doxologyof our text may have had the fuller form : ή βασιλεία και ή 8ύναμις

1 Was the writer a Copt who tried to write down the Prayer as' it soundedto his non-Greek ears when he heard it e. g. in Church services?


144 Leiv Amundsen

καΐ ή δόξα. — At the end of the line the doxology was, perhaps;

followed by αμήν, as in the Didache etc. (cf. Diet. arch, ehret. 12:2,

2252, H. Leclercq).

7 τήν for ή is very awkward, even if the magical papyri of this

age display the richest growth of casual syncretism, where the

accusative plays the strongest part (cf. Radermacher, N.T.Grammatik,

2. Aufl., 131 sq!).1 On the other hand, there is no biblical quotation

containing, e: g., κατά] την χάρις (Ζ. -ιν) τ. Χρ. κ[ which might fit

into the present text, and it remains the most probable solution

of the difficulty to read 1. 7 as part of the apostolic valediction

formula, which is found in its most developed form 2 Cor. 13.13

ή χάρις τοϋ κυρίου Ίησοΰ Χρίστου καΐ ή αγάπη τοϋ θεοϋ και ή

κοινωνία τοϋ αγίου πνεύματος μετά πάντων ό(ΐών. This would make

a far too long supplement for the space available in 1. 7, and just

as the words κυρίου Ίησοϋ are omitted we must reckon with an

abbreviated form of the continuation.

- As far as can be seen this valediction formula has not hitherto

been met with in the Christian amulets. It must have found its

way into magical practice from' the liturgy where it was in use

from early days with various verbal modifications. Cf. F. E. Bright-

mann, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I (Oxf. 1896), 49 (Syrian rite:

Liturgy of St. James, introduction to thanksgiving: ή αγάπη τοϋ

κυρίου καΐ πατρός, ή χάρις τοϋ κυρίου και ή κοινωνία καΐ ή δωρεά

τοϋ αγίου πνεύματος εΐη μετά πάντων υμών), 85 and 101 (rite of

Syrian Jacobites, introduction to thanksgiving and following upon

the Lord's Prayer and inclination), 143 (Egyptian rite: Liturgy of

St. Mark, end of the mass of the faithful, dismissal: ή αγάπη τοϋ

•9-εοϋ και πατρός, ή χάρις τοΰ υίοϋ κυρίου Βέ ημών Ί . Χρ., ή κοινω-

νία καΐ ή δωρεά τοϋ παναγίου πνεύματος εΐη μετά πάντων ήμδν

νϋν καΐ αεί και εις τους αιώνας τών αιώνων), 321 (Byzantine rite,

introduction to thanksgiving: ή χάρις τ. κ. ημών Ί . Χρ. και ή αγάπη

τ. θ. καΐ πατρός και ή κοινωνία τ. άγ. πν. εΐη μ. π. υμών).

Χρυστοϋ /. Χρίστου. Even a nomen sacrum is not guarded against

iotacism! (The writing influenced by χρυσός?)

An ornamental line separates the first part of the amulet from

the second: Psalm 90 (=masoretic 91) which rivals and even

surpasses the Lord's Prayer as to popularity among the Christian1 Cf. below, quotation from P. Berol. 6096: τòν φορουντα.



texts used for magical purposes. In some cases the entire psalmwas copied, but most often it sufficed to quote a verse or twofrom the beginning, or merely a few of the opening words. Thefollowing examples may be referred to:

(1) Vienna, P. Rainer inv. 8032, a papyrus amulet from the IV.cent. Mentioned by Rahlfs in his edition of the Psalms, Göttingen1931, ρ: 15 no. 2031: Ps. 90.ι sq.

(2) P. M. G. 19, see above, (b).(3) P. Oxy. 1928, from the V. or early VI. cent. The complete

psalm followed by άλλη[λ]ολου[ια 20 11.] κατά Ιωάννης κα(ι}τα Λουκάκατά Μάρκος κατά ΜαθΦεας [.

(4) P. Ryl. 3, Oxyrhynchus, V. or early VI. cent., fragment contain-ing vv. 5—16.

(5) P. Oxy. 2065, V. or VI. cent., fragment of a diminutivevellum codex, containing vv. 5—10.

(6) Wax tablet from Geneva, Nicole, Textes grecs 6, VI. cent.Vv. 1—7, 10—13 written after some accounts,= Rahlfs 2048.

(7) P. Stud. Pal. XX 294 ( = Führer Rainer no. 528), amuletfrom the VI.—VII. cent. · Contents: Ps. 90.1.2, Rom. 12.1.2, ev.Joh. 2.1. 2, magical names (£. α. αδωναι, σαβαωθ).

(8) Β. Κ. Τ. VIII: 12 (P. 3601=RahIfs 2043), amulet, on vellum,"VII.—VIII. cent, containing vv. 1—6.

(9) ibid. VIII: 13 (P. 3642 and 3639), amulet, on vellum,VIL—VIII. cent.; vv. 1 — 13.

(10) ibid. VIp. 129 (P. 6096), amulet, on vellum. Cross, εν ονό-ματι του π(ατ)ρ(ό)ς κ(αι) του υ(ίο)ϋ κ(αι) τοΰ αγίου πν(εύμα)τος,Ps. 90. ι followed by Εν. Joh. 1.1. 2, Matth. 1. ι, Marc 1.1, Luc. 1.1,Ps. 117.6.7, Ps. 17.2, and Εν. Matth. 4.23; το σώμα καΐ το αΐματου X(ptOTo)ū φεΐσαι του δούλου σου τον φοροΰντα [Ι. του -τος] τοφυλακτήριον τοϋτο, αμήν, αλληλούια, + α + ω + .

(Π) The whole psalm is copied in the codex Marcianus ed. byFr. Pradel, Griech. a. südital. Gebete etc. (Rel.Vers. u. Vorarb. 111:3).Quoted by Schaefer, P. land. I. p. 28.

(12) Reminiscences of vv. 5. 6. 13 are met with in P.G.M. 17,cf. above, (c).

(13) V. 1 as inscription on a bronze ring: C.I.G. 9058; firstpublished 1785.

10 — SymboUe Osloenses. XXIV.


146 Leiv Amundsen

(14) Nail-shaped amulet, pierced, in the Metropolitan Museum,

New York; published by W. K. Prentice, Amer. Journal of Archdeol.

2. ser. 10 (1906), p. 144: Ps. 90.1, then: βοήθι, άγιος Κύριος,

Ίουλιανω τω δωύλ(ω) σου τω φορο(ϋν)τι.

(15—21) A group of bracelets with médaillons etc., of silver,

iron, or bronze, all showing the same style of work. VII. cent.

From Egypt (Saqqara), some from Syria. Inscribed with vv. 1.2,

1 alone, or only the first words. Edited by Jean Maspero, Annales

du Service des antiquités 9 (1908), 246—58.

(22) Ps. 90. ι as inscription on a sarcophagus at Midjleyya, Syria,

see Am.]. Arch. I. c. 144 7).

(23) Vv. 1. 2 painted on the lintel of a house in Ruwêhah, ibid.

(24. 25) V. 1 found in two other inscriptions : Musée belge 1901,

p. 291 no. 64 (Noms) and Prentice, Greek and Latin Inscriptions

III (Ν. Υ. 1908) no. 267 (Syria).

(26. 27) V. 1 in two inscriptions in Syriac: Am.]. Arch. I.e.

(28-—30) The opening words of the psalm are also found, in a

more or less deteriorated form, together with the βους-formula, on

a group of wooden plaquets used as amulets. To the specimens

from Cairo and Torino reproduced in P. G.M. Τ 2 a and b should

be added the Berlin tablet published by Bilabel P. Bad. IV p. 47

(Berl. inv. 2148).

The reasons for the extensive use of particularly this psalm as

a φυλακτήριον against all sorts of evil are not difficult to discover.

Its beginning is equally appropriate as a protection of house and

persons. And to the worshipper of the Most High it gives strength

and consolation against daemons of day and night when it assures "

that "thou shalt not be afraid for the terror by night; nor for the

arrow that flieth by day; nor for the pestilence that walketh in

darkness; nor for the destruction that wasteth at noonday." The

numerous parallels between the terminology and motifs of this

psalm and magical papyri texts are brought out by Eitrem: Die

•Versuchung Christi, Oslo 1924, 11 sq., 36 (cf. ev. Matth. 4.6, the

temptation of Jesus: the devil quotes Ps. 90. 11.12!), and by Paul

Collait, Un papyrus Reinach inédit: Psaulme 140 sur une amulette,

Aegyptus 13 (1933), 208—12. Cf. also Eitrem and Fridrichsen,

Ein christliches Amulet auf Papyrus [P. Osl. 5 = P. G. M. 3] , Kra.

1921, 25 (ad διαφυλάσσω), and Paul Collart, Psaumes et amulettes.



Aegyptus 14 (1934), 463—67.1 The Christians of the Orient "in-herited the custom of using psalm 90 as a prophylactic from theJews; this is borne out by a passage in the Palestinian Talmud,referred to by Nicole /. c ; cf. Le Talmud de Jérusalem trad, parMoïse Schwab, t. 4 (Paris 1881), p. 71 (Schabbath VI. 2): it ispermitted to recite Ps. 3 and Ps. 90. i-9 as a protection againstapproaching evil.

Reminiscences from Ps. 90 found their way at an early date toChristian liturgies (cf. Brightman /. c. p. 12, Syrian rite, in theextensive prayer before the Kiss of Peace and the Offertory, Ps. 90s).2

9 /. αύλισθήσεται. ι:η, cf. Mayser I p. 84, Moulton II p. 72.The writing «ύλη- transferred from the noun. Β. Κ. Τ. VIII: 13:αυλητησετε. — ε : α, cf. Mayser I p. 59 sq. — Ι. έρεΰ

κυρίω: The mss. are divided between a) κυρίω (Rahlfs:) Bo Sa LaG

Aug Ga Hi L ThtP' A' 2031 [ = ( 1 ) above]. 2048 [ = ( 6 ) above].P. Oxy. 1928 [ = (3)]. Silver "bande plate", Cairo [=(21) above,Maspero p. 254]. Ruwêhah inscr. [=(23)] . = t h e masoretic text,and b) θεώ Β'R' 1219. P. Stud. Pal. XX. 294 [ = ( 7 ) above].

10 βοηθό? μου, an addition transferred from Ps. 17.3, is alsofound in D"a Tht?. P. Oxy. 1928. — Rahlfs 2031 : θεός β<ο>ηθος μου.

καΐ is added before Ιλπιω (also from Ps. 17.3) in R" L%" 1219T2031. 2048. P. Oxy. 1928.

11 /. θηρευτών. Cf. Mayser I p. 64, Moulton II p. 73.12 Ι. επισκιάσει. — σε: all other mss. σοι. But 'the verb is

found in LXX and Ν. Τ. both with the dative and the accusativecase, cf. R. Helbing, Die Kasussyntax der Verba bei den Septuaginta,Göttingen 1928, 284. — Ace. widening its field as compared tothe dat. in connection with em-compositions of verbs: Mayser II: 2,pp. 288, 298 (έπικαλεΐν, έπιπλήσσειν c. ace).

How much of the papyrus is lost remains uncertain. If the psalmwas written out to the end it would fill 22 lines in all, i. e. 11. 8—29of the papyrus; the 9 first verses would comprise 12 lines (11.8—19).But we do not know whether the psalm completed the text of theamulet, or the writer went on e.g. with the titles or first versesof the four Gospels, or the like; cf. (2), (3), (7), (10).

1 Ps. 90 in Danish magical texts, see Ohrt l. c. I p. 498.2 Prof. S. Mowinckel tells me that Ps. 90 in itself originally must have been

a liturgical text meant for the Jewish service.


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Amundsen-Christian Papyri From the Oslo Collection

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