Saint Simon and the Saint-simonism

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Saint-Simon and Saint-Simonism: A Weberian ViewAuthor(s): Robert Alun Jones and Robert M. AnservitzSource: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 80, No. 5 (Mar., 1975), pp. 1095-1123Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2777410.

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Saint-Simon nd Saint-Simonism:A Weberian ViewIRobertAlun Jones nd RobertM. AnservitzUniversityf llinois

The Weberian oncepts f charisma,ts routinization,nd the elec-tiveaffinityetween deas and interests rovide theoreticalmodelfor the analysisof the emergence f Saint-Simonism.he analysisincludesdiscussion f precharismaticonditionsn post-NapoleonicFrance, he nature f Saint-Simon'sharismaticppeal, three epa-rable efforts o "routinize" this authority, nd the relationshipbetween he material nd political nterests f French Jews andthe ideas of Saint-Simon's ew Christianity. he conclusion ug-gests that this charismatichenomenon ad two paradoxical onse-quences: Saint-Simonismid ittle oadvance he nterestsf FrenchJews, ut much to advance French ndustry nd commerce; t didmuchto preserve aint-Simon'sdeas, but only n a selective nddistorted orm.

INTRODUCTIONThe extraordinarilyevout following hichgravitated o the eccentricFrench eniusClaude-Henri e Saint-Simon1760-1825) has hardly eenignored y historical cholarship. ean Walch'sBibliographie u Saint-Simonisme1967) contains ome 1,049entries t least marginallyon-cernedwiththis phenomenon; oser (1965, pp. 99-109) has analyzedthegroup s a "political ect"; and it has been discussedn some detailby no less a sociologist nd intellectual istorian han tmile Durkheim(1958, pp. 248-82). Despite the suggestive emarks f RobertoMichels,2however,hephenomenonas yetto be analyzedn terms fMax Weber'shighlyrelevantdiscussion f "charisma," ts "routinization,"nd the"elective ffinity"etween deas and interests1947, pp. 363-73). Ourdiscussion s thereforeirected oward concise statement f Weber's1 Some of the materials ited n this essay werecollected t the Bibliothieque ationale,Paris, on research funds providedby the National Endowment for the Humanities.We are also indebtedto L. Charles Cooper for his assistance n the preparationofthis essay. The study is part of ongoing research nto the history of 19th-centurysociological theory.2 As noted by Tucker (1968, p. 738), Roberto Michels's Political Parties (1915)pointed to marked charismatic endencies n Western European socialist movementsin the late 19th century.Michels mentionsSaint-Simon briefly pp. 239, 380), andhis discussionof socialist leaders as objects of a "cult of veneration" (pp. 64-67)is certainly uggestiveof the Saint-Simonian experience, ut thereis no systematicconsideration f the group in Weberian terms.

AJS Volume 80 Number5 1095

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AmericanJournal f Sociologytheoretical ormulationith ts recentmodificationsnd extensions; de-scription f the Saint-Simonianxperiencen the ight f thisformulation;and someconcluding valuationswhich rovide uggestive,hough ardlydefinitive,ndications f the effect f such charismatic ituations ponintellectual nd social history. ur efforts twofold: o analyzefromnew perspective hatManuel (1963, p. 347) has called "one of the mostcuriousphenomena f nineteenthenturyntellectual nd social history"and to add to the growing ody of researchon the phenomenonfcharisma.

CHARISMA, ROUTINIZATION, AND ELECTIVE AFFINITYWeberdefined harisma s "a certain ualityof an individual ersonalityby virtueof whichhe is set apart from rdinarymen and treated sendowedwithsupernatural,uperhuman, r at least specificallyxcep-tional powersor qualities. These are such as are not accessibleto theordinary ersonbut are regarded s of divine originor as exemplary,and on the basis ofthem he ndividual oncerneds treated s a leader"(1947, pp. 358-59). This definitionas sufferedarying nterpretations,3primarily ecause t incorporates oth psychologicalnd sociological le-ments Friedland1964, p. 20). Weber seems to refer o an attributefcertain ndividual ersonalities; et he adds that "it is recognitionnthe part of thosesubject to authority hich s decisivefor the validityofcharisma" 1947,p. 359). While ertain ndividualsmaypossess eader-ship qualitiesthat are potentially harismatic,heir charismaremains"incipient" Friedland1964, p. 25) unlesstheirmessage s relevant ndmeaningfulogroupswithin he specificociohistoricalontext. enuinelyvalidated harismaticeadership hus emerges nly when thecharismaticpersonalitynd theconditions or ts appeal are simultaneouslyresent.Studiesof charismatic uthority,herefore, ust give attention othtoindividual harismaticttributes nd to the social and historical ondi-tions n whichpersons ossessing hem mergento eadership.Weberdiscussed onditionsnlybriefly,ndicatinghatcharisma mayinvolve a subjective r internal e-orientationof potentialfollowers]3Friedland (1964, pp. 20-21) has argued that Weber defined harisma n conflicting(psychological nd sociological) senses but that his primary mphasis s psychological.Friedland attempts o balance this stresswith his own more sociological nterpretation.The more general view is that Weber's definition s sufficientlyociological n itself.Willner nd Willner 1965, p. 79) indicatethat n Weber'sdiscussiont is not so much"what the leader is" as "how he is regarded by those subject to his authority"that is significant. ucker (1968, p. 737) argues similarly hat "to be a charismaticleader is essentiallyto be perceived as such," and there is an identical stress inBendix (1968, p. 200). The interpretationsre not mutuallyexclusive,however, andour presentdiscussiongives equal attention o individual personality nd social con-ditions.1096



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American ournal f Sociologyin history. or Weber, eligious deas "have a historicalfficacyf theirown and cannot imply e understood s a 'reflection'r even function'ofsomeunderlyingocialprocesses." harisma husrepresentshesuddeneruption f quitenewforces, ften inked o quite new deas.But Weberdoes notdenythatthoughts closelyrelatedto social context:on thecontrary, e urges hatthe survival fany dea is largely ependent ponits capacity o find socialgroup o become ts carrier. his is Weber'snotionof "elective affinity":ocial groups"elect" certain deas which"giveexpressiono their ssence nd strivings. . " (Stark1958,p. 257).These ideas provide spiritual nd ideological ustificationor the realinterests f the audience; at the same time,they survive nly as longas theypoint n directionsonsistent iththese nterestsHintze 1931,p. 232). Ideas and interestshus seek each other ut in history;n thelong run,neither an survivewithout he other.The combinationf theappropriatetyle nd messagewithpropitioussociohistoricalircumstancesroduces phenomenonhat s distinctivelycharismatic,orthe perceptual eactions ssociatedwithcharismatic ol-lowings iffern boththecognitive ndemotionalevels from eactionso"mere leadership" Willner1968, pp. 35-36).' Even a highlypopularleader mustmake fewerrors f his popularitynd support re not toevaporate;the charismaticeader is relativelymmunefrom uch con-straints, or therelationshipinvolves bdication f choiceand of judg-ment y followersnd thesurrenderfthemandate o choose and judgeto the leader." Cognitively,hisresignationmpliestotal acceptance fdescriptive,ormative,nd prescriptiveomponents f the leader's mes-sage: ". . . the eadertransmits,nd thefollowersccept,hispresentationofhimselfs their redestinedeader,hisdefinitionsf theirworld s it isand it oughtto be, and his conviction f his mission nd theirduty toreshapet."Emotionally,hecharismatic ollowings distinguishedy theresponses f"awe, devotion,everence,nd, aboveall, blindfaith" atherthanthemererespect r admirationypicalof leader-followerelation-ships in general Willner1968, pp. 6-7). Additional ttributes f thecharismatic roup nclude 1) the absence of formal ules and routineadministration;2) therejection f rational conomic onduct; (3) thedissociation f the eaderand his disciples romnormal amilial ife and

4 A similar distinctionbetween leadership and charismatic eadership is found inParsons (1947, p. 65): "His [the leader's] charismatic uality has to be 'proved' bybeing recognized as genuine by his followers.This is not, however, as Weber iscareful o point out, the ordinary ense of leadershipby 'consent'of the led, in theusual democraticmeaning. The authorityof the leader does not expressthe 'will'of the followers, ut rather heirduty or obligations."An interestingiscussion f the"ambivalent"nature of Weber'sdiscussion f recognition y followers nd the leader'sclaims and actions appears in Bendix (1968, pp. 616-29), reprintedn Bendix andRoth (1971, pp. 170-87).1098



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Saint-Simon nd Saint-Simonismties; (4) thenecessity or ontinual proofs" f andbelief n the eader'scharismaticualifications;5) a transformingnd revolutionarympact;and (6) a transitoryr intermittentature.5The last attributes particularlyignificantn the light of Weber'sdiscussion f "routinization."Weberrepeatedlytressed hat the charis-maticfoundationf anyorganizations inherentlynstable ndtemporary(Parsons1947,pp. 71-72); indeed, in itspure form harismaticuthor-itymaybe said to existonly n the process foriginating"Weber1947,p. 364). If it is not to remain purely ransitoryhenomenonut totake on thenature f a permanentelationship,hecharacter f charis-matic uthoritymustbe radically ransformed.he result s the"routin-izationof charisma" nto traditional r rational-legaluthority, itherproviding more tablebond.The impetusor motivebehind the routinizationrocess ies in thecombined deal andmaterialnterests f thefollowersn thecontinuationandcontinual eactivationf thecommunityWeber1947,p. 364). Theseinterests ecomeconspicuous pon thedisappearance f thecharismaticleader, which mmediatelyaises the crucialproblemof "succession."The way inwhich hisproblem s met,Weber rgues, s ofoverwhelmingsignificanceorthecharacter f thesubsequent elationship. e outlinessix possible olutions, hree fwhich re relevant o the Saint-Simoniancase:

1) By thedesignationn thepartof the originalharismaticeader fhisown uccessorndhis recognitionnthepartof thefollowers.hisis a very ommonorm. . . In this ase egitimacys acquired hroughthe ct ofdesignation.P. 365]2) Designationf a successory thecharismaticallyualifieddministra-tive taffnd hisrecognitiony thecommunity.n itstypical orm hisprocess hould uitedefinitelyotbe interpreteds "election" r "nomi-nation" r anythingf the sort. t is not a matter f free election,butof onewhich s strictlyound o objective uty. t is not to bedeterminederely ymajorityote, ut s a question farrivingt thecorrectesignation,hedesignationf theright ersonwho s truly n-dowedwith harisma.P. 365]3) The search or newcharismaticeader n the basisof criteria fthequalities hichwillfithim or heposition fauthority. . In thiscase the egitimacyf thenew charismaticeader s bound o certaindistinguishingharacteristics;hus, oruleswith espectowhich tradi-

5Wiliner (1968, p. 10) notes cautiously hat these attributes o not "define"charis-maticleadership, ut "assertsomething lse about it." The first hreerefer o "modesof exercise"; whethercharismatic eadership s exercised n theseways is a matterfor empirical nvestigation. he fourth pecifies conditionfor its maintenance, hefifth efers o its probableconsequences r results, nd thesixth s a logical deductionfromthe definition. similar et of additional"specifications"s providedby Bendix(1968, p. 619). The Willnerformulations cited here as holdingslightlymore rele-vance to the Saint-Simoniangroup.

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American ournal f Sociologytion rises. he results a processftraditionalizationn favor f whichthepurelyersonalharacterf eaderships eliminated.P. 364]

The goal is tomaintain heoriginal ointof referencef authority hileat the same timecoming o termswith changedconditions. he latterprocess does not necessarily estroy he charismatic lement Parsons1947,p. 67); rather, hat element ecomesdissociated rom hepersonof the individual nd embodied n an objective nstitutionaltructure.The new holdersof charismatic uthority hus exercise t at "secondremove," y virtue f an institutionallyegitimizedtatus or office.The problem f succession, owever, s not the onlydifficultyo beovercomefthe charismatichenomenons to be successfullyransformedinto a relatively ermanentelationship.Weber's discussion uggests tleast twoadditional ealmswhere erioushazardsconfronthe effortoroutinize: support" nd "organization." he problem f support esultsfromhefact hatthe "pure" charismaticituation s "specificallyoreignto economiconsiderations"Weber1947,p. 362); it despises raditionalor rational veryday conomizingnd the attainmentf regular ncomebycontinuousconomicctivity evoted o thatend.The only ources fsupportforsuchmovementsre voluntary ifts nd "booty" (Parsons1947,p. 65). Since suchmeans of support re themselvesinherentlyunstable," he character f economic rovisionmust be radically rans-formed r "regularized": For charisma o be transformednto a per-manent outinetructure,t is necessaryhat ts anti-economicharacterbe altered. t must be adapted to some form f fiscalorganization oprovide or heneedsof the group nd hence to the economic onditionsnecessary orraising axes and contributions"Weber 1947,p. 369).The third nd finalproblem n theroutinizationf charisma nvolvesthe transformationfitsorganizationaltructure. he socialrelationshipswithin heoriginal ollowingre strictly ersonal, ased on the validityand practice f charismaticualities;recruitments throughharismaticappeal; there re no distinctionsfstatusor office nd no administrativehierarchy.ike theantieconomicendencies,his spectof thecharismaticsituation s inherentlynstable.To make a permanentelationship os-sible, t is necessary o establish pecific orms overningntrynto thegroup nd to regularize hestatusof the membersf theadministrativestaff. heserequirementsntail pecific rainingnd tests feligibilityornewmembersnd thedevelopmentf a hierarchyf officesr traditional-ized statuseswith benefices r fiefs s theirmode of support Parsons1947, p. 67). A definite rder s thus ntroducednto theorganizationfthe administrativetaff,withthe legitimationf positions f authorityand rewardsof social prestigefor theiroccupants Weber 1947, pp.370-71). Such transformationsftenwitness competitivetruggle orthevaluedadministrativeositions Parsons 1947,p. 67).

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Saint-Simonnd Saint-SimonismSAINT-SIMON AND SAINT-SIMONISMPrecharismatic onditionsThe situationn Paris immediatelyfter he Restorationf 1815 clearlyapproximatedeveral f the "precharismaticonditions" iscussed bove:institutionalailure, sychologicalnsecurity,ignificanteprivationsorsome strata of the society, nd intellectual eorientation.he last ofthese tookthe specific orms f the awakening f French ntellect fterthe removal f Napoleonic estraintsnd the secularizationf traditionalbeliefs. acquesDroz (1967, pp. 37, 39) says of bourgeois rance at thispoint in time that "moneyassigned a place to the individual nsidethe bourgeoisiend in relation o it" and that "everyonewas trying oclimbthe social ladder."The developmentf an urbanmiddle lass wasaccompanied y an intellectual ebirth: For all French thinkers,hefall of theEmpire seemed ike a deliverance f the mind, chancetoreforge he chain of intellectual rogressbroken by the Revolution"(Sauvigny 1966, p. 328). Lamartinenoted (1851, p. 497) that "thisepochwas an awakeningf thehumanmind," nd Guizothimself ecalledthisperiod s one when"the humanmind . . regainedts free nd un-restrainedctivity" Sauvigny1966, p. 328).

According o Lewis Coser (1965, p. 101), however, ost-NapoleonicFrance could also be depicted s a "moralvacuum."His descriptionsstrongly uggestive f the "anomie" ndicatedby Parsonsas conduciveto charismaticttachments:Young men born too late to participate n the excitingdays of theRevolution nd Napoleon felt, mid the acquisitivefervor f bourgeoissociety, uddenlyfreeof traditional estraints,s if all guidingmoralvalueshadbeen shattered,ll idealssmashed, ll purposes endered ense-less.The Revolution ad destroyedhosebonds ofsentimentnddevotion

thathad survived hecorruptionnd corrosion f theancienre'gimne.hecounterrevolutionad disintegratedhe fraternityornof revolutionaryardor.The world eemeddevoid of generous motion, f fraternal onds,of ideas or ideals worthy f devotion.Alfred e Mussetexpressedt well:"Alas Alas Religion is vanishing. . . . We no longer have either hopeor expectations,ot even two ittlepiecesof blackwood in a crossbeforewhich to wringour hands. . . . Everythingthat was is no more. All thatwill be is notyet "This picture f the "latent onditions" revailingmmediatelyefore heemergencefthe Saint-Simonianect,however,mustbe supplementedya considerationf thespecialneeds and "perceptive eactions" f thoseindividuals ho wereto become aint-Simon's ollowers.hree character-istics immediately ppear potentially ignificantor understandingheattachment of these followers to Saint-Simon. First, theywere generallyyoung men: ... . hardly one of them was more than thirty-five years old

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AmericanJournal f Sociologyat the time of Saint-Simon's eath," and theiryouthful dealism wasreadily eceptive o the visionof a future ocietywhere rder nd plan-ningwould replace the "disorder f the day" (Coser 1965, pp. 102-3).Second,an extraordinaryumberwere trained n the naturalsciences,primarily t theEcole PolytechniqueCoser 1965, p. 103; Pinet 1894,pp. 73-96). After he Revolution, aint-Simon ad "steepedhimselfnthe best deas availableby invitingeading hinkers-especially olytech-nique professors-to umptuous inners t his home.Without bsorbingthe fullcontent f the newsciences, aint-Simonaptured he essenceofa scientific piritwhich he elaborated n the style of a prophetforthe restof his ife" (Clark 1973,p. 99). Saint-Simon'sropheticlabora-tionof thisscientificpiritwas understandablyttractive o subsequentstudents t the Ecole Polytechnique.n evaluating he influence f theEcole uponSaint-Simonism,inet (1894, p. 73) summarized: . . . ellelui a fourni on grandpontife, es principauxpotres, a plupartde sesmissionnaires."The third and most striking spect of the Saint-Simonianect wasundoubtedlyts disproportionatelyewish haracter.Manuel (1963, p.344) statesthatSaint-Simon'sisciples were youngJewish ntellectuals,sons of assimilated aris bankingfamilies nd leadersof the religiouscommunity.aint Simonfounded heNew Christianityn associationwiththese Jewishneophytes." ilvera (1966, pp. 6-7) concurs, tating hat"the firstband of disciples who gathered round the masterof theutopian crusade was made up almost entirely f Jews, ons of partly-assimilated nd well-to-do ankingfamilies. . ." Szajkowski 1947, p.37) more cautiouslynotes that "the number f active and prominentJewish aint-Simonianst no timeexceeds dozen," but adds that onemust "bear in mindthat the Saint-Simonians ere, n general, smallsect and that it was precisely he few Jewishmemberswho play themajorpart n thepractical ealization f Saint-Simonianeachings." hisinvolvementf Jews n theSaint-Simonianect was apparently ot theresultof any special concern aint-Simon elt for theJudaic tradition.There s a brief eferenceo Jews n the New Christianity hichmightbe interpreteds what Willner alls "allusionto myth nd history," utsuchreferencesre veryrare and open to differingnterpretations.6he

6 Silberner 1950, pp. 375-76) notes that there are only two other passages in all ofSaint-Simnon's ork which make specificreference o Jews, and adds that they"donot . . . containenoughinformation o permitus to determine is attitude towardthe Jews. They indicate, perhaps, a certaingood-will toward them. At all events,they do not appear to show any hostilityor contempt."The firstpassage, from"De l'organisation ociale" (Saint-Simonand Enfantin, 9:160-61), says of the Jewsthat "driven out of theircountry, heyhave been homelessand persecutedwithoutever renouncing he hope of witnessing he comingof the time when all men willtreateach other as brothers." he second passage,from Naissance du Christianisme"1102



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Saint-Simon nd Saint-Simonismexplanation or the appeal mustthereforee sought n the specialcon-ditionswhich acedJews npost-Napoleonicrance ndinthecharismaticimagewhich aint-Simon resented, ith egard o both tyle ndcontentof message.The conditions how some similarityo the moregeneral ituation e-scribed arlier.Jewswere certainly eeply nvolved n therapidgrowthof the French ourgeois conomy.zajkowski 1947, pp. 37-38) suggeststhatafter he "emancipating"nfluence f the Revolution renchJewswere particularlyitted or he role of pioneers f industrynd finance,"a judgmentn whichHobsbawm 1962, p. 197) concurs: The situationof the Jews made them exceptionally eady to assimilate o bourgeoissociety. hey were a minority. hey were overwhelminglyrban, o thepoint of being argely mmunized gainst the diseasesof urbanization.In the cities their owermortalitynd morbidity ate was alreadynotedby the statisticians. hey wereoverwhelminglyiterate nd outside gri-culture.A very arge proportion f themwere already n commerce rtheprofessions." his developmentf a bourgeois ewish ocietywas notlimited o commercial ctivities, or "more striking hanJewishwealthwas the flowering f Jewishtalentin the seculararts, sciences, ndprofessions"ibid., p. 196).

The drivefor ssimilation as accompanied y the ncreasing ecular-ization of traditional eliefs.The Saint-Simonian eon Halevy,for ex-ample,feeling hat the new iberties uaranteed y theNapoleonic odescalled for total re-evaluationf traditional udaism," ought o modifyan "obsoletereligious rthodoxy o longer dapted to the conditions fmodern ociety" Silvera 1966, p. 2). Progress hus required eculariza-tion: ". . . with a number f otherJewish ollowers f that strangelyseductive ocial theorist, alevy expressed he convictionhat religiousorthodoxy as a hindrance o progress nd simply nostalgic elic of apast thatwas long incedead" (Marrus 1971,pp. 89-90). Manuel (1963,p. 345) adds,"TraditionalJudaism ad ceased to have spiritualmeaningforthem.The Jewish eligions practiced n Paris had been reformed,'watered down to a fewholiday observances nd the acceptanceof amorality hat was vaguelytheist."The road to assimilation, owever,did notinclude he necessity f conversion; ather, t required ompleteacceptance f one's Frenchnationality nd the adoptionof the Frenchlanguage nd customs.7(ibid., 19:177-78), refers o "Ce peuple, sombre,concentre, evore, de IsicI orgeuil."Szajkowski (1947, p. 34) interprets his passage differentlyromSilberner, tatingthat "Saint-Simon had never studied Jewish problems, lthough this did not deterhim from having an unfavorable opinion of the Jews."7 Marrus (1971, pp. 61-62) argues that ". . . despite the repugnancewhich manyFrench Jews felt toward traditionalritual and the details of Jewish worship, rela-tively few took the finalstep of renouncing heirreligion nd converting o Chris-

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American ournal f SociologyThe BourbonRestorationmarked a rude shock for these rising,assimilationist-mindedews, fact suggestive f Willner's precipitantconditions" orcharismaticmovements. he slow amalgamationf oldaristocracynd newbourgeoisie,arefully urtured nderNapoleon,wasquicklystilled through he reimpositionf rankdiscriminations.n anefforto reaffirmnternal ecurity,ouis XVIII also instituted purgeof liberalfactions rom headministration,heAcademieFrancaise, ndthearmy,whichnevitably ookwith t manyrecently mancipated ews(Brogan 1957,p. 17). But the policymostdamaging o theFrenchJewwas the slow,deliberate approchementf Church nd State, forthiseventuallyed to the reimposition f Catholicauthority ver Frenchhigher ducation.According o Sauvigny 1966, p. 317), it was onlythedifficultyfreplacing heuniversitytaff rom opto bottomwhichpre-ventedthe rightist oyalistsfrom urging heuniversitiesn 1815. By1821, thebishopshad won control f secondary ducation nd the re-actionaryMsgr.Frayssinous ad becomeGrandMasteroftheUniversity(Gagnon 1964,pp. 107-8). With he ubsequentstablishmentfCatholicreligious ests,manyJewish ntellectuals ere eitherfired r expelled,marking n abruptend to theirpromising ourgeois areers (Manuel1963,p. 344). The worldof the liberalprofessions hus deniedthem,manyJewsreturned o finance nd commerce, ut the experiencemusthavebeen devastating: The return o the stockexchangemaderestlessmalcontentsf theyoungJews eforewhomnewhorizons ad been spreadunderNapoleon. . . They were confusednd bewildered y the recru-descence f a religiousntoleranceromwhichtheyhad believedthem-selves secure" (Manuel 1963, p. 345). The situationof Halevy thusappears typical: "What drewhim to Saint-Simonwas a yearning orsomemoral bsolute: a yearning hichhe sharedwithmanyotheryoungJewsof his age, who, deniedthe opportunityf participatingn theintellectualifeoftheir ime, ound suitable utletfor heir rustrationsas well as a fitting ubstitute ortheirtraditional eliefs n the NewChristianityropoundedy Saint-Simon"Silvera1966, pp. 6-7). Saint-Simon'sbiographer as arrived t an almost dentical onclusion:

Theyyearned or religiousystem, unity femotivendrationalistmoral alueswhich ouldbe embraced ith evotion.mall tockbrokerstianity."Since mostof France itselfwas moving n a seculardirection, mancipationrequirednot baptismbut the transcendencef formalreligiousbeliefsaltogether. nparticular, t meant embracing one's French nationality and serving the country.Halevy is thus quoted as follows: "Frenchmenby country nd by institutions,t isnecessary hat all [FrenchJews] become so by customs nd language. t is necessary,in a word, that for them the name of Jew become accessoryand the name ofFrenchmanprincipal" in Marrus 1971,p. 90). Heer (1967, p. 151) agreesthat afterthe revolution, he road to Jewishemancipationwas "to become, to be, to appearto be a good Frenchman."1104



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Saint-Simonnd Saint-Simonismin thetwenties,heyfelt revulsion or a life wasteduponthepettypursuitfpersonalain.Thoughhe ncestors,oo,had beenmerchantsandmoneylenders,hey adsufferedo spiritualrisis ecause hey adhad an absolute eligiousaith nd a familymoralityhich ompletelyfilled heir motionaleeds.From hisfaith heyoung ewshad beenset adrift. utcastsnCatholic rance f theRestoration,hey elongedto neither orld. heir oulswere mpty, ntil hedoctrinef Saint-Simon ameto fillthevoid. n themeetingf Saint-Simon ith heyoung ewishntellectualsperfectymbioticelationshipasestablished.[Manuel 963, . 345]

Saint-Simon s Charismatic eaderThe discussionfconditionsmustbe balancedby a considerationfSaint-Simon's harismaticppeal. Untilquite ate in his life,he remainednlyan "incipient" harismaticFriedland1964,p. 25), for,whilehe clearlyconceived fhimself s a prophet nd possessed omeextraordinaryer-sonalqualities,hismessagewas notvalidated n the senseof beingrele-vant and nmeaningfulo any specific ociohistoricalroups.From themomentf his releasefrom British risonn 1783,"he began to regardhimselfs a kindofMessiah" (Gide and Rist 1913, p. 202). His servantwas instructedo awake him achmorning ith hewords:"Arise,Count,you have greatdeeds to performoday" (Manuel 1963,p. 13). In anearly letter o his nephewVictor,he claimed that it was his ancestorCharlemagne hohad entrusted imwithhismessage, nd in Memoiresur a gravitation,e speaks as the ncarnationfSocrates Dondo 1955,p. 184). Sauvigny 1966, p. 351) refers o his "magnetic ersonality,"and Markham Saint-Simon 964, p. xviii) arguesthathis "intellectualpretensionserged n megalomania." espite his eccentric laims,how-ever,Saint-Simonttracted o perceivable ollowingntilthe years m-mediately fter heBourbonRestoration.The earliest iscipleswererecruitedn thebasisofpersonal harismaticappeal. OlindeRodrigues, he sonof a prosperous ewish anker,was anoutstandingtudent nmathematicst theEcole NormaleSuperieurendlater a tutor t the College Napoleon.After he Restoration, owever,he was refused position t theEcole Normalebecausehe was Jewish(UniversalJewish ncyclopedia).Resignedly, e acquireda position ttheCaisseHypothecaire,here e eventuallyecameoneofthedirectors.At thehomeof a bankernamedArdoin,he met Saint-Simonnd was"immediatelyaptivated y this mostcuriousman'" (Manuel 1963, p.344). Rodrigues'syounger rother ugene,a brilliant tudent t theUniversityf Paris,was recruiteds well, and soonbecameone of themostardentfollowersBooth 1871,pp. 113-14).LeonHalevy, friendf theRodrigues amily, adbeen a prize tudentat theLyceeCharlemagnend lateran instructorn rhetoric nd trans-

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American ournal f Sociologylatorof Horace.The Catholicreligious estsprevented imfrom nteringthe Ecole Normale, nd it was only after he July Revolution f 1830thathe was able to resume is academic areer t theEcole Polytechnique(Silvera 1966, p. 5). When Rodriguesntroduced im to Saint-Simonn1820, "the conversionwas immediate,he impact far-reaching"ibid.p. 7). The elderRodrigues ndHalevybecamethe early ore of the sect:Halevybecame hemaster's ecretary,nd bothmetwithhimfor n houreach evening uring he ast yearsofhis life Dondo 1955,p. 185). Theapartments f Rodrigues nd Halevybecame the literary alons wherenew discipleswererecruitedSzajkowski1947, p. 36).Emile and Isaac Pereire were cousins of the Rodrigueses nd wereliving n theirhoinewhen Saint-Simon ave the first ublicreading fthe New Christianity.hey were thenrecruited hrough iscussionswiththeir cousins and through heir nvolvements students t the EcolePolytechnique. hey were soon joinedby Baron Gustave d'Eichthal,Bavarian Jew whosefamily ame was Seligmann. ther, ess prominentJewish isciples ncludedFelicienDavid, M6ise Retouret, ierreLeroux,JulesCarvallo, ndAdolpheGueroult.Saint-Simon's ersonal tyle of leadership ndoubtedlyxplains omeof the attraction e held for these Jewishdisciples.But the evidencestrongly uggests hat the ideational ontent f his message especiallythe New Christianity-must e givenprimary ttention, fact whichcorroborateserger's tress n the Weberiannotion f "elective ffinity."Before1815,Saint-Simon'siscussionf religiousmatters ad been scarceandgenerally uitenegative.8 e had engagedn frequentttacks n theidea of God and regarded he Churchprimarily s a regulatorynstitu-tion.There s a passingreferencen his 1814 plan forEuropeanreorga-nization hat suggests eligious olerance, ut only with the acceptanceof commonmoral principles y all creeds; and while the attacks uponthe Churchweremutedfrom henuntil 1817, the cause was most ikelySaint-Simon's ecognitionf the nexpedientualityof atheism nder henewlyrestored ourbons Manuel 1963,p. 348).The appearance f L'industrien 1817thusushered n a new phase inSaint-Simon'shought. he callherewas for new terrestrialnd positive

8 Durkheim (1958, p. 223) argues that there "is no doubt that religiouspreoccupa-tions were very ntense n Saint-Simon n all periods of his intellectual evelopment."At the same time,Durkheim p. 225) grantsthat "there s . . . a differenceetweenthe early and later formsof this system. n the former, he scientific haracter ofhis doctrine s predominant, he religiouscharacterquite obliterated,whereas begin-ning with the Systeme ndustriel, nd especially n the Nouveau Christianismie,heidea of God-until then somewhateclipsed by the idea of law-comes into the fore-ground." Manuel (1963, p. 353) assertsmore strongly hat there s a "chasmbetweenthe two careers"; hence he judges Olinde Rodrigues's ntroduction o theNew Chris-tianity, ntendedas a bridge betweenthe two phases of Saint-Simon's thought, obe a failure.1106



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Saint-Simonnd Saint-Simonismmorality or ndustrialociety, nd,while t was notspecificallyeferredto as a "religion,"tssubstancewas not fardifferentrom hePhysicismof theEmpire Manuel 1963,p. 349). The other-worldlyoralityf theCatholic hurch,ccording o Saint-Simon, ad renderedt useless n thecoming age; its philosophers' isdain forproductive ctivitywas in-compatiblewith ndustrialism.pposing n abruptbreak from ne sys-temof belief o another, owever,aint-Simonecommendedhe gradualtransitionrom atholicismo "a unified et ofgenerallycceptedmoralprinciples"Manuel 1963, p. 349).By 1821,Saint-Simon ad cometo realize thefutility fopposing heChurch nder henewregime, nd he thusadopted new tactic. n Dusystemendustriel, e presented is viewsnot as an attackon religion,but as theonly trueChristianity.9is theory f history s progressivechange throughrganic nd critical pochsremained ntact, xceptthatnow they wereviewed as stages n the growth f Christianity;n thecurrent tage,Saint-Simonsserted, newspiritual owerwould emerge.Education ndpublic nstructionouldbe entrustedo scientists,ocatedin the academiesthroughouturope. Withthe "pure morality" f theNew Testament s a foundation,ducation n all fieldswould be pushedas faras possible towardpositiveknowledge. amenting he "egotism"of thepresent ge, Saint-Simon lso extolled he virtues f the philan-thropist,n whom he founda parallel to the early Christian athers.Saint-Simon'sarlierhedonistic iewofmotivation ave wayto theposi-tionthatmorality nd brotherlyovewere theguiding orces n history.Using thewords newChristianity"orthefirst ime, aint-Simonle-vatedhis ownreligiousystemvertheexisting,eretical hurch Manuel1963,pp. 349-53).These views receivedtheir full and final expression n the NewChristianity,ublished hortly efore aint-Simon'seath n 1825.10 hemoral ontent f Christianity,ith ts rulethat all men should oveoneanother s brothers, as now emphasized bove all else. Saint-Simon'smonistic thics sserted hatthiswas the singleprinciple n whichtheChristian eligion ested, or"it would be blasphemy o assert that theAlmighty as foundedHis religion n a number fprinciples" 1964, p.83). Furthermore,aint-Simon bandonedhis previoushistorical elativ-

9As Manuel notes (1963, p. 349), Saint-Simon's tratagemwas to be repeated: "Thetactic was destined to have a long historyamong utopians and revolutionaries nmoderntimes,fromCabet's 'Le communisme 'est le vrai Christianisme' o recentidenticalslogans paraded by world communism n Catholic countries."10As Saint-Simon'sprefacedeclares 1964, p. 81), the essay was originally o appearlater as a contribution o the second volume of Opinions itteraires,hilosophiques tindustrielles, collaborative ublication. aint-Simon dds,however, hat "the quiestiondealt with here is so important n itself, nd so bound up with presentpoliticalconditions hat it has been decided to publish it separatelyand at once."

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American ournal f Sociologyism by urginghat hismoralprinciple as timeless; nlythe appropriateapplication f thad variedhistorically.y the15th entury, or xample,the primitive orm f ts application ad become utmoded. he Catholicchurch, owever, ad not onlyfrozen ll changes n the expressionf theprinciple ut opposed any practical pplications-that s, it had donenothing or the poorest lass, contrary o "the sole aim of Christianity"(p. 97). The Inquisition, he Societyof Jesus, hepromulgationf the"divineright" f kings, he restrictionf education o nonscientificub-jects all were ttacked s inutter ppositiono the true pirit f Christ'steachings.uther's ffortst reformationeregreetedwith lmost qualdisdain, particularly is effortso revive antiquated Christiandogma.From the veryoutset of the essay, therefore,aint-Simon rgedthat"criticismsf Catholicism, rotestantism,nd otherChristian ects, areindispensable,ince t is evident hat none of these ectshas fulfilledheviewsof the founderf Christianity"p. 82). Saint-Simon enied,how-ever,thatthe Christian eligionwas in a "parlouscondition" p. 84).There weremany good Christians,ut theywere all among the laity;when the European clergy acrificedts hereticalnotions nd acceptedtheuniversalmoralprinciple, hristianity ouldbecome he one and onlyreligion. aint-Simon'snitarymoralrule thus eads directly o thedisap-pearanceof all religious ifferences.Saint-Simonlso urged hat he appropriatepplication f thisprinciplecouldonlybe to"promote s quickly nd completelys possible hemoraland physicalwelfare f themostnumerous lass" (p. 83). But he stilladhered o his earliernotion f an "aristocracyf talent"composed ftheelite segmentsf industry,usiness,cience, nd the arts.This groupwas to supervise he amelioration f social conditionsccording o thephilanthropicmotivations aint-Simon ad outlinedfour years earlier.Entrepreneurialctivitywas thushighly avored n the "true" Christian-ity.Finally,Saint-Simonmade a briefbut quite direct allusion to mythand history" y invoking ewish xpectations f the MessianicEra andat least mplyinghathe was theMessiah:

The chosenpeople of God,which eceived evelation efore he appear-ance of Jesus, hepeoplewhichhas spread mostwidelyover the wholeworld,has alwaysfeltthat the Christian eligion, ounded y theFathersof the Church,was incomplete. his people has always maintained hata great age will arrive, o which they have giventhe name Messianic,as theage when thereligious octrinewill be set forth n themost uni-versal terms f which t is capable, when t will govern heactionsbothof the temporal nd of the spiritual ower, nd everyhuman race willhave the same religion nd the same organization.In short, have a clear dea of the new Christian octrine, nd I shallproceedto expound t . . . [P. 86]

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Saint-Simon nd Saint-SimonismThe firstineof the astparagraph f the NewChristianityeadssimply:"Hearken o thevoice of God which peaksthroughme" (p. 116).The conditionswhichprevailed hroughoutrance in the early 19thcenturywereundoubtedlyonduciveto the appearance of manynewreligiousdeas.1' But theparticulardeas of the New Christianitylearlyheld an "affinity"or thespecial conditionswhichprevailedforFrenchJewsafter the Restoration. irst,Saint-Simon'smonistic thics, n as-serting heexistence f a singlemoralprinciple nderwhich ll religiousdifferencesouldbecome ubmerged,uggested heeventual isappearanceofreligious iscrimination.he suggestionhatChristianityouldbecometheone and only religionwas no threat o individualswhosereligiousorthodoxy ad beensurrenderedo theirdesireforassimilation.econd,Saint-Simon's ttack upon the anachronistic ducational restrictionwrought y the Catholic hurchppealed to thosewhose areers ad beensuddenlybortedby thereimpositionf the religious ests.Third,Saint-Simon ontinued oregard scientificallyrained lite s thekey to socialprogress, viewwhich ppealed to bothstudents nd professorst theEcole Polytechnique.ourth, aint-Simon'secularmoralitytressed hatindustrial nd commercialctivitywas not onlyacceptablebut one ofthehighestmoralcallings.Such an idea foundwilling istenersmongFrenchJewsforwhom uchendeavors ad beensimultaneouslyheroadto higher tatus and the focus of anti-Semitism.inally,and perhapsmostsignificantly,aint-Simon imself mbodiedJewishhopes forthecoming f the MessianicEra, hopes thatwereunderstandablyt theirheight nder hepressure f theBourbon eaction f the1820s.This affinityetween he interests f FrenchJews and the ideas ofSaint-Simon, ogetherwithSaint-Simon's articular iftsof leadership,clearly reated charismaticelationshipather hanone involvingmereleadership. hereexisted recisely heprocess f interactionescribed yWillner 1968, p. 7) in which, n the"cognitive"evel, a leadertrans-mitted escriptive, ormative,nd prescriptive essageswhichwereac-ceptedby his audience. On the "emotional" evel the same distinctionholds-the orientationf theJewish aint-Simoniansoward heirmaster(bothbefore nd after isdeath) was consistentlyne of"awe,devotion,reverence,nd, above all, blind faith," ather hanmererespect r ad-miration. ut, as noted by Willner 1968, p. 10), the "transitory"r

11 Dondo (1955, pp. 181-82) points out that interestn such ideas was increased bythe appearance of the first wo volumes of Lamennais's Essai sur l'indifferencenmatMrede religion.Joseph de Maistre (1797), for example,responded: "It seemsto me that every true philosophermust choose between these two hypotheses,that either new religion s to be foundedor Christianitymustbe restored n someextraordinaryway" (p. 84). Similarly,Chateaubriandremarked:"The degeneratedworld calls for a new promulgation f the Gospel; a new Christianity s to come"(see Brunet 1925, p. 102).1109



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AmericanJournal f Sociology"intermittent"haracterf thecharismaticelationships a logicaldeduc-tionfrom ts definition,ndWeberhimself 1947,p. 364) suggested hat"in itspureform harismaticuthoritymay be said to existonly n theprocessof originating."f Saint-Simonism as to becomea permanentphenomenon,herefore,ts character ad to be radically ransformedr"routinized"ntosomemore table socialbond.Attempts t Routinization: he Problem f SuccessionThe discussion f thesocioeconomicituation f FrenchJews, s wellasthe content f the New Christianity,tronglyuggests hat the Saint-Simonians ad sufficientdeal and materialnterestsn the "continuationand continual eactivation f the community"Weber 1947, p. 364).Furthermore,hese nterests ecameconspicuouswith thedisappearance(i.e., death) ofthe personal harismaticeader n 1825, for t raised thecrucialproblem f "succession."The Saint-Simoniansttempted t leastthreeways of meeting his problem, ach of whichheld importanceninfluencinghenature f theauthorityelationship.The first ttemptbelonged to what Weber calls "a very commonform": "the designationn the part of the original harismaticeaderofhisownsuccessor ndhisrecognitionn the partofthe followers"p.365). On his deathbed, aint-Simon esignatedOlindeRodrigues s his"spiritual heir and successor" (Universal JewishEncyclopedia) andasked him to carryout the mission f the New Christianity.odriguesfaithfullyecorded he ast words fthemaster12nd promised opublishwhatremained f Saint-Simon'smanuscriptsBiographieuniverselle, .288).The difficultiesf the ate 1820s,however, ffected gradual attritionofRodrigues's ower,whichwas based uponpersonaldesignationnsteadofanycharismaticualities f eadership f his own. n a sense, hegroupmoved toward second solution o theproblem f succession,n whichthe uccessors designatedy thegroup r"staff"tself nd hisacceptanceand recognitionre dependentupon his being "truly endowedwithcharisma"Weber 1947,p. 365). Two non-Jewishutclearly harismaticindividuals-Prosper nfantin nd Saint-Amand azard-thus graduallyreplacedRodrigues. he transition as completedwhen Rodrigues or-mally cquiesced n 1829,although e continued o play an activerole nthecultthereafterBiographie niverselle,. 288).12 Saint-Simon's ast wordswere: "The fruit s ripe; you can gather t. My last work,the New Christianity,will not be immediatelyunderstood. It has been thoughtthateveryreligious ystem ught to disappear becausemen have succeeded n provingthe weakness and insufficiencyf Catholicism.People are deceived in this. Religioncannotdisappear fromthis world; it can only change" (Dondo 1955, p. 188).1110



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Saint-Simonnd Saint-SimonismEnfantinwas the son of a bankerwho had losthisfortunen theearlyyears f theEmpire.He attended heEcole Polytechniqueut was forced

to leave in June 1814 because of his family's inancial ifficulties.ftera briefmilitary areer,he entered anking nd became nvolved n thesame financial-intellectualircle of which Rodrigueswas a member.Atthe age of 29 he attended he first eading f Saint-Simon's ew Chris-tianity nd was introduced o the master y Rodrigues.He was "so im-pressedby Saint-Simon's eligious hilosophy hat he resolved o devotehis life to bring bout ts complete ulfillment"Dondo 1955, p. 198).Bazard, fiveyears older,was a republican edicated o the overthrowof themonarchy.n 1820, he was one of the primary ounders f theFrenchbranch f the Carbonari, n activitywhichnearly ost him hislife. Shortly hereafter,he movementwas dissolvedand Bazard wasforced oconcealhis identity or everalyears.As Booth 1871, pp. 104)suggests, It was during he discouragementhat followed hat he hap-penedto meetwith hework f Saint-Simon.t was then hathe resolvedto devotehis energies o the peacefulreorganizationf society, nsteadof to its violent ubversion."The two leaders, who jointly ruled over the Saint-SimoniansfterRodrigues's oss of power,were of totallydissimilar haracters Booth1871, pp. 103-5; Dondo 1955, p. 205). Bazard is depicted s a realist,experiencedn politics and aware of the dangersof applying bstractprinciples n real situations,while Enfantinwas more maginative ndemotional.Booth (1871, pp. 104-5) summarizes: The mindof En-fantinwas essentially peculative,while that of Bazard was practical;thebusiness f the one was to originate heories, hat of the other toadapt themto practice; the first ommunicatedhe impulse, he othermoderatedt by prudence."Such a union of dissimilar emperamentswas no small dvantage o the early ult,which ought o wed the ration-alistvirtues f business nd science o the romaniticonging orMessianicsalvation.The relationship oon degenerated, owever, nto the "com-petitive truggle or the valued administrativeosition" describedbyParsons 1947, p. 67).The immediate ause of contention etween nfantin nd Bazard wastheposition f womenwithin he cult. Enfantin rgued that flesh ndspirit,mind nd matter, eason nd sentiment ere all equally providedby God and should be treated s holy. Judgments erived olely fromsentiment, herefore, ightbe perfectly alid and were considered fequal authorityo thoseprovided y reason.The view ed to a significantapplication:"It appears that M. Enfaiitinhad arrived t the opinion,founded o doubtupon sentiment,hatthe materialmanifestationf Godwas under female s well as a male form" Booth 1871,p. 110). SinceGod was androgynous, omanhad to be the equal of man and possess

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American ournal f Sociologythe same privilegesnd authority. his reasoninged Enfantin, s wellasa number fother aint-Simonians,o some rather adical deas on love,marriage, nd traditionalmorality.The issuecame to a head whenM. Dupin, n the Chambre es deputes,charged the Saint-Simonians ith advocatingpromiscuousntercourse.Anexactdeclarationftheir osition, epresentingherelativelymoderateviewsof Bazard,was quickly ublished s a defense:

They [theSaint-Simonians]emand hatone man be united o onewoman, utthey each hatthewife hould ecome heequal of herhusband,ndbe associated ith im nthe xercisefthe riple unctionofthe emple,heState, ndthefamily; o that he"social ndividual,"which as hithertoeentheman alone,mayhenceforwarde composedof manand woman. he Saint-Simonianeligion roposes nly o ter-minate he hamefulraffic,he egalprostitution,hich, nder henameof marriage ow so frequentlyanctifies monstrousnionbetweendevotionnd egotism,ducationnd ignorance,outh nd decrepitude.[Saint-SimonndEnfantin865-78, :124]This document,riticizingmarriage s practicedbut defending he in-violability f the union tself, id not go farenoughfor Enfantin,whodenied nyuniversal bligationsf fidelitynd felt hatthetemperamentsof the ndividualsnvolved houldbe the guide to proper exual conduct(Booth 1871,p. 134). The controversy,hichhad originally een purelyspeculative, ecamenothing ess than a struggle or supremacy etweenEnfantin nd Bazard, each of whom laimed o be the proper nterpreterof and spokesman orSaint-Simon.13The situation hus exemplifies eber's (1947, p. 370) description froutinizationn general: "As a rule, theprocessof routinizations notfreeof conflict.n the early stages,personal laims on the charisma fthe chief re not easily forgotten. . ." The issue was understandablysettled n favor f theindividualmost"truly ndowedwithcharisma,'5forthis resolutionffered he greatest romisefor the continuation fthe charismatic ond. The correct hoice was clearly Enfantin,whosecharismaticppeal (while partially erivedfrom aint-Simon) ften p-pearsto surpass hat of themasterhimself.14ooth (1871, pp. 135-36)13Actually,as notedbyDondo (1955,p. 205), "Saint-Simon as no guide n thismatter,incehe had madeno mentionf women's art n the futureociety. heonlyreferenceo womenn hiswritingsas to be foundnLettres 'unhabitanteGeneve 1803]: 'Women houldbe permittedo subscribend also they ould benamed o positions."'14 Booth (1871) cites everal emarksy Saint-Simonianshich uggesthe extentof this ppeal. For example, 'Eichthal: I believen God . . . I believe n Saint-Simon, nd I believethatSaint-Simons in you" (p. 146); Barrault: Father,you are theMessiahof God and the kingof nations" p. 147); and RaymondBonheur: Father, believe n you as I believe n the sun. You are to my eyesthe sun ofhumanity; ouwarm t withyour ove, the ivingmageof the nfinite1112



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Saint-Simon nd Saint-Simonismthus ndicates hat"although erymanyof the members isagreed romthe atter Enfantin], heywerenotthe ess determinedo retainhimastheir eader." It was finally ecided that Enfantinwould be declaredPereSupreme f thefaith nd that Bazard and Rodrigueswouldoccupypositions f equal dignitymmediatelyelow him. Bazard at first c-cepted his ituation, ut late in 1831he withdrewermanentlyrom hecult. He was followed y the Pereires nd several otherprominent is-ciples,whileOlindeRodrigues,who had defended nfantin s "l'hommele plusmoralde mon temps" Booth 1871,p. 135), remained. he fol-lowingyear, as Enfantin's iews on the familybecame still moreex-treme,15Rodrigues lso withdrewnd proclaimed imself o be thetruerepresentativefSaint-Simon,lthough e attracted o following hatso-ever.The problem fsuccessionwas at leastmomentarilyesolved,herefore,in favor of Enfantin,whoseauthority ver the brotherhood as nowabsolute. The original ffort ad been to "routinize" he charismaofSaint-Simonn a mannerdescribedby Parsons (1947, p. 67)-to dis-sociatethecharismaticlement rom heperson f Saint-Simonndplaceit within n objective nstitutionaltructure,o thatRodrigues, azard,or Enfantinmight xercise t "at second remove."Gradually, owever,the authority elationship ecame dependent pon Enfantin'spersonalcharismaticualities:"At first e was but thesuccessor o Saint-Simon,butafter while hemaster aled before he ncreasingrightnessf thedisciple, nd Saint-Simon windlednto a Johnthe Baptist,whileEn-fantintoodforth s thecentral iguren thepicture,he upreme rophetof thenew faith" Booth 1871, p. 145). Booth's (p. 175) descriptionfthe extent fEnfantin's uthorityhuscoincideswithWillner's efinitionof charisma:"Enfantinn factexercised power that has rarelybeenrivaled; he unitedtheauthority f priestto that of legislator; nd theinfluencef his character or time ubduedeven the faintestmurmurofopposition.t is almost ncredible,utyetcanhardly e disputed,hathis disciplesregarded imwith a superstitiouswe; theyseem to have

love of God" (p. 149). Dictionnairede BiographieFranSaise also suggests hat thisappeal overshadowedBazard even before the schism: "Mais, en raison de l'attraitqu'il exerait sur les jeunes, Enfantinpossedait une autoritebeaucoup plus grandeque Bazard" (12:1284).15 Accordingto Booth (1871, pp. 155-56), Enfantinnow argued that "the womanonly should be requiredto decide as to the paternity f a child; he contemplateda state of society in which no man would be able to form any opinion upon sodifficult subject. . . . It may be fairly nferredfromthis that the husband, ifsuch a word is applicable,will have no rightto exact fidelityfromhis partner;and, to remove the embarrassmenthat would naturally rise from uch a state ofaffairs, he child was to be separated from ts parentsas soon afterbirthas waspracticable, nd become from that moment charge to the state."

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American ournal f Sociologyaccepted im s a messengerf heaven-a being ndowedwith xceptionalattributes,nd towhom twas necessary o yield mplicit bedience."At the same time, nfantin einforced is authority y using tacticsuggestive fWeber's third olution o the problem f succession-"thesearch or newcharismaticeaderon the basis ofcriteria fthequalitieswhichwillfithimfor heposition fauthority"1947, p. 364). Enfantin'sconceptof the androgynouseity ncludedthe notionthat the "socialunit"was notthe ndividual umanbeingbut rather ne man and onewoman.Any successfulction, ncluding heexpansion f thecult,thusrequired he activeparticipation f women, nd efforts oward he re-cruitmentfwomenwerethereforenitiated. ccordingo Enfantin, hissocialunit hould lso be reflectedn the hierarchyf thecult, ndwhenBazard walked out of his last meeting, he Pere Supreme aw his op-portunity: Enfantin, owthe onlyFather,promptly ttributed sym-bolicmeaning o the vacatedseat. God had manifestedhatthe place ofBazard was to be filled y the Woman" Dondo 1955,p. 206).The cultpromptly dopted the viewthat a French,Jewish FemaleMessiah" would soon arise,and her appearancewould markthe finalstageof theSaint-Simonian ission. ondo (1955, p. 206) indicates hat"amongthe orthodoxmembers, aiting ortheWoman Messiahbecamean obsession. he was invoked nd prayed o everyday." A "societyforwelcoming he Mother"was established, nd womenfrom ll classesofFrench ocietywere nvited o dinners nd parties t theexpense f thecult.Soon the search was enlarged: It becameevident hatshe couldnot be found mong the corrupt nd skepticalpopulations f Europe.Yet somewherehe was living nd waiting orthecall. Where lse couldshe be if not in the Orient, he land of mystery, hebirthplace f allcreeds, hecradleof mankind?" Dondo 1955, p. 212). A groupcallingitselfthe "Compagnons e la Femme" thus sailed fromMarseilles toTurkeynwhatwas ultimately futile earchforEnfantin's artner.The event houldnot be dismissed s mere ccentricity,or t possessedan obviousutilityn maintaininghe charismatic roup. n addition oproviding substantialmissionwhichcould be sharedby the brothers,itprovided hem belief n futureompensationor rials ndured uringtheir uppression y theFrenchgovernment. ftermoving he grouptoMenilmontantnd imposing everely sceticmeasures n an effortoescapepersecution,nfantinould thus laimthat as soon as theMessiahthey ookedforhad come, reign flove wouldrecompensehe mortifiedsaints for the painful ordeal throughwhich they were now to pass"(Booth1871,p. 172). Further,tprovided nfantinwith rationalizationforany failure f his leadership ualities: ". . . the Father s, just atpresent, eculiarlyiable to error, ecause of the absence of the female1114



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Saint-Simon nd Saint-SimonismMessiah,who hould e byhisside, ndinfluencell hisdecisions"Booth1871,p. 142).Attempts t Routinization: roblems f Support nd OrganizationThe Saint-Simonianroutinization"lso facedseriousproblems f sup-portand organization.n its early tages the groupwas clearly foreignto economic onsiderations"nd oblivious to "traditional r rationaleveryday conomizing";heprimaryource f supportwas thevoluntarygifts ontributedy thebrothers. herewas no immediate roblem ortwo reasons: the groupwas restrictedo a relatively mall group ofdisciples nd composed rimarilyf financiallyuccessful nd secure n-dividuals.But the situation apidlybecame critical:

. . . from he year 1830 the propagandaproceeded upon an increasedscale: they acquiredthe "Globe" newspaper1" hichwas very far frombeing commercially rosperous, nd they distributed ast numbersofcopiesgratuitously; heyhired a largehotelin Paris, in the Rue Mon-signy, esides the varioushalls used for their ectures; theydispatchedexpensivemissions o Belgium, nd to variousdistrictsn France; theyinundated he countrywithvolumes of expositions nd pamphlets, ndfinally heyendeavoured o organizeworkmennto communities,nd toemploythemin industrial ursuits.Some of the membersbecame soabsorbed n the worktheyhad thusundertaken,hatthey were obligedto resign heirprofessionalmployment, pon whichthey had hithertosubsisted, nd theythusbecame a chargeto the faith. Booth 1871,p.1301

The mostserious fforto overcome hissituationwas Rodrigues's re-ation f theSaint-SimonianFinancialAssociation," joint-stockompanywhich ssued shares t F 1,000par value withan interest f 5%. FromJuly1830 to July1831 thecompanymade F 250,000, fwhich100,000were nvestedn thefailing e globe; butthecompanywas soondeclaredbankrupt nd the Saint-Simonians ereforced o vacate theirquarterson the rueMonsigny Dondo 1955, p. 207).The Saint-Simonianslso made effortso routinizeheir rganizationalI iThe Globe was only one of severalSaint-Simoniannewspapers. mmediately fterSaint-Simon's funeral,the disciples met at Rodrigues's home and establishedLeproducleur, monthlyournal financedby theirown subscriptionso F 1,000shares.The journal expired n December 1826, "having severelytaxed the resourcesof itsstaff, oth in moneyand in health" (Booth 1871, pp. 105-6). A weeklyperiodical,L'organisateuir, as established n April 1829 and became an importantdevice forrecruitmentn the provincesand abroad (ibid., p. 114). Le globe, which had beena liberal ournal edited by PierreLeroux, was turnedover to Enfantinon January18, 1831. Together with L'organisateutrt discontinuedpublication in April 1832,when 40 of the disciplesretreated o Enfantin'sestate at M6nilmontantn ordertoescape politicalsuppression ibid., p. 168).

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American ournal f Sociologystructure. ecruitment,riginally ased upon personalcharismatic n-teractionn thesalonsofRodriguesndHalevy,was now formalizedntosupervised raining, ests of "spiritualprogress," nd a "profession ffaith"fornew convertsBooth 1871,pp. 127-28, 196).7 Therewas alsoan efforto "regularize hestatusof themembers f the administrativestaff" hroughhe developmentf a hierarchyf offices,heir egitimationas positions f authority,nd the grantingf rewards f socialprestigefor theiroccupants. n 1828, "the increasing umber f disciples . .renderedt necessary owards he close of the year,to organize sacredcollege f apostles.This illustrious rderwas first omposed f sixof theeldest nd most minentmembers fthechurch. . . The youngermem-bers who formed hesecond order ssumedthe name of Le PetitMer-credi,from he day upon which heywere accustomed o meet" (Booth1871,p. 109). The members f the Sacred College upervised he various"departments,"ncluding ral Propaganda,Written ropaganda, nstruc-tion, Missions,Conversions, eaching, ndustrial nterprises,nd Con-version f Women Dondo 1955, p. 199). With further onversions,third rderhad to be created o that the nstructionf novitiates mightproceed without nterruptiono the disciples of the Petit Mercredi"(Booth 1871, p. 114). This group was subsequently ivided nto the"Faithful" nd the"Catechumes," ccording o theirdegreeof spiritualprogress. t the top of this tructure eigned hePereSupreme nfantin,and thewholeconstituted hat was called the "Saint-Simonian amily."The disciples alled one another brother," xcept n addressing mem-berof higher ankwhen heyused the appellation father" Dondo 1955,p. 201).Reasons for Decline of the SectDespite such effortso solve the problems f succession, upport, ndorganization, he Saint-Simonianult was a relatively hort-lived he-nomenon, fact forwhich number f explanationsmight e proposed.The JulyRevolution f 1830, forexample,was undoubtedlyignificant.Its immediatempactwas favorable o the Saint-Simonians,or t grantedfreedom rom ensorshipnd the opportunityo propagandizen earnest(Dondo 1955, p. 199; Booth 1871, pp. 116-17). But its long-run ffectwas probablydamaging:by deposingthe reactionary harlesX and17 According to Booth (ibid., p. 196), the "professionof faith" was as follows:"I believe in God, the father nd motherof all, who is eternallygood. I believe inGod, who is infinite n love, wisdom,science, beauty, and strength. believe thatGod has raised up Saint-Simon o teach the Father throughRodrigue [sic]. I believethat God has raised up the Father to summon the Female Messiah, who will con-secrate a union of perfect quality between man and woman,between humanity ndthe world."1116



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Saint-Simonnd Saint-Simonismestablishinghebourgeoismonarchy,he revolutionemovedome of theChurch-imposedeligious estraintshatwerethepartial ourceof Saint-Simon's appeal to disadvantaged ewish ntellectuals. urthermore,henew Chamber f Deputiesprovedno less antagonisticowardEnfantin'smoral nd familial iews han ts earlier ounterparts,factwith t leasttwonegative onsequences.First, afterLe globefailed and Monsigny isbanded,Enfantin ook40 of his mostdevoutdisciplesto his family state at Menilmontant.Fearing rrest, e there et aside his views nsexualfreedomndimposedthe most severeasceticism,ncluding bsolutecelibacy.While such a"dissociationfthe eaderandhisdisciples rom ormal amilialife andties" s typical f thecharismatic elationshipWillner1968, p. 9), it isunderstandablyncompatible ith ts routinization,hichmeans"aboveall, making t possibleto participaten normalfamily elationshipsrat least to enjoy secure ocial positionn place ofa kindof discipleshipwhich s cut offfromworldly onnexions,otably n the family nd ineconomic elationships"Weber 1947, p. 364). The response f thefol-lowerss summarizedhusby Booth (1871, pp. 190-91):

. . .the greatestrial o their ortitudeas theobligationf celibacy.Their nthusiasmndtheir aithn Enfantin ad nducedhem o resignlucrativemployments,o bestow ll theirpropertyponthe infantchurch,o devote heir ives to its service, or ts saketo encounterridiculendeven ersecution;ut he astburdenhatwasputupon hemwas too heavy ven fortheirwell-triedaith; hey cceptedt indeedfor time, ut t speedily hilledheirnthusiasm.... D'Eichthal re-dicted hat f ever thefemaleMessiah hould ome, he wouldfindEnfantinlone. . . The sameday he andDuveyriereftMenilmontantandthrewsidetheir rotesqueostume; hortlyfterwardany ftheprincipal embersollowedhem.Second,the goal of theexercise rovedunattainable.n August 1832summonseswere issued to five brothers o appear before the AssizesCourt,and ultimately nfantinwas sentenced o a year in prisonfor"formingn illegal association" (Dondo 1955, p. 210). Althoughheserved nly threemonths, is imprisonmentas a significantlow to thesect. Rodriguesnow supported he group only through is occasionalcontributions,nd Bazardhad died shortlyfterhis split withEnfantin.Authority as temporarilynvestedn threeremainingmembers f theSacred College including 'Eichthal),butBooth 1871, p. 190) indicatesthatdisciplinewas lax. The remaining rthodox rothers ow dispersed,either o engage n industrial enturesr to seek the femaleMessiah.The finaldrama took place in Egypt,where one groupof Saint-Simonianshad decidedto dig a canal between he MediterraneanndRed Seas. The projecthad ample ustificationn theNew Christianity;as Dondo states, Great enterprises,articularlyhose facilitatingom-

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AmericanJournal f Sociologymercial elations etween eople,had been advocatedby Saint-Simonsa practical tep toward ndustrial rogress.Worksof thisnaturewereconsidered y his disciples s mostbeneficialo mankind y securingnabundanceof materialblessings o all the peopleof the earth" (1955,p. 212). The groupwas soon oinedby the "Compagnons e la Femme"and Enfantin imself. he Sultan,however, nsisted n the building fthe Nile barrage nstead, nd the brotherswere forcedby poverty oconcede. he spirit f thegroup lowlywaned, nd, when12brothersiedofplague under he tryingonditions f the aborcamp,theprojectwasabandoned nd mostreturned o Paris.The mostmarked spect of thedeclineof the sect s undoubtedly n-fantin's oss of charismatic ppeal,which had increasingly ecomethesinglemostpowerful ond holding he group together.Weber (1947, p.360) specifies he importantroblem acing uch a leader: "If proofofhis qualification ails him for ong, the leader endowedwith charismatends o think isgod or his magical r heroic owershave deserted im.If he is for ong unsuccessful,bove all if his leadership ails to benefithis followers,t is likelythat his charismaticuthority ill disappear."The celibacy pisode and Enfantin's mprisonmenthus underminedhelegitimacy f his authority,nd Booth's description 1871, p. 212) ofEnfantin'svoyage to Carnac suggests that the Egyptianexperiencemarked he finalblow:

He had lefthis disciplespartlybecause his presencehad becomeunac-ceptable. I findhere,"he writes, what I came to seek-isolation froma world n whichmy presencehas become useless and often njurious;I was triedto findmyself o frequentlyn obstacle when wishedonlyto be of service, nd to rouse susceptibilities hen I sought but foraffection. he necessity orconstantdiplomacy xhausted ll the forcesof my body and mind." The failureof his expedition o Egypt wasindeedcomplete: the femaleMessiah had not responded o his appeal;the industrialworks that had so largelycontributed o attracthim tothe East wereabandoned.

This is not to deny that Saint-Simonism as to have significantonse-quencesforFrench ndustrial rogress nd Westernntellectual istorythereafter; n the contrary, uch consequenceswere considerable. utthe charismatictage of themovement ad clearlypassed with the fail-ure ofEnfantin'sharismaticowers nd the nability f thebrothers oroutinizehe charismatic roup ntoan enduringuthorityelationship.CONCLUSIONThe purposeof thisessayhas notbeen to add newinformationo thealready taggeringodyof data on Saint-Simonnd Saint-Simonism,utrather o viewthesedata in the ightofWeber'sdiscussion f charisma1118



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Saint-Simonnd Saint-Simonismand its routinization.ut even a new nterpretationf thisphenomenonpossessesonly imited tility nless we can arrive t certain udgmentsabout the consequences f such charismaticituations or ntellectualndsocialhistory enerally.Certainly mong hemost nterestingonsequences re those uggestedby Weber'sconcept f "elective ffinity,"articularlys it is presentedby the German istorian tto Hintze 1931), p. 232):

All human ction rises rom commonource,npoliticals well sin religiousife.Everywherehefirstmpulseo social action s givenas a rulebyreal nterests,.e.,by politicalnd economicnterests.utideal interestsendwings o thesereal interests,ivethem spiritualmeaning,nd serve o justify hem.Man doesnot iveby bread lone.He wants o have goodconsciences he pursues is ife-interests.ndinpursuinghem e develops is capacitieso thehighestxtent nly fhe believes hat n so doinghe serves higher atherhana purelyegoistic urpose.nterests ithoutuch spiritual ings"re lame; buton the other and,deascanwinout n historynly f and insofarsthey re associated ith eal nterests.. . In the ongrun, eitherfthetwocan survivewithout heother, istoricallypeaking; achre-quires heother s a supplementation.herevernterestsrevigorouslypuirsued,n ideologyends o be developed lso to give mneaning,e-inforcementnd justificationo thaesenterests.nd this deologys as"real" as the real nterestshemselves,or deologys an indispensablepart of the ife processwhich s expressedn action.And conversely:whereverdeas are to cozquer he world, hey equire he everage freal nterests,lthoughrequentlydeas willmore r less detract sic]these nterestsrom heir riginalim. . .

Such a "polar coordinationf interests nd ideas," of course, xisted nthe case of the Saint-Simonians. he ideas of Saint-Simon, speciallythose n theNew Christianity,rovided reciselyhe"spiritualmeaning"or "higher urpose"necessary o justify he real,political nd economicinterests f thosewhobecame followers.The consequences f this particular nion of ideas and interests ereboth imited nd extensive,eneficial nd destructive.he attachmentotheNew Christianityertainly rovided ome escape from he "moralvacuum"of post-Restorationrance,but in the realmof specific ction,Saint-Simonismid little o advance the specificnterestsf FrenchJews.D'Eichthal wentto Austria n 1837 to enlistArchduke harles's upportin the further mancipationf FrenchJews, nd AdolpheGueroult,follower f Enfantin,made a similar ppeal 10 years later (Silberner1950, pp. 379-80; Szajkowski 1947, p. 39); both efforts ere utterlyfutile. he appeal of JulesCarvallo, Saint-Simonianew,for n Inter-nationalJewish ongress, hichwas to become heAlliance sraelite ni-verselle 1860), is characterized y Szajkowski 1947, p. 40) as "theonly practical tep takenby a Saint-Simoniann order to relieve the

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American ournal f Sociologysufferingsf theJews. . ." The Jewishmembershipf theSaint-Simon-iansbecamethe focalpointofcriticism rom ther, nti-Semiticocialistgroups, ncluding he Proudhonistsnd particularlyhe Fourierists; sthe sect declinedand dispersed, t is not difficulto find anti-Semiticutterances romformermembers f the brotherhoodtself Szajkowski1947,pp. 38, 41).On the otherhand, Saint-Simon'stressupon social progress hroughtheactivities fan industrial-scientificlitehad substantialonsequences,for t provided he "spiritualwings"forthe actionsof some of France'smost mportantndustrialists.fter he dispersal f the brothers,heir-repressible nfantin ounded heSocieted'etudespour e Canal de Suez(1846), whichwas takenover,renamed, nd developedby the eventualcreator f thecanal itself, erdinand e Lesseps (Dondo 1955, p. 214).Enfantin ater achieved the unification f the chaotic French railwaysystem, educing he number f separate ines from28 to six. EmilePereire aisedF 5 million obuilda railway rom aristo Marseilles nd,together ithhis brother,stablished he Creditmobilier, he Compagnieimmobiliere,nd theCompagniemaritime, hile Duveyrier ounded heCre'dit oncier. ondo's conclusion1955, p. 215) thus ppears ustified:"The prosperityf the SecondEmpire wed much o theactivities f theSaint-Simonians,hohad placed ndustryn the forefrontftheir uman-itarian reed."The unionof interests nd ideas also had significantonsequences nthe ideational ealmn.ccordingo Hintze, deas can win out in historyonlywhen ssociatedwithreal interests,nd the mere urvival f Saint-Simon's houghtmust husbe referred,t leastpartially,o thededicationof his charismatic ollowing. oser (1965, pp. 108-9) notes that t waspreciselyhe "bizarre spects"of theSaint-Simonianultthat"attractedtheattentionf an audiencethatmight therwise ave remainedndif-ferent. n a tide of irrationality,herefloated ationalproposals, ndmany of thosewho originally ame only to watch the show absorbedthe moreenduring arts of themessage. . . The 'Family,'with all itsfantasticccompaniments,erved s midwifet thebirth fSaint-Simonianideas,whichwere o spread vermuch f theWVesternorld."Posthumouseditions f Saint-Simon'swritingswerelargely he productof his fol-lowers,' and formermembers f the cult added interpretativetudiesandmemorabilias well."'

18 See, for example, 0. Rodrigues'sOeuvres completes de Saint-Simon (1832) andOeuivres de Saint-Simon (1841); Hubbard's Saint-Simont,a vie et ses travaux:suivi de fragmentsdes plus clebres ecrits de Sainzt-Simon 1857); Lemonnier'sOeuvres choisiesde C.H. Saint-Simon (1859); and the "definitive" dition, Oeuvresde Saint-Simonet Enfantin,prepared between 1865 and 1876 by formermembersof the cult.19 See, forexample,Bazard's Biographiede Saint-Simon; d'Eichthal'sNote manuscrite1120



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Saint-Simonnd Saint-SimonismBut while thehistorianmightbe grateful orthe survivalof Saint-Simon's deas, he might lso question he accuracy f their resentation.

The "affinity"etween deas and interestss preciselyn "elective"oneinwhich deas are "selected nd reinterpretedrom heoriginal octrine"according o the real interests f the audience.This is particularlyrueofthecharismaticelationship hich n addition o the ndividualnterestsofdistressed ollowersnvolves hecollective nterest f the followersnthe "continuationnd continualreactivation f the community."heformn which aint-Simon'sdeas appear n the editions nd interpreta-tionsof thebrotherss thus strongly oloredby their wn modificationsand distortions.he view of the Saint-Simonians as that Saint-Simon'sdoctrines ere notstereotypedn his works"but had "become ncarnatein the association f men who perpetuate is name": his was to be a"living aw," subject to constant rowth nd developmentBooth 1871,p. 141).The result s summarized y Manuel (1963, p. 1):

Saint-Simon'shilosophy as sometimesess a foundationortheirbeliefshan springboardor nentirelyifferentrat least ignificantlyvariant odyof ideas.The Saint-Simonianst times aught heessenceofhisthoughtarbetter han ater ommentators,ut they lteredhetheoryt willand when hey epublishedheoriginal exts hey venmodifiedhephraseologyithoutompunction,ince "progressive"oc-trineike aint-Simonismasnothideboundyspecificirstormulations.By attachingisname o theirdeologicalroliferations,heSaint-Simon-ianswhocalled hemselvesdisciples f themaster"made t impossiblefor heuninitiatedo distinguishetweenaint-Simon'sriginal oncep-tions ndtheglossesnd nterpretationsf the pigoni.Whilethepowerfulnterestsmplicitwithin he charismaticelationshipmight husprovide ubstantialeveragefor the survivalof ideas, theyalso contain he potential f transformingr obfuscatingheir ruecon-tent.

jointe a son exemplairede la Gravitation universelle;Halevy's Souvenirs de Saint-Simon; 0. Rodrigues'sReligionSaint-Simonienne1831); and E. Rodrigues'sNouveauChristianisme1832).

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American ournal f SociologyBrogan, D. W. 1957. The French Nation: From Napoleon to Petain, 1814-1940.New York: Harper& Row.Brunet, Georges. 1925. Le mysticisme ocial de Saint-Simon. Paris: Les PressesFran?aises.Clark, Terry N. 1973. Prophetsand Patrons: The French Universitynd the Emer-gence of the Social Sciences. Cambridge: Harvard UniversityPress.Coser, Lewis A. 1965. Men of Ideas: A Sociologist'sView. New York: Free Press.de Maistre, Joseph. 1797. Conside'rationsur la France. Paris.Dictionnairede biographie ran~aiseXII. 1970. Paris: Librairie Letouzie.Dondo, Mathurin. 1955. The French Faust: Henri de Saint-Simon. New York:PhilosophicalLibrary.Droz, Jacques. 1967. Europe betweenRevolutions,1815-1848. Translatedby RobertBaldick. New York: Harper & Row.Durkheim, tmile. 1958. Socialism.New York: Antioch.Friedland,William H. 1964. "For a Sociological Conceptof Charisma."Social Forces43 (October): 18-26.Gagnon,Paul A. 1964. France since 1789. New York: Harper & Row.Gide, Charles, and CharlesRist. 1913. A History of Economic Doctrines.Translatedby R. Richards. London: Heath.Heer, Friedrich. 1967. God's First Love: Christians nd Jews over Two ThousandYears. Translated by Geoffrey kelton.New York: Weybright& Talley.Hintze, Otto. 1931."Kalvinismusund Staatsrison n Brandenburg u Beginndes 17tenJahrhunderts."HistorischeZeitschrift,144:232. Translated in R. Bendix, MaxWeber: An Intellectual ortrait.New York: Anchor.Hobsbawm,E. J. 1962. The Age of Revolution: Europe, 1789-1848. London: Weiden-feld & Nicolson.Lamartine,Alphonse de. 1851. The Historyof the Restorationof the Monarchy nFrance. I. London: Vizatelly.Manuel, Frank E. 1963. The New World of Henri Saint-Simon.Notre Dame, Ind.:Notre Dame University ress.Marrus,Michael. 1971. The Politics of Assimilation. xford: OxfordUniversity ress.Michels,Roberto. 1915. Political Parties. New York: Hearst's InternationalLibrary.Parsons,Talcott. 1947. Pages 3-86 in Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Eco-nomic Organization.New York: Oxford University ress.Pinet, G. 1894. "L'Ecole Polytechnique et les Saint-Simoniens."Revue de Paris 3(May-June): 73-96.Saint-Simon,Henri de. 1964. Social Organization, he Science of Man, and OtherWritings. ranslated by Felix Markham. New York: Harper & Row.Saint-Simon,Henri de, and Prosper Enfantin. 1865-78. Oeuvres de Saint-Simon etd'Enfantin,pre'ce'dedese deux notices historiques t publie'espar les membresduconseil institue'par Enfantin par l'execution de ses dernieres volontes. 47 vols.Paris: Dentu, 1865-76; Leroux, 1877-78.Sauvigny,Guillaume de Bertier de. 1966. The Bourbon Restoration.Translated byLynn M. Case. Philadelphia: University f PennsylvaniaPress.Silberner, Edmund. 1950. "Pierre Leroux's Ideas on the Jewish People." JewishSocial Studies 12, no. 4 (October): 367-84.Silvera,Alain. 1966. Daniel Halevy and His Times. Ithaca, N.Y.: CornellUniversityPress.Stark,Werner.1958. The Sociology of Knowledge. London: Routledge& Kegan Paul.Szajkowski, Zosa. 1947. "The JewishSaint-Simonians nd Socialist Anti-SemitesnFrance." Jewish Social Studies 9, no. 1 (January): 33-60.Tucker, Robert C. 1968. "The Theory of Charismatic Leadership." Daedalus 97,no. 3 (Summer): 731-56.UniversalJewishEncyclopedia. 1st ed. S.v. "Benjamin Olinde Rodrigues."Walch, Jean. 1967. Bibliographiedu Saint-Simonisme. aris: LibrairiePhilosophiqueJ.Vrin.1122



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Saint-Simonnd Saint-SimonismWeber,Max. 1947. The Theory of Social and Economic Organization.TranslatedbyA. M. Henderson nd Talcott Parsons. New York: Oxford University ress.Willner,Ann Ruth. 1968. Charismatic Political Leadership: A Theory. Center ofInternational tudies,Woodrow Wilson School of Public and InternationalAffairs,Research Monograph no. 32. Princeton,N.J.: Princeton UniversityPress.Willner,Ann Ruth, and Dorothy Willner. 1965. "The Rise and Role of CharismaticLeaders." Annals of the AmericanAcademy of Political and Social Science 358(March): 77-88.

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Saint Simon and the Saint-simonism

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