**** ** *COUNCIL * * CONSEIL
OF EUROPE * * * DE L'EUROPE
Architectural heritageReports and Studies, No. 16
PUBDGIV027
The Santiago de Compostela Pilgrim Routes
&u> SL, c& c^ if^o cr\j&is
Report of the Bamberg Congress
Strasbourg 1989
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COUNCIL * * CONSEILOF EUROPE * + * DEL'EUROPE
The Santiago de Compostela Pilgrim Routes
A Council of Europe congressorganised in co-operation
with the Deutsches Komitee fur Denkmalschutzand the Deutsche St.-Jakobus-Gesellschaft e.V.
Schney Castle/Bam berg (Federal Republic of Germany)29 September-1 October 1988
Architectural heritageReports and Studies, No. 16
Strasbourg 1989
French edition:
Les chemins de Saint-Jacques-de-Compostelle. Rapport du Congres de Bamberg
ISBN 92-871-1745-4
Strasbourg, Council of Europe, Publications and Documents DivisionISBN 92-871-1746-2© Copyright, Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 1989Printed In France
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S U M M A R Y
FOREWORD 1
MESSAGE FROM THE SECRETARY GENERAL OF THE COUNCIL OFEUROPE 2
WELCOMING ADDRESS by Prof. Dr. Wolfgang WILD 5
CONTRIBUTIONS
- Via Peregrinalis ad Sanctum Jacobumby Klaus HERBERS (Federal Republic of Germany) . 9
- The Central European road system, with particular referenceto the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Periodby Hermann KELLENBENZ (Federal Republic of Germany) 13
- The inventory of historic routes in Switzerland (IVS) inrelation to the Santiago pilgrim routesby H.P. SCHNEIDER (Switzerland) 23
- Following in the footsteps of the Santiago pilgrims inthe Upper Rhinelandby Hedwig R6CKELEIN / Gottfried WENDLING (Federal Republicof Germany) 33
- A fresh approach to the "Pilgrim's guide to the way ofSt. James of Compostela"by Andre de MANDACH (Switzerland) 37
- The development of the Camino de Santiago in Castile andLeon between 850 and 1050by Fernando LOPEZ ALSINA (Spain) 48
- The "Journey to St. James" and the French pilgrim routesand heritageby Rene de la COSTE-MESSELIERE (France) 55
- The "Via Francigena" and the Italian routes to Santiagoby Paolo CAUCCI VON SAUCKEN (Italy) 59
- Pilgrims to Santiago and their routes in Scandinaviaby Christian KRO'TZL (Finland) 64
- Santiago pilgrim routes in Belgium - Results andobservationsby Dirk AERTS (Belgium) 71
- Pilgrimage songsby Eusebio GOICOECHEA ARRONDO (Spain) 77
- Pilgrims and pilgrimages yesterday and today, around theexample of Santiago de Compostelaby Robert PLO'TZ (Federal Republic of Germany) 90
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ADDITIONAL CONTRIBUTIONS
- Statement by the Mayor of Pamplona (Spain) Ill
- The Santiago Pilgrim routes in Asturiasby Florencio COBO ARIAS and Luis FERNANDEZ GARCIA (Spain).. 114
- A common goal for the associations of friends of theSantiago routeby Angel Luis BARREDA FERRER (Spain) 11?
- The song of Roncesvalles - The Santiago pilgrims' way andmeans of social communicationby Hortensia VINES (Spain) 119
- Communication by Mrs Livia RICCI 123
APPENDICES
- Programme of the Congress 127
- Conclusions of the Congress 130
- List of participants 131
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F O R E W O R D
As part of the Council of Europe's action to promote "theSantiago de Compostela Pilgrim Routes" as a European culturalitinerary, the Congress on the Santiago de Compostela Pilgrim Routes- organised with the co-operation of the Deutsche St. JakobusGesellschaft e.V. and the support of the Deutsches Komitee fiirDenkmalschutz - was held from 29 September to 1 October 1988 at SchneyCastle near Bamberg in the Federal Republic of Germany.
It is because of the contribution of pilgrimages to Santiago deCompostela to the development of the European identity since theMiddle Ages that the Council of Europe is now working for theirrevival as a European cultural route. As early as 1984 theParliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe adopted arecommendation on this subject. The aims of this project are set outin the Declaration read out by the Secretary General at Santiago deCompostela on the occasion of the launching of the activity in October1987. These aims embrace the implementation of a major programme ofco-operation and exchanges to promote public awareness, identify theroutes and mark them with a common emblem and co-ordinate the variouscultural and tourist activities and the restoration of monuments.
In the identification of the routes, the Council of Europe hasbeen assisted by a specially appointed group of specialists and byresearchers, university lecturers, Saint James societies and learnedsocieties anxious to contribute to the project. The Congress wasspecifically intended to offer such people a forum, but the main aimwas to take stock of European work on identifying the pilgrimageroutes, and encourage scientific research into their impact. Mayorsfrom many towns along the routes were also present.
During the Congress a visit was made to the city of Bamberg,which was an important centre for the Saint James tradition inGermany, and a signpost marked "Council of Europe/Santiago deCompostela Pilgrim Route/ European Cultural Itinerary" was unveiled infront of the St. James's Church.
This publication is a compilation of the statements presented bycontributors, the conclusions of the Congress and a list ofparticipants.
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OPENING OF THE CONGRESS AT SCHNEY CASTLE
MESSAGE FROM THE SECRETARY GENERALOP THE COUNCIL OP EUROPE
The Secretary General of the Council of Europe, Mr MarcelinoOreja, has been detained in Strasbourg by a meeting of our Committeeof Ministers and has asked me to convey to you his personal greetingsand best wishes for the success of this Congress on the Santiago deCompostela pilgrim routes organised with the support of the Germanauthorities and in co-operation with . the Deutsche Sankt-JakobusGesellschaft.
As the proceedings begin, I should like to pay tribute to thescientific circles, learned societies and St James associations whichhave paved the way for us and have become very special partners in ourwork.
Some have done so because they wished to share their knowledgeand research with us, others because they have carried the flame ofthe pilgrimages or walks to Santiago and have often ensured theircontinuity. The fact that we are holding this Congress incollaboration with the Deutsche Sankt-Jakobus Gesellschaft is proof initself of the importance we attach to their work.
I should also like to express our gratitude to the Germanauthorities in the person of the Bavarian Minister of State forScience and Cultural Affairs, who is our host today. I welcome youtoo, Minister, in your capacity as Chairman of the German NationalCommittee for the Architectural Heritage, which has always given theCouncil of Europe its active co-operation. We are also grateful tothe Committee of International Experts which helped us to organisethis Congress in the Council of Europe and is still assisting us inthe creation of this cultural itinerary.
I should also like to address the local elected representativeswho have honoured us with their presence. Through them, I should liketo pay tribute to the mayors of the towns and villages which go tomake up the network of routes in Europe, as they are the vital linksin our work, those on whom a large part of the task we are undertakingtogether depends.
Lastly, I should like to thank all the rapporteurs andparticipants who have come from afar to share with us the adventure ofcreating this cultural itinerary.
Sincere thanks are due also to the Deutsche Sankt-JakobusGesellschaft and to all those who have contributed either to thepractical organisation or to the scientific groundwork because we allknow how much time and effort has been required of them and all theenthusiasm they have displayed.
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It was barely a year ago that the Council of Europe proposed inSantiago de Gompostela the revitalisation of the pilgrim routes tothat city as the first European cultural itinerary. From our point ofview, one could hardly find a phenomenon closer to the very essence ofthe Europe we wish to build than this pilgrimage movement, whoseroutes, above and beyond the religious dimension, which was thepilgrims' profound motivation, have remained a meeting place, a mediumof exchange, a means of communication and a source of solidarity whichis the basis and origin of our own identity.
The Santiago de Compostela Declaration, which you all know, laysdown the main lines of our work within a framework befitting anintergovernmental organisation for political co-operation such as theCouncil of Europe, in which a human view of society goes hand in handwith the protection of human rights. These main lines are:
- identification of the Santiago de Compostela pilgrim routesthroughout Europe;
- signposting of the routes with a common emblem; and
- the launching of an extensive programme of European co-operationthrough the restoration and rehabilitation of the architectural andnatural heritage lying in the vicinity of the routes and theorganisation of cultural activities and exchanges between thetowns and regions situated along them.
This Congress which I am privileged to open today on behalf ofthe Secretary General of the Council of Europe represents a milestonein our work and gives us an opportunity to pursue two lines ofthought.
First of all, scientific thought, with a view to encouraging thework of identification of the old pilgrim routes and knowledge of thearchitectural, historic, literary and musical heritage handed down bythe pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela and their role in Europeanculture and the European identity.
Secondly, thought about the implementation of this culturalitinerary. And I should like to reiterate the underlying purpose ofthe process initiated by the Council of Europe: to bring out thehistorical and cultural contribution made by this pilgrimage movementto the forging of the European cultural identity. The set ofprinciples and values which represent a heritage common to Europeannations whatever their geographical location, whether or not theseroutes pass through them.
For this reason, our work is aimed not only at the pilgrims, whoare guided by spiritual motives, but also at those expressing culturalpractices peculiar to our own age and society.
As we have pointed our on several occasions, and I should like todo so once again today, the purpose of our work is not merely torevive the Santiago de Compostela pilgrim routes for nostalgic,erudite or archaeological reasons, but also to project them into thefuture.
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Revitalisation of the Santiago de Compostela pilgrim routes isalso an incentive to thought about this period of social change we areexperiencing, a change no less traumatic than that which marked thetransition between the first and second millenia, the very period inwhich the Europeans who preceded us set out for Santiago deCompostela. The time dimension is no longer the same. We acceptdiversity as a factor for unity between peoples. Ways of life changeand, to this extent, the Santiago de Compostela pilgrim routes, whichare European routes par excellence, convey to us a message of hope, ofa society capable of prospering in the search for an ideal.
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WELCOMING ADDRESS
by Prof. Dr. Wolfgang WILDBayerischer Staatsminister fur Wissenschaft und Kunst
President des Deutschen Nationalkomitees fur Denkmalschutz
I am pleased to be able to welcome you on behalf of the BavarianGovernment to your Congress on the Santiago de Compostela pilgrimroutes. We in Bavaria certainly appreciate the fact that the onlyrecently founded St Jakobus Gesellschaft has managed to bring such animportant Council of Europe event to Bamberg. It is a great day forour town of Bamberg too - and I am sure that the Mayor, Mr Rohner,agrees with me on this - because although Bamberg is a long way fromSantiago de Compostela, it was one of the many stopping-places, andcertainly a pleasant one in those days too, along the pilgrim route.All the more reason then for remembering the significance of themediaeval pilgrim routes and asking what has happened in Europe sincethen and whether there are not in fact a lot of good things that couldbe handed down from the past to the present.
I should also like to wish you every success in your Congress inmy capacity as Chairman of the German National Committee for theConservation of Historic Monuments. Your presence is not onlyappreciated by Bavaria: the Federal Minister of the Interior,Dr. Friedrich Zimmermann, my deputy on the Bureau of the Committee,and my colleagues at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs have asked me totell you how pleased they are at the holding of this Congress and wishyou success in your work.
It is a particular pleasure for me, Mr Oreja, to be able to tellyou for once in person how grateful I am that an important area ofculture, conservation has gained importance and received a freshimpetus as part of the Council of Europe's European policy during yourterm of office. Close co-operation with the Council of Europe in theconservation field has been an important concern of the GermanNational Committee since it was founded in 1973. I need merely remindyou of the International Closing Conference of European ArchitecturalHeritage Year 1975 in Berlin, the Conferences on Crafts andConservation (1980 and 1984) and Urban Renaissance (1981), and themajor events held this year: the Conference on the Protection ofMonuments in the Countryside held in Merdingen in May under yourpatronage, Mr Secretary General, and the Colloquy on MiningEngineering Monuments as a Cultural Heritage held in Bochum inSeptember. The German National Committee has always gladly supportedthe aims and causes taken up in such a variety of ways by the Councilof Europe by organising events of its own, producing informationmaterial and also acting as joint organiser, as in the case of yourCongress.
At the Conference of European Ministers responsible for theArchitectural Heritage held in Granada in October 1985, revitalisationof the pilgrim routes to Santiago de Compostela was adopted at theinitiative of France and Spain as a major theme of the Council ofEurope's architectural heritage programme.
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I know from the work of the Council of Europe's SteeringCommittee for Integrated Conservation, under the leadership ofProfessor Schmid, to whom I extend a very warm welcome as a staunchadvocate of this idea, that thorough preliminary work has already beendone. Nearly a year ago, in Santiago itself, the project wasofficially launched at a big public ceremony. In addition to this,extensive background material, signs and a very impressive map of thepilgrim routes have been produced.
One may ask why the Council of Europe has picked the pilgrimroutes to Santiago as a special topic. In view of the many problemsfacing the heritage today, are there not more important things thanthe revival of religious traditions which have long since disappearedfrom the collective consciousness, especially in an age reputed to beirreligious?
I think the Council of Europe is right to be active in thisparticular field.
For the routes leading to the tomb of the Apostle James atCompostela illustrate the deep-rooted interdependence of Europe as awhole more clearly than nearly any other historical phenomenon. Aboveand beyond its spiritual significance, the Christian West's greatestpilgrimage, in which millions of people from all social strata tookpart for widely varying motives, was reflected in communications(roads), in town planning (hospices, inns, pilgrimage churches andhospitals), in literature (legends, heroic epics, especially aboutCharlemagne), in art '(transfer of artistic trends, churchmasons'guilds, Moorish influence on style) and even in the development of aparticular costume associated with the pilgrims.
In the Middle Ages, pilgrims wishing to travel to Compostelacould do so freely, with legal protection and the blessing of theecclesiastical and secular authorities. In later centuries, however,the Reformation, the Enlightenment and administrative andecclesiastical decrees, reduced the flow of pilgrims, but withoutbringing it completely to a standstill.
A revival of the pilgrimage to Santiago has been noticeable inall European countries for about a decade. National and regionalassociations for its promotion have been formed in France, Italy,Great Britain, Spain and Switzerland, and also in Germany with theSt. Jakobus-Gesellschaft. Above and beyond the subject's academicsignificance, the spiritual dimension also plays a part.
In thinking back to the spiritual and physical unity of mediaevalEurope, and thus reflecting upon our identity, the Council of Europeis endeavouring, with its project on pilgrim routes as culturalitineraries, to re-awaken or rediscover an awareness of our traditionsand history in order that the goal of European unification with abasis in history may be made clear to young people in particular.
You have taken on a major task which will certainly involve a lotmore work. This Congress is just one step, albeit an important one,towards the successful accomplishment of that task. The discussionsbeginning here will be continued in 1989 in Bari (Italy). I hope thatthe Bamberg meeting produces important findings and positive resultsand meets with a good response among your partners. I hope too thatyou will feel at home in Bavaria and in Bamberg as one of the manystopping-places along the road to Santiago de Compostela.
Thank you.
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C O N T R I B U T I O N S
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VIA PEREGRINALIS AD SANCTUM JACOBUM
by Klaus BERBERS (Federal Republic of Germany)
In order to apply the image of "via" to my talk, I must take youalong a road which not only follows the well-known scientifichighways, but also resembles a mountain path, in that we shall touchon numerous disciplines, including theology, the cultural sciences,archaeology, the history of art, philology and general history.
In all cultures, the meaning of "road" extends beyond the idea ofan actual path to cover a wide variety of concepts. We talk aboutlife's road, the right road etc, and in all the major religions theword has a figurative sense. For example, the concept is to be foundnot only in Buddhism and Islam but also in Greek thought, especiallyin Plato and, later, Hesiod. The latter speaks of two roads, one ofwhich is arduous and leads to virtue (oCpe^rs), the other being easyand leading to pleasure (noovrj). These conceptions were close tothe meaning of "road" or "way" in the Old and New Testaments.
However, just as the road image has a wide variety of meanings inthe Christian religion, the idea of "peregrinatio" at first had afigurative meaning. The peregrinatio pro Christo conceived in theHigh Middle Ages did not yet convey the idea of a concrete goal; itsimply meant wandering through unknown lands in search of Christ.
In the llth century the word "peregrinatio" also acquired themeaning of a journey to sacred places, "peregrinatio ad loca sancta".Visits to Jerusalem and the places where Christ lived were the maincomponents of the "peregrinatio pro Christo"; it was simply a moreconcrete way of seeking Christ.
Of the three major destinations of these "peregrinationes ad locasancta", it was the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela that kept theidea of road or roads most alive. Why do Santiago pilgrims speak moreabout their journey than about the destination of their pilgrimage?There are many reasons for this, and we may be able to grasp some ofthem by studying the development, utilisation and functions of theroad to Santiago.
Let me recall some of the stages in the development of theworship of St James at Compostela.
Legends had it that St James preached the gospel in Spain, thenreturned to Jerusalem to become, in 44 AD, the first of the Apostlesmartyred by King Herod. His disciples took his body and put it in aboat which miraculously came ashore in Iria Flavia in Spain. TheApostle's body was then buried in Compostela. However, the inhabitantsof Galicia reverted to their pagan religion and so the Apostle's tombwas forgotten until Charlemagne or one of his contemporariesdiscovered it.
There are many variants of this legend but we cannot go into thedetails here. Even so, it is almost certain that a tomb was found atthe beginning of the 9th century and identified as that of St James.The local cult spread very quickly, and by the 12th century thepilgrimage to Santiago had achieved the same renown as those toJerusalem and Rome.
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The famous "Pilgrim's Guide", the fifth volume of the LiberSancti Jacobi (c. 1150-1160), tells us of the roads that led toSantiago. It says that pilgrims in France set out from St Gilles, LePuy, Vezelay and Tours (Paris) and that either on the French side ofthe Pyrenees or in Spain their paths converged into a single route,the "Camino franees", which took them to Santiago.
Closer inspection of these roads shows that those in Spain didnot always follow the Roman roads. In Navarre, for example, SanchoIII the Great (1004-1035) constructed the iter Sancti lacpbifor his military campaigns against the Mohammedans.Besidesthismilitary function, the "pilgrim roads" might also have servedsafe-conduct or commercial purposes. Indeed, it is difficult toseparate trade routes from "pilgrim roads". If we examine the firsturban centres in northern Spain, we can observe the interdependence oftrade and pilgrimages, as pointed out by H Pirenne and later by Garciade Valdeavellano. In this connection it showed not be forgotten thatthe pilgrimages themselves were also an economic factor. The pilgrimssetting out to Santiago were free to choose their own route; in factthey followed whatever roads they could find : trade routes, royalroads and sometimes even tracks used for transhumance, as has beenshown in respect of south-western France. However, spiritualtraditions and goals also influenced the choice of routes. Theaforementioned "Pilgrim's Guide" devotes a long chapter (8) toadvising pilgrims to visit the various religious centres in southernand south-western France. Perhaps the author was merely seeking tosubordinate these "competitors" of Santiago, as Mr C Diaz y Diazrecently claimed, but this implies that the centres were alreadywell-known and being visited in the 12th century. In France, theTours route (via Turonensis) and the St Gilles (Toulouse) route(via Aegidiana, Tolosana)should be distinguished from the routesacrosstheMassifCentral (via Podensis and via Vizeliacensis).The term "pilgrim road" fits the Le Puy and Vezelay roads bettertKanthe two just mentioned. However, this classification, which caneasily be verified by observations, is a rough one, because in generalit is difficult to speak of pilgrim "roads" or "routes". These termswere invented by Romance philologists and art historians, whosecontested or amended theories should not dominate our conceptionsnowadays. In a wider historical context, the expression "pilgrimroad" may denote the routes preferred by pilgrims. Again, the furtherone gets away from Spain and France, the vaguer the notion of specificroutes for Santiago pilgrims becomes.
Accordingly, in order to find out about the system of roads incentral Europe, we must consider the findings of archaeology and ofresearch into royal itineraries etc. However, such research does notonly produce hard facts but also raises many questions. This is thestarting point for our search for the roads taken by the pilgrims.
On the positive side, we have several accounts by pilgrimsthemselves that contain enough details to enable us to establish whichitinerary they followed. In the case of France, Italy, theNetherlands and Spain, the documentation available is fairlyextensive. However, in the case of the countries east of the Rhineand in the north there are not enough sufficiently detailed accountsto allow a precise itinerary followed, at different times in history tobe reconstructed. Our only option is to turn to other sources. Wetherefore try to draw conclusions from information on mediaevaltransport taxes, the material provided by hospices and monasteries andthe locations of other narrative or diplomatic sources. We also look
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at churches dedicated to St James and the facts emerging from thehistory of art etc. However, we must reserve our judgement on themerits of this methodology. In most instances it is very difficult toconnect such information with the Santiago pilgrim routes. A case inpoint is south-western Germany, which we are beginning to explorerather more extensively. For this area the Council of Europe mapprovides a basis for identifying the network of old roads, but not yetthe itineraries preferred by pilgrims. For that reason, I proposefirst of all gathering all the vestigial material connected with thecult of St James in Europe before tackling the problems of the"pilgrim roads". Even if this method produces less "reliable"results, it should give us a better grasp of the problem of the"roads".
The actual sources are not the only problem concerning theconcept of "pilgrim roads". Another problem is the fact that theconcept grew up in a specific ideological context at the end of the19th century and the'beginning of this century, when the main stresswas on the cultural implications of the roads. In the field ofRomance philology, Joseph Bedier posited that the "pilgrim roads" wereresponsible for the rise of "chansons de geste". In the history ofart, Emile Male and Arthur Kingsley Porter attempted to apply the sameargument to the rise of Romanesque architecture. We cannot assessthese theories here, but we should stress that they are still to beheard (although often criticised) in any discussion of "pilgrimroads". The cultural importance of the roads extends well beyond thesetwo aspects, since they also affected music and mentalities.
In a comparison between the "Santiago road" and the roads to Romeand Jerusalem, these various "cultural" aspects are particularlyprominent. The differences between the roads lie in each one'ssignificance for the pilgrimages concerned. In Rome and Jerusalempilgrims had to visit sacred places in the city or the environs, butthe actual road was of less importance. As for the Santiago pilgrim,he arranged a fairly individual spiritual programme for himself alongthe way. Although this programme was rooted in traditions, itsindividuality no doubt contributed to the popularity and success ofpilgrimages to Santiago. In this connection it should not beforgotten that the road to Santiago was itself the setting for thedevout pilgrim's religious life: the pilgrim was not therefore linkedto any particular church or a centre of worship. The purpose of hisworship was spiritually fulfilled while he was still on his journey.The "via peregrinalis", according to the Liber Sancti Jacobi, is theway "of the just, the joy of saints, faith in the resurrection andlife". It is a 'way of penitence but also of salvation.
The Santiago roads are thus a subject which raises not onlypractical questions regarding their routes, etc, but also manyquestions concerning their theological, economic, philogical, artisticand historical implications and consequences in a wider sense. Let ustry during this conference to comprehend some of these aspects; let usseek the path that leads us to the "pilgrim roads".
(summarised version of my statement)
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
This list is restricted to a few recent works of a specialisedkind (a longer version of my talk with precise references is to bepublished in the "Jakobus-Studien" series, Narr Verlag, TObingen, Vol.2).
Y BOTTINEAU, Les chemins de Saint-Jacques, Paris 1983(1987 German edition with updated bibliography)
F COHEN, Roads and Pilgrimage : A study in Economic Interaction, in :Studi Medievali, 21/1980, p. 321-341
M C DfAZ Y DfAZ, El codice calixtino de la catedral de Santiago,Santiago 1988
K BERBERS, Per Jakobuskult und der Liber Sancti Jacobi, Wiesbaden 1984
K BERBERS, Der Jakobsweg. Hit einem mittlealterlichen PilgerfOhrerunterwegs nach Santiago de Compostela, Tubingen 1986
K BERBERS (ed.), Deutsche Jakobspilger und ihre Berichte,(Jakobus-Studien 1) Tubingen 1988
B KOTTING, Peregrinatio religiosa. Uallfahrten in der Antike und dasPilgerwesen in der alten Kirche, MOnster 1950
G B LADNER, Bomo viator. Mediaeval Ideas on Alienation and Order,in: Speculum 42/1967, pp. 233-259
F LOPEZ ALSINA, La ciudad de Santiago de Compostela en la Alta EdadMedia, Santiago de Compostela 1988
R PLOTZ, Peregrini - Palmieri - Romei. Untersuchungen zumPilgerbegriff der Zeit Dantes, in: Jahrbuch fOr Volkskunde NF2/1979, pp. 103-134
R PLOTZ, Santiago-peregrinatio und Jacobuskult mit besondererBeriicksichtigung des deutschen Frankenlandes, in: GesammelteAufsatze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens 31/1984, pp. 24-135.
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THE CENTRAL EUROPEAN ROAD SYSTEM, WITH PARTICULAR REFERENCE TO THEMIDDLE AGES AND THE EARLY MODERN PERIOD
by Hermann KELLENBENZ (Federal Republic of Germany)
I.
In 1907 the geographer Friedrich Rauers published a map shovingthe road system of the Holy Roman Empire. It appears as a confusingnetwork of routes, and makes the reader wonder how travellers everfound their way. In reality, however, their choice was limited, sincea large number of factors forced them to restrict themselves to a fewmajor routes when heading for a distant destination. These factorsincluded not only the good or bad condition of the roads orgeographical features such as mountains or valleys, marshlands, denseand dangerous woods or difficult river crossings, but also - moreimportantly - the fact that the empire was fragmented into so manyterritories, archbishoprics, bishoprics and: abbeys, electorates,principalities, counties and free imperial cities. Each of theseterritories had its own financial and economic policy based on theidea of making the largest possible profit out of the road system andits traffic. Initially, it is true, the road system was in the handsof the King, but with the decline in royal authority and the rise ofthe territorial states, power over the road system passed largely tothe rulers of these territories, who rebuilt and exploited them invarious ways. These included levying customs duties and tolls,compelling carters and other travellers to accept the protection of aterritorial lord, and not permitting them to pass through certaincentral places without setting up shop and offering their wares forsale for a set time.
II.
The aim of this article is to describe the state of the roads,and to discuss the means which existed for building and improvingroads and for replacing ferries and fords with bridges. We will alsoconsider the major developments in transport and the role played inthis connection by territorial authorities and private undertakings.This will be followed by a brief outline of the most important routes.Finally, examples will be given of the time needed for a particularjourney and of the cost of travelling, together with some informationabout the maps available and the literature for travellers (includingpilgrims).
III.
The road-building achievements of the Romans as far as the Limesand in the Rhineland can be mentioned here only in passing. The mostimportant thing to note is that the German Kings generally took overthe routes used in the Roman period, which the local communities(under the supervision of the local count) were responsible formaintaining. The concept of a highway (Landstrasse) as a publicroute, particularly for military purposes, is attested from an early
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period, for example in the traditional laws of the Bavarians. A terrapopular in the late Middle Ages was the "common highway" (gemeineLandstrasse), to refer to a road which belonged in common to the landand its ruler, and served traffic passing through the land, as opposedto local roads and cattle tracks. The Latin term "strate" (or "stratapublica") appears frequently from the 12th and 13th centuries. InGerman this became "strazze" (modern German Stralie).
With the expansion of territorial authorities the responsibilityfor the upkeep and security of roads, as we have seen, gained renewedimportance. For example, only the ruler was permitted to build newroads, the costs being met from levies on persons and goods using theroad. In this connection it is worth mentioning in passing theoutstanding achievement of the people of Urseren who, by building achain bridge linking them with Uri, opened up an international longdistance through-route, which was thereafter the most direct roadbetween . the Netherlands and Italy. The St Gotthard pass, firstrecorded in 1236, however, was not initially able to take wheeledtraffic. Another famous example is the Kuntersweg. Heinrich Kunter,citizen of Bolzano (Bozen) and Hall, had this road built afterreceiving permission from the local ruler in 1312. He drove a roadthrough the Eisack gorge from Bolzano to Klausen. He was permitted tolevy a toll for the use of this road, which was initially only abridlepath. He and his heirs were also permitted to open two tavernsalong this "Landstrasse". The Kuntersweg only became passable forcarts under Duke Sigmund in 1480, when blasting was carried out towiden it. The opening up of the Septimer Pass is another example. In1387, Jacob von Castelmur undertook to build a road across theSeptimer for the Bishop of Chur, to enable carts to carry a load of upto 36 Rubbs (900 Ibs) from Tingen to Plurs. In return the Bishoppermitted Castelmur to levy a toll ("WeglSsi") set at a levelacceptable to the Milanese merchants. This privilege was grantedinitially for 10 years, but it was provided that Castelmur's heirs'should continue to maintain the road. Yet another example is providedby the Kesselbergstrasse built by Duke Albrecht IV of Bavaria inassociation with Munich merchants at the end of the 15th century,creating a steeper but shorter route along the Kochelsee and theWalchensee, avoiding the stretch of road through Murnau which wassubject to flooding.
The maintenance of roads was closely linked to the levying ofcustoms duties. When the local rulers were granted by their feudaloverlords the right to the tolls levied in their territory, they werealso expressly required to see that repairs to the roads ("reparatioviarum") were carried out and to ensure the safety of merchants andtheir goods. There were several ways of doing this. First of all theindividual local communities were obliged to maintain roads throughtheir territory. For larger scale works such as bridge building,several communities needed to work together. The costs were met outof the income from the toll houses. Occasionally the revenue fromabbeys and their farmland (called "Urbar") were set aside for thispurpose.
Concerning the actual state of individual roads, a certain amountis known from travel narratives, including those of pilgrims. FelixFaber, a Dominican from Ulm, travelled along the Kuntersweg in 1483 onhis way to Jerusalem, after the road had been widened. Faber writes"Only two years ago this road was so bad that it was only passable
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with great difficulty, leading one's horse by hand. I can rememberthe dangers I faced on my first pilgrimage on this road. To my rightwere yawning chasms, to my left towering walls of rock. The road wasin such an appalling state that satirical songs were sung about". Aslate as 1525 the road from Brixen to Klausen was said by carters to bedangerous to life and limb.
Only a little is known about the techniques of road building. Thedocument authorising the building of the Kuntersweg mentions wood,stones and lime as materials needed for the work, from which we mayinfer that embankments, wooden railings and bridges of varying sizeswere constructed. In the road-widening works ordered by Sigmund ofTyrol, fire and gunpowder were used for blasting. Unfortunately,nothing is known in detail about the technique used in the building ofthe steep Kesselbergstrasse.
The Romans were skilled in the art of paving, and this art wasnot entirely forgotten in the Middle Ages. In towns, from the 14thcentury, market places and streets began to be paved - principally forhealth reasons - Cologne being one of the earliest examples. Thecitizens of a town were granted a special charter permitting them tolay paving stones. The little town of Sterzing, at the southern endof the Brenner, was one which obtained such a charter. Paving stoneswere often brought in from long distances. The Bishop of Freising, forexample, owned a quarry in the region near Bolzano whose crumblyporphyry was particularly suitable for making paving stones.
The weather presented on of the most serious dangers along theroad. Streams in spate as a result of heavy thunderstorms could washparts of roads away, and even worse damage could result from flooding.The foundations of the road could be broken up by frost. Roads couldalso be damaged by heavy vehicles. These included the four-wheeledcarts which (in certain regions) could carry a load of 30-35 cwt and,according to regulations from the 16th century even as much as 55 cwt.The famous Frammersbach carters carried loads of up to 30 cwt withsmall harness (kleines Geschirr) and almost 50 cwt with large harness(grosses Geschirr).
Bridge building was important for crossing rivers, particularlywhere fords and ferries were inadequate. Initially people made dowith wooden bridges, but from the llth century stone bridges began tobe built again, such as the one in Regensburg. During the 16thcentury a new bridge-building era began, initiated by Italianarchitects and engineers.
It is impossible to discuss the communications network at thetime without considering waterways and the various possibilities ofusing water as an alternative to road transport. Where there was achoice water routes were preferred, particularly for downstreamtravel, simply because of the difficulties involved in land transport.Various kinds of boats or ships were used, as well as rafts. Raftswere in use on all the rivers flowing from the Alps and the smallermountain ranges, principally of course for transporting wood, corn andother heavy goods but also for passengers. On the large rivers,particularly the Rhine and the Danube, shipping was well organised, onthe Danube with its barges ("Schachteln" or "Zillen"), on the Main ashigh up as Bamberg, and on the Rhine from Basle. Raftmen's and
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boatmen's guilds organised the river traffic. The stretch from Mainzto Cologne, for example, was reserved for the Mainz boatmen's guild,which had its own market boats carrying out regular journeys.Travelling upstream, however, road transport was quicker, since theboats needed to be towed upstream along a towpath.
The local rulers delegated the control over roads to specialofficials. In 1508 the Emperor Maximilian appointed Paul Stickl ofImst to the post of Inspector of Roads and Streets ("bereyter der weegund straBen") for a period of one year. During this time he wasrequired to inspect ("bereiten") four times the high Reschen pass, thelow road over the Brenner pass as well as the freighthouses situatedon these roads, to report defects to the officials responsible and toinstruct them to have these defects put right by their feudal vassals.He carried out these duties until 1514 and recommended two roadinspectors to succeed him, one of whom was to be responsible for NorthTyrol, the other for South Tyrol. The posts survived into the 17thcentury. Road inspectors were required to prepare reports on thecondition of roads. In special cases, experts were called in, such asthe master builder Jorg Kolderer, who made an official report on thestate of the roads in Tyrol in 1524. He complained about the poorcondition of the road on various stretches of the Brenner and Reschenroutes. He mentioned the need for clearing and paving thecarriageway, the latter presumably only in villages, and for sweepingwater from road. On the Kuntersweg, the rocks ("Kofi") were to bebroken up, and both dry-stone and mortared walls to be built.
The right of the local rulers to provide protection has alreadybeen mentioned. This was intended to make journeys through theterritory safer and was provided on payment of a protection levy. Itwas originally a royal prerogative, but under the Hohenstaufens itfell more and more into the hands of the local princes. Directprotection by the King or Emperor continued to be provided only interritories under direct imperial overlordship. The Imperial Decreeof 1548 recognised once again the local lords' right to provideprotection and required them to ensure the safety of the roads. Whereprotection was provided, there was also a duty to compensate fordamage. Under the Imperial Decree of 1548, if a traveller wasattacked, the bells were to be rung and the overlord and his vassalswere to hurry to the victim's assistance to arrest the culprit.
Goods and passenger transport and the postal service were alsosubject to intervention by the authorities. During the Middle Ages atransport system had already developed capable of servinglong-distance trade so that a merchant need no longer accompany thegoods himself. Societies were formed, particularly in the difficultAlpine regions, to facilitate transport by sharing the work, at thesame time ensuring themselves of an income. The initiative came fromthe southern slopes of the Alps and gave rise to special types ofassociation in Switzerland, Tyrol, Bavaria and Swabia. Thesesocieties were called "Porten" in the Swiss confederacy, whereas inTyrol and on the northern side of the Alps the system was known as the"Rottfuhr". The origins of this system go back to the late 12thcentury, where it is attested in the Adige region between Rovereto andBolzano. The Rottfuhr system was organised so that not only thehorses but also the porters and their carts (sledges in winter, raftson the rivers) were changed at each staging post. On the roads
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used by the Rottfuhr there were warehouses and barns in which thefreight was stored until it could be transported further. Transportby this system took time, and merchants were therefore interested inhaving quicker means of transport available in emergencies.Consequently, from the 15th century on, the Adirittura, Tarfis orEinachs carting systems grew up alongside the Rottfuhr. Similarly, inLindau around 1500, the transport of corn and salt was reserved forthe Rottfuhr men, whereas the transport of mercantile goods wascarried out by fast professional carters.
In contrast to maritime transport, in which a number of importantimprovements in shipbuilding technology and navigation were madeduring the Age of Discovery, only modest technological improvementscame about in overland traffic. The four-wheeled wagon had probablyexisted since the 13th century, but it was only during the end of the14th that heavy solid wheels were replaced by lighter spoked wheels.Originating in Italy, coaches and carriages later became widespread.To begin with the coachwork was solidly attached to the wheel axles,but later, to absorb the shock, it was hung from a chassis. From theend of the 16th century these vehicles were provided with windows.Particularly important improvements were made to harnesses, resultingin the vehicle being pulled from the animal's shoulder rather thanfrom its neck, which improved traction by a factor of about 3.6.Braking arrangements for freight vehicles were originally very simple,consisting of a spoke, (a bundle of twigs or sticks) shoved betweenthe wheels. It was not until around 1700 that iron chains, wheelshoes and screw brakes came into use.
By this time it was possible to travel in comfort if one couldafford it. Fit men still travelled by foot or on horseback, and someresourceful carters had already started acting as travel agents. In1595, for example, the Englishman Fynes Moryson paid 17 crowns(probably each at 80 Kreuzer) for a journey from Augsburg to Venice toa carter who provided horses, accommodation and food. From the end ofthe 15th century, anyone in a particular hurry could travel by thepostal service, that is the service of horses and carts changedregularly at staging posts (Ger. Poststationen, from the Latin"positae stationes"). Early forms of postal service developed bytowns, estates and private individuals particularly during the 15thcentury were taken over by the Bergamo family of Taxis. In 1490 theyset up a postal network for the Habsburg Emperor Maximilian, though itwas only during the 16th century that this was systematicallyexpanded.
Every traveller needed to rest on the way and find accommodationovernight, and if he fell ill, he needed to ensure that he wouldreceive care and treatment in a hospital. Taverns (from the Latintaberna) are attested in central Europe from the llth century,rather later than in the West. The "Miracle Books" mentionhospitia, some of which took in overnight paying guests,occasionally providing catering as well. More often, however,travellers catered for themselves. A special law of guest and hostdeveloped, implying that the innkeeping trade was well-established andwidespread. From the late 13th century inns became slightly morecomfortable, with several guest rooms, a dining room and a sittingroom. Each inn had a particular name and the owner advertised thiswith a sign showing an eagle, a lion, a star, etc. However, this wasstill a long way from the southern German hospitality vividlydescribed by Michel de Montaigne.
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A word should be said here about the hospitals. They cared forthe sick, but they also took in guests. Pilgrim hospitals occupied aspecial place. With the growth in pilgrim traffic after the year1000, the hospitality of the monasteries, particularly the Benedictinehouses, could no longer cope with the demand and from the mid-llth tothe early 12th centuries many hospitals came into existence along themajor pilgrim routes to Rome, Jerusalem and Santiago de Compostela.In the Alps, the initiative was taken principally by bishops andmonasteries. These hospitals were frequently built near bridges.Numerous hospitals, a special category, were built in the towns byprosperous citizens.
IV.
Which were the most important routes? We will restrict ourselvesto the area bounded in the north by the North Sea the German Balticcoast, to the west by the Rhine, to the east by the Oder region andBohemia, and to the south by the Alps. The most important north-southroute passed through the Rhineland. This was the quickest and bestroute between the Netherlands and Italy. The routes which passedthrough this area were favoured by the troubles of the Hundred Years'War in the west, which afflicted large areas of France and Burgundy.In the 16th century the wars between Habsburg Spain and the Kings ofFrance had a similar effect, as did the French Wars of Religion andthe Thirty Years' War. Accordingly the preferred routes were thosewhich passed through Lorraine and Alsace to Basle, reaching Lombardyover the St Gotthard pass. Starting from the major trade centres inthe Netherlands, originally Bruges and later Antwerp, a number ofroads could be chosen, Aachen, Cologne and Trier being particularlyimportant places of pilgrimage. During the war in Gelderland(1542/43) and in the war over the Archbishopric of Cologne in 1585,the Rhineland was avoided in favour of the Ardennes, the Eifel, theHunsriick and the Moselle valley. Communications via Cologne werecheaper simply because of the terrain, and the routes from thenorth-west to Mainz were more expensive because of the roads throughthe mountains.
The easiest route from Cologne and Mainz was up the Rhine toBasle. Because of difficulties on the river the land route waspreferred and in particular the left bank of the Rhine where theancient cities of Worms, Speyer and Strasbourg were situated. Beforethe Dutch Revolt, most of the traffic over the Alps headed towardsBasle. It then moved east, giving greater importance to towns in theNorthern Netherlands and Northern Germany, from Middelburg andRotterdam to Emden, Bremen, Hamburg and LUbeck. East of the Rhineaxis the most important meeting place was Frankfurt, with its fair.From Frankfurt there were several routes to the south reaching theAlpine passes through Augsburg, Nuremburg and Regensburg, while forthose coming from the Rhine there were other routes which cametogether in Dim and led via Lindau to the Grisons passes. FromAugsburg, the High Road (obere Strasse) led south over the Fernpassand Reschen, while the Low Road (untere Strasse) passed throughInnsbruck and over the Brenner. The High Road got its name from thestretch along the upper Inn valley, whereas Innsbruck, on the LowRoad, lay further down the same valley.
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The Salzburg route could be taken either from Nuremburg andRegensburg, or from Augsburg and Munich. Although longer, it waspreferred for a while in the 16th century, though in the 17th theTyrol crossing won favour again.
An important route for merchants as well as for pilgrims toCompostela was the one leading from the Lake Constance area to Geneva,Lyon and down the Rhone. This formed the link with the saffron, woadand wine-producing region of South-West France, as well as leading toEastern Spain, where saffron was also grown. This was also used as analternative route when the road over the Grisons passes, throughLombardy to Genoa and over the sea, was troubled or blocked.
One of the densest networks of roads was that in the area betweenthe Rhine and the Weser, on account of the wealth of the cities, thebusy trading and the heavy through traffic from the Netherlands to thecoast and to central and Eastern Germany. Some of the most importantmeeting places were Dortmund, Soest, Munster and Osnabruck; from herethe roads fanned out and led to Bremen, Hamburg, Minden, Hameln,Hoxter and Kassel. The best known road was the Hellweg, which startedon the Rhine and forked in two at Paderborn. Other destinations in theeast were the towns in the Harz mountains, Magdeburg on the Elbe,Erfurt in Thuringia and Leipzig and Naumburg with their major fairs.
The most important north-south routes met up at Frankfurt andNuremburg; the main junctions before the coastal towns were Liineburgand Brunswick. A popular diagonal route in the north-west was the"Flemish Road" from the Netherlands to Bremen. The "Ox Road"(Ochsenweg) from Jutland crossed the Elbe west of Hamburg. As analternative to the Belt and Oresund crossings there were overlandroutes between Hamburg and Lubeck, but there were also isthmus routesfurther north which facilitated the crossing from the west coast tothe fjord ports, and along the Baltic coast there was a land routefrom Lubeck through Mecklenburg and Pomerania to Stettin and Danzig.In central Germany Erfurt, Halle and Leipzig and well as Brunswick andMagdeburg were junctions on the trade route from the west and thesouth to the North Sea and the Baltic. In addition there were linksbetween Nuremburg and Prague, Breslau and Frankfurt an der Oder. Theroyal residences, notably Hanover, Berlin and Dresden only started togain in importance as junctions in the road network from the 17thcentury.
A few brief notes should be added here on the speed and cost oftravelling. A traveller could cover around 30 km a day, though agroup of riders could reach 70-75 km. Even goods traffic, if urgent,could cover 50 km in a day. The Eigenachs carts took five to sixweeks to get from Augsburg to Venice, while goods using the Rottfuhrservice took three to four months. In 1515 Lukas Rem from Augsburgtravelled from Brussels to the Lech in Austria in six days by posthorses, whereas with his own horse he would have needed 13 or 14 days.
It is hard to make any definite statement about travel costs,when the traveller might be a vagabond, a pilgrim, an artisan, a youngnobleman (who would usually in the company of his tutor), or even aprince or other ruler, who would travel with a large entourage. Anartist could partly cover his travel costs by accepting commissions onroute, as Albrecht Durer did on his journey to the Netherlands in1520-21. From the end of the Middle Ages, there was the additionalcost of customs duty levied by the authorities. Particularly duringthe 16th century carters were constantly demanding price increases.
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To give themselves an idea of the tolls, merchants drew up booksshowing the varying tariffs which applied depending on the value ofthe goods and the volume of traffic.
Finally, travellers needed to be informed about the route theywould take. One famous map was produced by Erhart Etzlaub ofNuremburg on the occasion of the Holy Year of 1500. This enabled apilgrim to Rome to find his way through a network of roads spreadingout fanwise from Nuremburg. Places of pilgrimage were marked with achurch. Another useful aid were the milestones, though these mostlyceased at the borders of the Empire. During the 16th century printeditineraries and travel books became available, like that of theBergamo doctor Gratarolus, which appeared in 1561 in Basle withmedical advice, or that by Jorg Gail of Augsburg in 1563. Travelnarratives became more and more frequent from the late 16th centuryunder the influence of humanism, and in the next century travelliterature reached its first peak with the writings of Martin Zeillerand Matthaus Merian.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fritz VOIGT, Verkehr, 2. Band, 1. und 2. Halfte, Die Entwicklung desVerkehrsvesens, Berlin 1965.
Hermann KELLENBENZ, Landverkehr, Fluss-und Seeschiffahrt imeuropaischen Handel (Spatmittelalter-Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts), in:Les Grandes voies maritimes dans le monde, XV-XIX siecles. Rapportspresentes au Xlle Congres International des Sciences Historiquespar la Commission Internationale d'Histoire Maritime a 1'occasion deson Vile Colloque (Vienne, 29 aout - 5 septembre 1965),Bibliotheque Generale de 1'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, VieSection, Paris, S.E.V.P.E.N., 1965, 65-174.
id, Verkehr I: Geschichte, in: Handworterbuch der Wirtschafts-vissenschaften (HdW) V, 1979, 225-238.
id, Verkehrs-und Nachrichtenwesen, in: Derselbe, Wirtschaft undGesellschaf t Europas 1350-1650 (Handbuch der europaischenWirtschafts-und Sozialgeschichte Band 3), Stuttgart 1986, 285-303.
id, Das Verkehrswesen zwischen den deutschen Nord-und Ostseehafenund dem Mittelmeer im 16. und in der ersten Halfte des 17.Jahrhunderts, in: Trasporti e sviluppo economico, secoli XIII-XVIII, acura di Anna Vannini Marx (Istituto Internazionale di Storia EconomicaF. Datini, Prato, Pubblicazioni-Serie II, Atti delle "Settimane diStudio" e altri convegni 5, Firenze 1986, 99-121.
Hans Conrad PEYER unter Mitarbeit von Elisabeth MULLER-LUCKNER (Hg.),Gastfreundschaft, Taverne und Gasthaus im Mittelalter (Schriften desHistorischen Kollegs, Kolloquien 3), Mvinchen/Wien 1983.
Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenzen, Ausstellung im BayerischenNationalmuseum, Miinchen, 28. Juni bis 7. Oktober 1984, RedaktionThomas Raff.
Otto STOLZ, Geschichte des Zollvesens, Verkehrs und Handels in Tirolund Vorarlberg, Innsbruck 1953.
Uta LINDGREN, Alpenubergange von Bayern nach Italien 1500-1850,Miinchen 1986.
id, Alpenubergange vor 1850. Landkarten-Strassen-Verkehr, in :Beiheft 83 der Vierteljahrschrift fur Sozial- und Wirtschafts-geschichte, Wiesbaden 1987.
Friedrich BRUNS (t) u. Hugo UECZERKA, Hansische Handelstrassen(Quellen und Darstellungen zur hansischen Geschichte, Neue Folge,Band XIII, Teil 2), Weimar 1967, 35-122.
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Wicht ige Handdsstrassen zicischen Ost-Ifordsee, Adriatischcm und Ligurischem Meer.
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THE INVENTORY OF HISTORIC ROUTES IN SWITZERLAND (IVS) IN RELATIONTO THE SANTIAGO PILGRIM ROUTES
by H.P. SCHNEIDER (Switzerland)
The Inventory of Historic Routes in Switzerland (IVS) ,isconnected in two ways with the theme of this congress:
firstly, the pilgrim routes obviously form a large part of thehistoric road network;
secondly, the Council of Europe's European cultural routeprogramme has been the decisive factor in promoting the idea of aproject aimed at researching and bringing back to life a Santiagopilgrim route in Switzerland. This is the so-called "ObereStrasse" running from Konstanz and Rorschach to Geneva viaEinsiedeln.
These two aspects, the Inventory of Historic Routes inSwitzerland and the "Obere Strasse" project are described below.
The Inventory of Historic Routes in Switzerland (IVS)
The IVS is an institution attached to the Geographical Instituteof the University of Bern. It was set up in 1984 by the SwissGovernment to prepare an inventory of historic routes in Switzerland.
The main aims of the IVS are:
to prepare the inventory within the time limit imposed by theSwiss Government, i.e by 1995;
to promote historic routes on as large a scale as possible witha view to their more effective protection.
The IVS was set up in application of the Federal Nature andLandscape Conservation Act, under Section 5 of which the SwissGovernment must provide the cantons with information on which to basetheir spatial planning decisions relating to nature and landscapeprotection.
Under the terms of the above-mentioned act three main federalinventories are currently under preparation: the ISOS (Inventory ofsites worthy of protection in Switzerland), the IFF (Federal inventoryof landscapes, sites and natural features of national importance) andthe IVS, which is basically concerned with he linear elements of thecultural landscape.
We use both historical information and geographical andmorphological information in the course of our research.
This historical research is based on old maps, and plans fromvarious periods, iconographic sources and written sources. Inparallel with the historical research, part of the project involvesthe systematic mapping of surviving sections and features of thecommunications network on the ground, since the inventory is concernedwith communications routes which are still visible. It is necesary to
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identify the various surfaces and types of construction, and featuresof the communications network such as milestones, crosses, old tollbooths, chapels, hospitals etc. The final result of this work is anetwork of routes which are still visible on the ground and worthy ofprotection. A map showing part of the network of 19th century traderoutes in the canton of Graubiinden provides a good example of this(figure 1).
Historic routes as a basis for the spatial planning of the future
This map shows that we are abandoning the present traditionalsystem in Europe of protecting particular sites in favour of thelinear protection of entire routes. In addition to isolated featuresof the road network (churches, chapels or sections which areparticularly interesting from the morphological point of view), thispolicy extends such protection to entire communications networks.
What is the political importance of this approach? Given thatthe IVS is a legal planning instrument with binding force for thefederal authorities, all future road construction or land improvementprojects must take into account the historic network as the decisivestructural feature of the cultural landscape.
In future the new road network will have to be justified, atleast theoretically, in relation to the old network rather than thereverse, which has been true in particular of Swiss spatial planningpractice - and I presume that of Europe as a whole. It is quitelikely that there will be opposition, mainly on economic grounds, whenthe first maps are published in 1989.
The presentation of this map during the congress can be justifiedon two main grounds:
1. the map provides the first practical guidelines at Europeanlevel with regard to the future spatial planning process aimedat giving greater consideration to the traditional culturallandscape. This is of some importance in the light of theefforts already undertaken by the Council of Europe onboth the Santiago pilgrim routes and the "European Campaignfor the Countryside" in order to preserve traditionalcultural assets;
2. with regard to the efforts to revitalise and protect theSantiago pilgrim routes and features of the road system, onecan expect the same difficulties as with historic routes inSwitzerland.
Protection through revitalisation
Irrespective of legal considerations, historic routes will beprotected better if:
1. they are known (no protection without information)
2. they are used appropriately
3. they have a certain economic value, particularly in the fieldof tourism.
We are trying to take these three points into consideration byemphasizing the revitalisation of historic routes as footpaths seen asan additional tourist attraction.
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The example of the Stockalperweg over the Simplon Pass
Revitalisation of this 17th century track and all its associatedfeatures as a historic footpath is a contribution to "green tourism".
The Stockalperweg was designated by Switzerland as a"demonstration project" for the Council of Europe's European Campaignfor the Countryside (figure 2).
Starting from the Stockalperpalast in Brig, this cultural walktakes us over well-preserved sections via the old staging post, wheregoods used to be transferred, disused alpine mines and various otherfeatures connected with the route as far as the staging post atGondo, near the Italian border (figures 3 to 5).
The "Grosse Walserweg" (Walser Trail) is a similar project drawnup by the Swiss National Tourist Office.
The "Obere Strasse" Project
At the same time we are working on the footpath known as the"Obere Strasse", from the church of St. James in Konstanz or Rorsehachvia Einsiedeln to Geneva. Our aim is to make a detailed andscientific inventory of this route and revitalize it by creating adirect and richly documented historic footpath. The IVS can play onlya restricted part in research into academic themes such as pilgrimroutes; we try to do this through a co-ordination service made up ofexperts on this question. A first meeting of the co-ordinationservice has already been held. ""
At present the project is still in its early stages, and so Iwill restrict my remarks to partially completed research. I will basethese remarks partly on the work of the IVS in general and secondly onresearch rapidly completed by Heinrich Oberli of the IVS on theKonstanz-Rapperswil and Rorschach-Einsiedeln sections, particularly inrelation to a land improvement project threatening the Santiagopilgrim route.
Function and structure of the pilgrim routes
Research is restricted in particular to morphological andtopographical analyses on the ground and two deductions which can bemade from these about the function and structure of the pilgrimroutes. Before I say anything at all about the function and structureof the roads in the early Middle Ages, I must ask you to imagine thestate and origins of the roads of the time.
The situation in Switzerland can be described, veryschematically, as follows:
most roads did not have a hard surface; this led to the formationof hollow paths, typical of the Swiss plateau and Pre-Alps,
this phenomenon was even more pronounced where the ground wassteep and the sub-soil soft.
In bad weather the roads became quagmires, causing frequentchanges of route and leading to the development of several alternativeroutes through parallel hollow paths. In those days transport bycoach was rare, but there were many possible ways of transportinggoods on foot. Most of the time sumpters were used or, whereverpossible, navigable waterways.
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The state of the roads merely reflected the inadequateorganisation of transport in those days. Maintenance of the roads wasmainly the responsibility of the local community. This duty, whichplaced the burden.of road maintenance on those who used them mostoften, dated back to the Roman practice of "collatio viae".
It was not only the state of the roads and lanes whichdiscouraged travel, but also social, economic and politicalconditions. One of these factors, for example, was personal safety onthe roads: it is quite easy to see that the hollow paths must haveprovided ideal conditions for highway robbers. There were alsofrequent changes of political power in those days. Moreover, therewere many barriers (as we can see from a Bernese customs register forthe period 1279 to 1700) for the collection of a large number of taxesof various kinds. All of this made travelling difficult.
Examples of taxes:
road maintenance tax,bridge-tolls and other tolls, transport fees and charges,tolls for the upkeep of roads which were expensive to maintain,customs duties on goods,customs duties in proportion to the weight and value of goods.
In short, considering the travelling conditions of the time, Ipresume that neither the pilgrim's staff nor his scrip can have givenhim any help whatsoever.
Most of these findings have been confirmed by Mr Oberli's fieldwork on the "Obere Strasse" from Konstanz to Einsiedeln viaRapperswil. The roads of the period cannot be said to follow a singleroute, but rather several parallel routes.
It is just as difficult to make a rigid separation betweenmilitary, economic or other functions. The existing roads were usedfor all kinds of purposes. Numerous other features of the roadnetwork, such as monasteries, hospices and bridges, provide obviouslandmarks (figures 6 to 10).
I intend to conclude with these general considerations, since ourresearch began relatively recently.
To sum up, I for my part would not go so far as Schopenhauer,speaking of the importance of the Santiago pilgrim routes, but simplysay:
The Santiago pilgrim routes are not everything, but without Santiagopilgrim routes everything is nothing.
Nevertheless, I am certain that with the support of the Councilof Europe the Santiago pilgrim routes can make a decisive contributionto the conservation of European cultural assets. At this point, dearpilgrims, I wish you a safe journey to Santiago de Compostela througha Europe with a cultural heritage as carefully preserved as possible.
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Figure 1 : 19th century trade routes in the canton of Graubunden
- 28 -
Figure 2 : Plan of che Scockalperweg
- 29 -
Figure 3 : The Simplon staging post
Figure 4 : Sections of the Stockalperweg
- 30 -
Figure 5 : Disused Alpine gold mine
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Figure 6 : Sainte Appoline bridge (Fribourg)
- 31 -
Figure 7 : The Devil's Bridge, Etzel pass
Figure 8 : Fischingen Abbey, Thurgau
- 32 -
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Figure 9 : The abbey at Einsiedeln
Figure 10 A statue of St James at Altendorf
- 33 -
FOLLOWING IN THE FOOTSTEPS OF THE SANTIAGO PILGRIMSIN THE UPPER RHINELAND
by Hedwig ROCKELEIN / Gottfried WENDLING .(Federal Republic of Germany)
Surrounded by the summits of the Black Forest and the Vosges, theUpper Rhineland stretches along the Rhine between Basle and Rastatt.This region, which today is divided by political frontiers betweenthree countries - Switzerland, France and Germany - formed a singlewhole from the political, economic and religious points of view untilthe end of the 17th century.
Routes
There were several Roman North/South routes still partially usedin the Middle Ages. Along the slopes of the Vosges the most westerlyroute led directly to the gateway to Burgundy and the road to Lyonsvia Belfort. Whereas the direct Roman road avoided the settlementsbetween Strasbourg and Basle, the mediaeval route was diverted to passthrough towns such as Selestat, Colmar and Mulhouse.
Routes to the east via the Black Forest:
1. Freiburg - "Hollental" - Hufingen - Donaueschingen;
2. Strasbourg - Offenburg - the Kinzig Valley - Villingen;
3. Strasbourg - Durlach - Bruchsal - Cannstadt.
These routes were already in existence in Roman times. The mostimportant route was the one through Bruchsal, bypassing the BlackForest. In the Middle Ages the Strasbourg - Oppenau - KniebisFreudenstadt route had not yet been opened up.
Routes out of the Rhine Valley towards the west:
1. Strasbourg - Saverne - Luneville - Saint Nicolas de Port -Nancy;
2. Selestat - Sainte-Marie-aux-Mines - Saint Die;
3. Colmar - Kaysersberg - Col du Bonhomme - Saint Die.
After the Col du Bonhomme there was a route which branched offtowards the south-west via Gerardmer and Remiremont. The mostfavourable route to the south-west was no doubt the old Roman road viathe gateway to Burgundy, which avoided all the Vosges passes.
In the Middle Ages the only bridges across the Rhine were atBasle, Breisach and Strasbourg. Between these bridges people usedfords and ferries. In addition, the river itself was a route used,for example, by many groups of pilgrims returning from Rome.
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Accounts of the mediaeval pilgrims show that they mainlyfollowed the major trade routes. They might be induced to leave theseroutes by: *••'•.
a. circumstances outside their control, such as wars, disease orfloods;
b. the desire to visit certain shrines situated at some distancefrom the main routes (eg Einsiedeln, Thann or Mont-Sainte-Odile).
Lodgings
Most pilgrims had to depend on the charitable institutions of themonastic communities, and later also on those of the towns. By theearly Middle Ages Benedictine communities had already begun to giveshelter to travellers and pilgrims; this was part of their acts ofcharity. Sometimes the hospice was not directly next to the monasterybut slightly further on at the edge of the road (at Eschau, forexample). Often these monastic hospices were replaced by the"Elendenherbergen" of the towns (eg at Selestat and Strasbourg).
The new religious orders of the 12th and 13th centuries took upthe tradition of lodging travellers and pilgrims; this applied, forexample, to the Franciscans at Kniebis, the Augustinian canons atTruttenhausen near Mont-Sainte-Odile and at Saint-Arbogast inStrasbourg, and the Order of Saint Anthony at Isenheim. In Haguenau ahospice dedicated to Saint James was opened in 1374. This"Elendenherberge" gave shelter to all pilgrims and travellers. On theother hand, Saint Martin's hospital in Haguenau did not take inpilgrims, even though the hospital church had an altar dedicated toSaint James. Contemporary sources mention the existence of a SaintJames' hospital before the year 1222 at Urloffen, near Renchen inBaden, but all further traces of this have been lost in the mists oftime. Nothing precise is known about its function.
The fact that a hospital or hospice was dedicated to a particularsaint does not tell us anything about its function, which can onlybe elucidated by the written sources for each particular case. Thehospices, including those dedicated to Saint James, took in - at leastin the upper Rhineland - not only Santiago pilgrims but all otherpilgrims and all poor travellers.
Confraternities
There were 12 confraternities of Saint James in the upperRhineland, of which the following five can be studied from documentaryevidence: Waldshut (1513), Basle, St. Jakob an der Biirs (15thcentury), Basle Saint Leonard (1480-1525), Kaysersberg (1494) andStrasbourg (1484-1525).
The Waldshut shoemakers' guild took its name from the altardedicated to Saint James in the parish church. It was open to all andits purpose was the salvation of its own members' souls. It hadnothing to do with the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela.
The same applies to the confraternity of Saint James atKaysersberg. Although there is other evidence for the existence ofpilgrims, there was no relation between these pilgrims and theconfraternity.
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The Basle confraternity of St Jakob an der Birs was anorganisation for the inmates of a hospice for the incurably ill, allcitizens of Basle. The dedication was adopted from the nearby SaintJames's Chapel. To our knowledge, the confraternity of Saint Jamesand Saint Leonard in Basle, on which there are many survivingdocuments, had nothing to do with the Santiago pilgrimage although theiconographic material portrays the apostle as a pilgrim.
In the documents of the Strasbourg confraternity we find for thefirst time advice for pilgrims. In this case the president- of theconfraternity had no doubt made the pilgrimage to Santiago. But theseregulations were valid only for him, not for the other members of theeight-man committee (the "Achter") and the ordinary members of theconfraternity. Here again, assistance to pilgrims passing throughStrasbourg was not one of the confraternity's objectives. In anycase, the alms it distributed to pilgrims were very meagre.
Summary
According to the available information, the confraternities ofSaint James known to have assisted in the upper Rhineland wereassociations organised for the purpose of prayer for the souls of thedead. In short, they were not confraternities of Santiago pilgrimsfor Santiago pilgrims. We must therefore conclude that - at least asfar as the upper Rhineland is concerned - the confraternities of SaintJames were of no importance to the pilgrimage to Santiago deCompostela.
With regard to pilgrims' hospices, the picture is similar. Ofcourse, it was possible for poor strangers, travellers and pilgrims tospend the night in hospices in all towns and fairly large villages.These hospices were also found along the communication routes, most ofthem maintained by religious institutions. None of these hospices wasreserved exclusively for Santiago pilgrims. In the upper Rhineland itcan be proved that there was no special infrastructure for thelatter. But was such an infrastructure really necessary? And, aboveall, were there really large numbers of Santiago pilgrims here in theupper Rhineland? Were the Santiago pilgrims not simply part of theimmense crowd which thronged the roads - merchants from near and far,beggars and rogues, noble travellers, peasants perhaps making theirway to market, mercenaries and wandering monks, refugees from war orplague, outlaws and ... pilgrims? Pilgrims making their way to andfrom all kinds of shrines including, among many others, the Santiagopilgrims.
To date, in the upper Rhineland, we have not found any evidenceto show that there was a very large number of pilgrims, whether oflocal origin, or passing through, either i'n documents or (for example)the various chronicles.
Of course, in this region, there is a great deal of evidence ofthe cult of Saint James, whether in the form of churches or altars,statues, crosses, place names or roads. However, these are evidenceof the cult of Saint James in general rather than evidence of thepilgrimage routes. The term Santiago pilgrim route properly appliesonly to those mediaeval or modern routes closely associated infunction with the cult of Saint James or the Santiago pilgrimage. Inthe upper Rhineland, at least, such routes do not exist.
- 36 -
That is why we remain sceptical about the Council of Europeproject entitled "Santiago de Compostela European cultural route". Itis unreasonable to interpret any evidence of the cult of Saint Jamesas proof of the existence of a pilgrimage route. It would be muchmore sensible to include in the same way all aspects of the cult ofSaint James and, where this is still possible, protect them andmaintain them as historic monuments. This objective would of coursehave to involve conservation of former sections of the route, as isalready being attempted in Switzerland. On the other hand, a Europeannetwork of. so-called Santiago pilgrim routes would be more likely tocamouflage the evidence, which varies from region to region and fromone historical period to another.
The "camino frances" in Spain is a unique feature which cannot bereproduced, and which finally becomes - at Santiago de Compostela - abroad river fed by many small springs. Each one of these springs wasa pilgrim, with his own route, setting off from his own house andreturning to it, God willing. Pilgrims, the true protagonists ofcultural exchange in Europe, with their hopes, adventures andexperiences, and their religious and spiritual outlook, are in dangerof being forgotten in the research on the Santiago pilgrim routes.
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A FRESH APPROACH TO THE "PILGRIM'S GUIDE TO THE VAY OFST. JAMES OF COMPOSTELA"
by Andre de MANDACH (Switzerland)
Until now the development of the Pilgrim's Guide of Saint Jamesduring the 12th century has not succeeded in arousing much enthusiasm.But only an interdisciplinary and European approach canprovide a detailed picture of the Santiago macrocosm, and for thispurpose it is important to have a good understanding of the successivemicrocosms.
There are four major questions.
I. Can the Guide's development be divided into four stages?
II. Can the existence of these four versions be proved by studyingthe variants?
III. Does the fourth version, dating from 1159-64, in the cathedral ofSantiago de Compostela, contain four interpolations, includingtwo major additions on Saint-Gilles du Card and Vezelay? Inaddition, had the third Santiago pilgrim route been extended toVezelay whereas in previous versions it had started only atPerigueux?
IV. What do the successive versions of the Guide tell us about thehistory of art, dance and liturgy?
These essential problems require careful attention. In order toretain an element of "suspense", I will not reveal my findings untilthe end of this paper.
I. THE FOUR VERSIONS OF THE BOOK OF SAINT JAMES
1. First version. The "Book of Saint James" A, earlier than 1139This "Book of Saint James" contains:
a. Epistle attributed to Calixtus II
b. Miracles of Saint James
c. Translation of Saint James
d. Liberation of Spain by Charlemagne and Roland ordered by SaintJames (chronicle attributed to Turpin)
e. Appendix C to this chronicle
.This version englobes the oldest text, the A text of thepseudo-Turpin, and contains not a single trace of any pilgrim'sguide (1).
2. Second version. 1139. Vezelay-Compostela. Aimeri Picaud:second edition of the "Book of Saint James"
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On top of parts a. to c. mentioned above and a reworkedversion (the D text) plus e. of the Turpin, this version containsfour additions:
f. Shrines of the holy martyrs of the 3rd century.The four routes from the South of France and Tours
g. Passion of St Eutropius of Saintes (fourth route)
h. Three pilgrim hymns by Aimeri Picaud
i. Bull of Innocent II. Vezelay, 1139
Safe conduct for Picaud: the eight previous texts are authentic.
It should be emphasized that f. is the only Santiago pilgrim'sguide which achieved any currency outside the Iberian Peninsula (2).
3. Third version. Circa 1154 (?), Compostela-Alcobaca.Third edition of the "Book of Saint James"
The only surviving copy of this Santiago pilgrim's guide iscontained in MS Alcobaca 334 (Portuguese National Library, Lisbon),fol. 106 v. - 219 r. An edition of this version, which has notpreviously been published, is being prepared by Hans-Wilhelm Klein andmyself. Five other texts have been added to it. It contains newvariants of the Turpin (d) and the Guide (g) which later became thebasis of the fourth version (3).
4. Fourth version. 1158-64. By "HA" of Compostela.Fourth edition
Of this version too there is only one surviving completemanuscript, the "Book of Saint James", kept in the archives of thecathedral of Compostela. Between the death of Alfonso VII "elEmperador" in 1157 and 1164 a copyist now referred to as "HA"(Hamel-A) reorganised and copied the various elements of his model,which must have been similar to the Alcobaca text, producing thefollowing five books:
I. OfficeII. The MiraclesIII. The TranslationIV. The Chronicle of Charlemagne and Roland (Pseudo-Turpin)V. The Pilgrim's Guide
The manuscript also contains texts on a variety of subjects notcopied by HA. Shortage of space prevents me from listing these here (4)
The Pilgrim's Guide of the fourth version
This is a hotch-potch concocted by HA of Compostela circa 1164.
A. Introduction emphasising the Spanish sections and the Tours route
Chapters 1-6. Routes, halting places, favourable andunfavourable watercourses.
- 39 -
B. The four French routes of the Santiago Pilgrims
ChapterBasques.
the honest Poitevins and the wicked Gascons and
Chapter 8a: development of f. - the shrines, with extension ofroute III from Perigueux to Vezelay (four interpolations).
Chapter 8b: g. Passion of St Eutropius of Saintes
C. Compostela; the canons, the cathedral, pilgrims' safe conduct
Chapters 9-11.
Part A takes up a. quarter of the guide, the rest being dividedequally between parts B and C. This guide is a "museum" containingtexts which each have their own date of composition and their ownauthor. Only part B is known to have existed before the 1160s, aroundthe time when the second version, the Picaud-Vezelay version, waswritten. If this is the work of Aimeri Picaud, a Poitevin and priestat Saint-Pere sous Vezelay, it is surprising that route III of the1139 text begins only in Perigueux (rather than in Vezelay, as it doesin the text of HA written at least 20 years later).
HA unwisely attributed the whole of the foreword to his guide toPope Calixtus II (1119-1124). Various other tales are attributed toCalixtus II, his chancellor Aimeric (who served under various popesfrom 1123-1141) or to both together. On this point Berbers quotesAbbe Pierre David, who considered these attributions to be additionsby the final copyist (HA), who was well aware of the importance ofCalixtus and his chancellor for the bishopric/archbishopric ofCompostela (5).
It would be absurd to regard this HA guide, which is such amotley collection, as the work of a single author. It would be evenmore; incautious to attribute it in its entirety to the worthy FatherAimeri Picaud.
It is regrettable that nobody has studied the D and Alcobacamanuscripts, which would teach us a lot about those who amended them.Many scholars, for example, have fallen into the trap and opted forFather Picaud, who made the pilgrimage to Compostela with hisconcubine Flandrine (Flandrensis) in the years 1139-40. Study of the"Book of Saint James" by HA of Compostela and its fifth volume, themuseum-like pilgrim's guide, has all the aspects of a lucky dip! Thereare therefore four versions of the "Book of Saint James". The firstis composed of the texts centring on the pseudo-Turpin (before 1139),the second being the D-Vezelay-Picaud version (1139), the third theD200-Alcobaca version (circa 1154) and the fourth the HA-Compostelaversion (1158-1164). It is important to record the changes made tothe original text and accordingly examine the variants andinterpolations, which tell us a great deal about those who introducedthem.
II. DEVELOPMENT OF THE VARIANTS
I have used a table in seven columns to set out the variants.The first gives the reference number, while the second and third listthe positions of the passages in question in the Alcobaca andCompostela manuscripts. In columns 4-6 I have set out the variants of
- 40 -
the second to fourth versions. Lastly, in the seventh column, I haveincluded my own commentary." To include the table would exceed thelimits of this paper. I can, however, simply point out that theerrors of the third and fourth versions and their additions aremanifest (6).
III. THE FOUR INTERPOLATIONS IN THE FOURTH VERSION
The four interpolations made by HA to the traditional text of (f)relate to the two masterpieces of the new wave of Romanesque art,Saint-Gilles and Vezelay, and to Bordeaux and Santo Domingo de laCalzada. The first two are lengthy interpolations, the last two verybrief. The following references are to the Vielliard edition:
A. Saint-Gilles du Card, 36.28 - 46.14B. Vezelay and Saint-Leonard de Noblat, 50.17 - 56.16C. Saint-Seurin, Bordeaux, 80.3 - 80.5 (18 words)D. Santo Domingo de la Calzada, 80.15 - 80.17 (22 words)
Whereas the short pilgrim's guide (f) followed immediately afterthe Pseudo-Turpin and its description of Saint-Seurin, Bordeaux,Chapter8(a)of the new pilgrim's guide in book V comes after along gap. It therefore proved necessary to complete this new guide byinserting a brief reminder about the shrine visited by those pilgrimstravelling via Bordeaux.
When the first pilgrim's guide (f) was written, the church ofSanto-Domingo de la Calzada was still not widely known. In 1076 thisSaint Dominicus had built a bridge and a small section of the Santiagopilgrim route in west Navarre for Alfonso VI. King Alfonso had atthat time just taken part in the occupation by Castile of this region,situated between Najera and Burgos. However, the first small churchwas not consecrated until 1106, by the Bishop of Calahorra-Najera.Around 1160 the prestige of Saint Dominicus, the builder of thepilgrims' road, increased considerably. In about the period 1160 to1164 it was therefore necessary to bring the guide up to date (7).
A. Saint-Gilles du Card
The interpolation on Saint-Gilles is divided into three parts:
a. The life of Saint Giles, the miracle which God performed forSaint Giles and Charlemagne, pardoning the emperor's sin of incestwith his sister (siring of Roland): 36.28 - 40.16
b. The saint's reliquary, detailed description of this marvel ofRomanesquear~tfromaround the middle of the 12th century:40.16 - 46.5
c.the
Tirades against various "enemies", vituperative attacks onSfMagyars, Chamalieres("Haiite-Loire), Sainte-Seine (diocese ofDijon), the Cotentin and Cambrai: 46.5 - 46.14.
This interpolation takes into account the building, at about themiddle of the 12th century, of the admirable church of the abbey ofSaint-Gilles, with its majestic crypt, the latest word in Romanesqueart (8).
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- 42 -
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- 43 -
B. Vezelay and Saint-Leonard de Noblat
This is the longest interpolation. It extends the thirdSantiago pilgrim route from Perigueux to Saint-Leonard de Noblat andVezelay. . ••
a. : It first provides a description of.the abbey church of Vezelayand relates the translation of the body of St Mary 'Magdalene byBadilon from Aix-en-Provence to Vezelay: 50.17 - 52.13.
b. The second part describes the abbey of Saint-Leonard de Noblat,on the pilgrim .route from Vezelay to Perigueux, and makes offensiveinsinuations against the abbey of Saint-Leonard de Corbigny (Nievre),in which the monks of Corbigny are alleged to have seized possession,of the relics of Saint-Leonard in order to attract pilgrims to theirmonastery.
The addition of the section on Vezelay has historical reasons.The abbey church of Vezelay was destroyed by fire in 1120. In 1132the altars of a new.church were consecrated, but work on the fabricand sculptures,continued well into the second half of the 12th century(9). In 1139 it was therefore premature to highlight Vezelay as apilgrimage centre. At about 1160, on the other hand, it was necessaryto include a description of this, the latest product of the new waveof Romanesque art.
Similarly, until about 1120, Saint-Leonard de Corbigny was only asimple priory of the Carolingian abbey of Flavigny. It subsequentlybecame an independent abbey and later appropriated the relics ofSaint Leonard. It was only some time later that its success gave riseto criticism. The latest artistic trends and the bitter criticismscontained in the interpolations are new elements in the Guide,elements not found in the first versions of the text.
What do these interpolations tell us about the history of art,theatre and liturgy? This question deserves a provisional answer.
IV. THE THREE GENERATIONS OF THE GREAT PILGRIMAGE CENTRES
Barral y Altet and Gaborit-Chopin have demonstrated the existenceof three generations of great Romanesque churches.
A. The first generation
The first generation came into being between 1060 and 1080 on theSantiago pilgrim routes and includes the churches of Saint-Martin inTours, Saint-Martial in Limoges, Sainte-Foy in Conques, Saint-Serninin Toulouse and Saint James in Compostela. All these shrines havethreefold or fivefold naves, towers on the west front and above all anambulatory. Until the 19th century this was called a "carole", and itcould be used for processions or liturgical dances performed "entresse" (in plaits) and referred to in fact as "caroles". Furtherdetails relating to Saint-Riquier (Centula) and Sainte-Foy de Conquesare given in my 1979 and 1985 publications and in Robert Lafont's 1987work (see bibliography). A new performance of the "tresse" (plait) ofSainte-Foy de "Conques will be presented on the pilgrim routes by aBarcelona group set up by Robert Lafont (Montpellier) in 1989 (10).
- 44 -
B. The second generation' • i '
The second generation dates from shortly "before or shortly afterthe First Crusade, launched by Urban II. This type has only one verybroad nave, with Venetian, Byzantine or Oriental style cupolas.Examples include Pamplona, Perigueux and Le Puy. Cluny III, financedby the benefactions of Alfonso VI, is of the same type (11).
C. The third generation
The third generation appeared in Burgundy, particularly atVezelay. The churches of this..type belong to. an opposing tradition,that of Anzy-le-Duc, in which horizontal rather than vertical linesdominate (12).
The first two versions'Of the "Pilgrim's Guide to the way ofSaint James" both reveal a unitary approach from the historical,architectural, liturgical and choreographical points of view. Thethird .stage version broadens this framework through the introduction,about 1160, of the third generation in a motley, museum-likecollection concocted by the late compiler HA.
An interdisciplinary•approach to these three generations leads uson an extraordinary journey through space and time, and from shrine toshrine, those symbolic places which for many centuries have made theSantiago pilgrim routes what they are.
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NOTES
1. Mandach 1961, 91-99, 364-369; Mandach 1990, ch-. V.
2. Mandach 1961, 106-126, 373-376, especially 373; Mandach 1969,811-837, g) Passion of Saint Eutropius of Saintes; Mandach1970, 62-69. A. The place name Elle-poselle is derivedfrom the Latin ILLA-PULCELLA (Saint Eustella).
3. Mandach 1961, 301, 378.
4. Whitehill 1944; Hamel 1965; Berbers 1984; Klein 1986;Berbers 1986; Vielliard 1938; Romero de Lecea 1971.Several folios by HA have been replaced by folios copiedby another copyist. Berbers 1986, 19 n° 2, 98 n° 72,103 n° 93, 124 n° 193, 127 n° 211.
5. Berbers 1986, especially 87 et No 7.
6. Mandach 1969, 811-827.
7. Hell 1979, Nos 112-117.
8. Barral i Altet 1984, 7, 92, 300; Hell 1979, 134 Nos 64-66.
9. Richter 1979, 120-1145; Barral i Altet 1984, 472a, figs. 27,64, 65.
10. Clapham 1936; Barral i Altet 1984 (with bibliography);Mandach 1979-Contribution, Mandach 1979-La 'Chanson',33-43; Mandach 1984, 717-728; Mandach 1986, 17-46; Lafont1987, 21-26.
11. Clapham 1936; the publications of Georges Gaillard; GoniGaztambide 1949, 385-389.
12. Richter 1979, especially 59-76, 120-145.
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SHORT BIBLIOGRAPHY
BARRAL I ALTET, Xavier; Avril, Francois; Gaborit-Chopin, Danielle,Le monde roman, 1060-1220; Les royaumes d'Occident. Vol II:I/Europe septentrionale et occidentale,Gallimard,Paris,1984;idem, Romanische Kunst. Zveiter Band; Nord- und Westeuropa,1060-1220, Beck, Munchen, 1984.
CLAPHAM, Alfred W., Romanesque Architecture in Western Europe,Oxford, 1936.
DIAZ y DIAZ, Manuel, El codice calixtino de la catedral deSantiago, Estudio codicologico y de contenido,con lacolaboraciondeMariaAraceli Garcia Pifieiro y Pilar delOro Trigo, Centro deestudios jacobeos, Santiago de Compostela, 1988, 359 p., pi.(Monografias de Compostelanum 2). [The author has kindly sent methis important book after the Congress in Schney Castle, and I wasthus unable to make use of it]
GIL MUNILLA, Ladislao (Universidad de Zaragoza y Haro), "El Pseudo-Turpin de Compostela (Su valoracion historico-cultural en base a losestudios filologicos de Hamel y Mandach)," Cuadernos deFilologia del Colegio Universitario de Logrono (en prensa).
GONI GAZTAMBIDE, J., "La fecha de construction y consagracion de lacatedral romanica de Pamplona", in: Principe de Viana 10 (1949),385-389.
HAMEL, Adalbert, Per Pseudo-Turpin von Compostela, Aus demNachlass herausgegeben von Andre de Mandach. Sitzungsberichte der!£!
id*Bayenschen Akademle der Wissenschaften, phil. hist. Klasse, 1965,Heft 1, Beck, MUnchen.
HELL, Vera und Hellmuth, Die grosse Wallfahrt des Mittelalters,Kunst an den romanischen Pilgerstrassen durch Frankreich undSpanien nach Santiago de Compostela,Wasmuth,Tubingen,1979.
HERBERS, Klaus, Der Jakobskult des 12. Jhs. und der 'Liber sanctiJacobi'. Studien ilber das Verhaltnis zvischen Religion und
T554GesellschafTForschungen 7).
im hohen Mittelalter,Wiesbaden, (Hist.
HERBERS, Klaus, Der Jakobsveg. Mit einem mittelalterlichenPilgerfOhrer untervegs nach Santiago de Compostela,GunterNarr,TUbingen, 1986, 189 sT, Karte.
KLEIN, Hans-Wilhelm, Die Chronik Kacls des Grossen un Roland.Ediert, kommentiert und Ubersetzt von H . - W . i T F i n k , MUnchen, 1986,193 S.
LAFONT, Robert, "A propos des travaux d'A. de Mandach: 'mystereprimitif et danse ceremonielle" [de Sainte Foy a Conques], in:Aubailly, Jean-Claude, ed, European Medieval Theatre. TheatreMedieval Europeen. Bulletin de la Societ6 Internationale pour1'Etude du Thektre Medieval 2 (1987), 21-26.
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MANDACH, Andre de, j.Naissance et developpement de la chanson degeste en Europe; I, La Geste de Charlemagne et de Roland, Droz,Geneva, 1961 (PRF 69), 462 p., ill. maps.
MANDACH, Andre de, "La genese du Guide de pelerin de Saint-Jacques,Orderic Vital et la date de la Geste de Guillaume", in: Melangesofferts a Rita Lejeune, Gembloux, 1969, II, 811-827.
MANDACH, Andre de,franco-occitan inedit 'Lee': a la decouverte
Chronique dite Saintongeaise. Texted'une chronique
gasconne du Xllle siecle et de sa poitevinisation, Beihefte zurZRP 120, Niemeyer, Tubingen, 1970, 364 p., map.,. ,
MANDACH, Andre de, "Contribution a 1'histoire du theatre en Rouergueau Xle siecle: un mystere de Sainte Foy?'1 in: Giraud, Yves, ed,La vie theatrale dans les provinces du Midi. Actes du lieCollogue de Grasse, 1976, GunterPlace, Paris, 1979, 15-32, 5 ill.
Narr, Tubingen; Jean-Michel
MANDACH, Andre de, "La 'Chanson de Sainte Foy' en occitan: chanson degeste, mystere ou 'theatre de danse'?", in: Giraud, Yves, ed,ibid, 33-43, 6 ill.
MANDACH, Andre de, "Pour une nouvelle conception du devenir des.genres: le role du theatre", Atti del IVe Colloquio della SocieteInternationale pour 1'Etude du Theatre Medieval, Viterbo,July 1984, a cura di M Chiabo et al., Centro di StudiMedioevale e Rinascimentale, Viterbo, 1984, 717-728.
sul Teatro
MANDACH, Andre de, "Le role du theatre dans une nouvelle conceptiondes genres", in Actes du XVIIe Congres International deLinguistique et de Philologie Romanes, Aix-en-Provence, 1983,Universite de Provence, Aix-en-Provence, 8 (1986), 27-46, ill.
MANDACH, Andre de, "Neues zum Pilgerfuhrer der Jakobsvege", in :Plotz, Robert, Herausgeber, Internationale Tagung zu den Jakobsvegenin Europa (Schloss Schney, 28. Sept. - 1. Okt 1988), Deutsche St.Jakobus-Gesellschaft e.V.,Druck]
Aachen, 1989 (Jacobus-Studien, Band 2) [im
MANDACH, Andre de, Naissance et developpement de la chanson degeste en Europe; VI, Chanson de Roland, Transferts de mythe dansle monde occidental et oriental, Droz, Geneva [in preparation][1990].
RICHTER, Gottfried, Romanisches Burgund, Zur Geschichte des.christlichen Abendlandes, Urachhaus, Stuttgart, 1979, 166 S., ill.
ROMERO DE LECEA, C, Libro de peregrinacion del Codice Calixtino,Madrid, 1971. .
VIELLIARD, Jeanne, ed, Le Guide du pelerin de Saint-Jacques deCompostelle. Texte latin du Xlle siecle, edition et traductionfrancaises d'apres les mss. de Compostelle et de Ripoll, Macon,1938, 1981.
WHITEHILL, Walter M, Libro Sancti lacobi, Codex Calixtinus; I,Texto, Santiago de Compostela, 1944.
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THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE CAMINO DE SANTIAGO IN CASTILE AND LEONBETWEEN 850 AND 1050
by Fernando LOPEZ ALSINA (Spain)
The idea underlying the content of this communication is thatthe Camino or Caminos de Santiago have reached out over a good part ofEurope through a process of varied chronology and significance whosesocial, economic, political, artistic, cultural and spiritualconsequences for the various segments of the Camino have differedwidely from one age to another from the 9th century to the presentday. Within this approach, I should like to make some pointsconcerning the first two centuries of the development of thewesternmost stretch of the Camino, which runs across the north of theIberian Peninsula through the ancient kingdoms of Navarre, Castile andLeon.
The definitive recognition of this stretch of the Caminobetween Roncesvalles and Santiago is placed in the year 1035, a t t h elatest, by the so-called Cronica Silense, which was written around1110. According to the chronicle, Sancho III, King of Navarre between1000 and 1035, ruled with authority throughout the lands between thePyrenees and the Castle of Najera, so that the Pamplona-Estella-Logrono-Najera-Burgos stretch of the Camino became safe against theMuslim attacks that had until then Ie3to the threatened pilgrimstaking a detour through Alava (1). This passage from the chroniclemakes it clear that by 1035 at the very latest, pilgrims to Santiagowere already taking what was basically the classical route through thenorthern Peninsula from Roncesvalles to Burgos - a route which in manystretches followed the ancient Roman road from Bordeaux to Asseconiavia Astorga and Lugo (2). However, although the Cronica Silense fixesthe Camino geographically, the earliest known record i n w h i c h thepilgrims' route is explicitly said to be known as the Camino deSantiago is a document dated 1047 that mentions the foundationor!ahospital in Arconada, Palencia, on the way to Santiago (3). This wayof defining the hospital's location is extraordinarily revealing,since it shows that of all the possible destinations for travellerssetting out from Roncesvalles (among them Pamplona, Najera, Burgos andLeon), it was the name of just one, Santiago, that had by 1050 becomeassociated with the whole route; an entire network of roads, most ofit very ancient, was henceforth to be identified as the Camino deSantiago in preference to all other cities to which it gave access,fReemergence of this collective notion is only explicable as theresult of intense peregrination for many years having cemented theassociation between Santiago and an ancient, largely Roman road.
How is it possible for the Camino de Santiago to have becomeconsolidated geographically, and for the collective identification ofthis physical route and the pilgrims' destination to have becomeestablished in the short two hundred year span between the mid 9th andthe mid llth centuries? Part of the explanation lies in the plans ofthe ecclesiastics of Santiago, who right since the first half of the9th centruy had cherished the idea of a great western Europe to takepart in it. Let us see what basis there is for this view.
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In about 825, Bishop Teodomiro of Iria discovered a smallconstruction thatj he claimed, housed the tomb of the Apostle St.James. The cult of the tomb was organized, or as would be said"renewed", in a church built for the purpose nearby. The questioninevitably prompted by this cult and by the very attribution of thesepulchre to Santiago was how and when the body of the Apostle hadcome to Galicia. We do not know what answer of a strictly historicalnature was given to this question, or whether indeed the issue waseven thought of in these terms. What has come down to us is a versionof the translatio that, like much other mediaeval hagiography, isfraught with resort to miracles and divine intervention, perhaps duesimply to a lack of hard facts to relate (4). Once divested of thesupernatural adornments proper to mediaeval mentality, this firstknown account of the translatio nevertheless proves to containelements suggesting that the translating did not take placeimmediately following the Apostle's martyrdom, but several centurieslater, in about the year 500. The account reads roughly as follows.
"In nomine Dei. Leon, Bishop of Jerusalem, to the Kings of theFranks, Vandals, Goths and Romans. We' announce the removal of thebody of the Most Holy Apostle James, brother of the Apostle John theEvangelist. . Here in Jerusalem he was beheaded by order of King Herodand his body was removed in a vessel steered by the hand of God. Afterseven days' sailing, the vessel brought up between two rivers namedthe Ulla and the Sar, at the place called Bisria. From here the holybody was transported up through the air towards the sun. Hisdisciples, sorrowing for the loss of the body, went 12 miles weepingand praying to God until they came to the spot where the holy body isburied beneath marble arches. The three disciples who were buriedwith him, whose names are Torquato, Tisefonte and Anastasius, remainedbeside the body and through the merits of the Apostle St. James slewthe dragon of Mount Illicine, which is thereafter called the HolyMount. The other four disciples returned to Jerusalem in the vesselsteered by the hand of God and related all this to us in a synod. Mayyou and all Christianity that dwell there give thanks and pray to Godbecause verily lies hidden there the body of the Apostle St. James(5)."
Rather than with the text of this epistle, and with what itmay contain of fact or fancy, our interest lies with the way in whichit was deliberatly used to stimulate pilgrimage to Compostela. It isknown that Alfonso II of Asturias, in whose reign the sepulchre wasfound, maintained diplomatic contacts with Charlemagne, and thatCarolingian Europe very soon knew of the discovery. The followingtext, containing martyrologie, is from about the year 860.
"Hujus beatissimi apostoli sacra ossa ad Hispanias translataet in ultimis earum finibus, videlicet contra mare Britannicumcondita, celeberrima illarum gentium veneratione excoluntur" (6). Therevealing feature of this text is its mention of the translatio and ofa celeberrima veneratione, for, in my view, this makes it probablethat its author was already acquainted with the'epistle of Bishop Leonof Jerusalem; and if accordingly seems certain that both Alfonso II ofAsturias and the ecclesiastics of Santiago took particular interest inairing throughout western Europe the news of the sepulchre's discoveryand the explanatory epistle of Bishop Leon. Having established thecult of the Apostle's tomb, they recognized the desirability ofpromoting the pilgrimage of Franks, Vandals, Goths and Romans -western Christianity in its entirety - so as thereby to strengthendecisively the links between the Kingdom of Asturias and the rest of
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9th century Christian Europe. Compostela and'the tomb of the'Apostlewere seen as the key to a foreign policy seeking'- support from thenorth. The miraculous discovery of the body of St. James the Apostlein the Galician finis terrae and the equally miraculous account of itsarrival there .were to spur the Christian world -to throng toCompostela, drawn by the glamour of the prodigies that, according tothe 12th,century Historia Compostellana, abounded from the very momentof the holy tomb's discovery (7).
Though the ecclesiastic and secular powers were thus fullyaware of the significance of the sepulchre and its potential as acentre of pilgrimage, the political circumstances of the Kindgbm ofAsturias in the first half of the 9th century nevertheless hamperedthe realization of this project. Most of what became the classicalCamino de Santiago, through the northern Iberian Peninsula lay beyondthe boundaries of the territory held secure by the Christian nucleusof Asturias To travel across the meseta along the ancientstrata running from Bordeaux to Braga via Astorga, though notimpossible, was a perilous enterprise. Since the Muslim invasion of711, the lands between the Cantabrian mountains and the River Dourohad suffered great changes: by 750, if not before, ancient cities suchas Amaya Patricia, Virovesca, Clunia, Segisamo, Pallantia, Legio andAsturicahadvirtually become ghost towns(8),fortheChristianprinces of the weak Asturias deliberatley sought the creation of adepopulated buffer zone to absorb Muslim attacks. Between 750 and 850the northern meseta was ruled over by neither Asturians nor Muslims(9). The expansion of the Kingdom of Asturias, which both reconqueredand repeopled the meseta, did not begin until 850, and it was onlythen that the Camino de Santiago became an internal artery ofvital importance for the development of the kingdom.
From the reign of Alfonso III (866-910), the Apostle wasassociated with the expansion of Asturias as patron saint and' chiefheavenly intercessor for both king and kingdom. The first advocatesand principal promoters of this link were evidently the clergyentrusted with custody of the Apostle's tomb, who were the materialauthors of the royal diplomas recording the Leonese monarchs'donations to the church in Compostela - donations that were oftenjustified precisely on the basis of this patronage (10). Eventually,the Apostle came to be seen as a miles Christi. Though the actualpolitical practice of the Leonese kings often paid little attention tothe objectives suggested by the various ecclesiastical factions, as iswitnessed by the political alliances into which they entered, the ideaof the crusade was nevertheless being forged throughout this period;in Carolingian legend the dilatatio achieved by force of arms in theIberian Peninsula was already fully identified with the ideal of"liberating" the tomb of the Apostle and the Camino d'e Santiago fromthe sway of Islam.
By about the year 923, the repopulation of the meseta hadbrought the classical Camino de Santiago from Roncesvalles toCompostela under the full control o f t h e Leonese, Castilans andNavarrese. The southward advance had invaribaly been swifter andsooner in the west: in the Leonese region, a band of Asturiansdescended the River Esla to Le6n as early as 845 (though the city'sdefinitive recovery did not take place until 856); Asturica Augustawas repeopled in about 850 by emigrants from El Bierzo; and by the endof the 9th century the occupation of Zamora, Simancas, • Duefias and Toro
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had established a line of defensive fortresses along the River Douro.Shortly afterwards, the repopulation of the Castilian sector wasinitiated by the local counts: Rodrigo recovered Amaya .Patricia in860; Auca, Castrum Sigerici and Ubierna were rebuilt; Burgos wasfounded in 884; and Roa, Osma, Clunia and San Esteban de Gormaz on theCastilian Douro were reached in the year 912. Finally, by 925 SanchoGarces I of Navarre had recovered Navarre (11).
Though the territorial expansion of the Christian kingdomsnaturally enhanced the safety of east-west travel across the northernmeseta, thereby contributing to the geographical .and conceptualconsolidation of the Camino de Santiago, _the essential role inthis process must be attributed'to the pilgrims themselves, who mayjustly be said to have been the true artifices of the Gamino..Documentary evidence concerning pilgrim traffic in the 9th and 1.0th"century is nevertheless extraordinarily scant, though eloquent andsignificant when indirect mention is weighed together with theoccasional direct references. Foremost among the latter, from theyear 886 in the reign of Alfonso III of Asturias, the berieficarieslisted in the diplomas of royal donations to the'Church in Santiagocustomarily included that peregrin! who had not been mentioned during;the three preceding reigns and it is difficult' to imagine largenumbers of travellers braving the road to a remote corner of late 9thcentury Galicia for any reason not directly connected with the cult ofthe Apostle's tomb (12). The commencement of their appearance in thediplomas furthermore coincided with the initiation of the extension ofthe original church of Santiago to make it the largest edifice everproduced by pre-Romanesque Asturian architecture.
That the finding of the tomb and the story of the translatiohad aroused vivid interest north of the Pyrenees is testified to byevidence of 10th century contacts between Compostela and the cities ofTours, Limoges and Le Puy, all three of which came to be importantpoints on different branches of the Chemin de St. Jacques in southernFrance. In Saint-Marcial, Limoges, there is a copy of Bishop Leon'sepistle with characters in the 10th century Visigothic style (13); inthe year 906, Alfonso III addressed a letter to the clergy and peopleof Tours in reply to the Tours ecclesiastics' inquiries concerning thesepulchre of the Apostle (14); and Bishop Gotescalco of Le Puy isknown to have himself made a pilgrimage to Compostela before the year951 (15).
The first century of pilgrimage to Santiago is for the modernhistorian a totally anonymous phenomenon. The first pilgrim frombeyond the Pyrenees whose name is known as a Frank called Bretenaldowhose humble station is witnessed by his having built a "curtis" withhis own hands (16). After 950 there are records identifying anincreasing number of pilgrims, such as Hugo de Vermandois, Archbishopof Rheims, who journeyed to Compostela in 961; but most of the pilgrimtraffic remained undocumented both as regards the identity of thepilgrims and their numbers. The best evidence of the growing,intensity of this traffic is that throughout the 10th century theecclesiastical authorities of Santiago avidly sought the donation ofpossessions along the pilgrim route. These points of logistic supportincluded the monastery of Triacastela and Portomarin, acquired in 922and 993 respectively; several villae in Vega de Valcarce; landbeside the River Orbigo; a number of cortes in Leon; and in 1028the villa of Ledigos near Carrion de los Condes, almost 400 kmfrom Compostela (17).
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By the year 1050, that part of the Camino de Santiago thatruns across the meseta had thus become definitivelyestablished, notmerely as a pilgrim way but as a major artery whose stream of goods,persons and news was vital to the life of Castile and Leon. Itsspiritual significance apart, it had in common with all greatcommunication routes its enormous military, political and economicvalue. The most vigorous cities of the kingdom - Compostela, Burgosand Leon - are known by historians as "cities of the way" (18).
Finally, it must not be forgotten that while pilgrims settingout from Roncesvalles took the Camino de Santiago to reach Compostela,traffic in the other direction was equally intense. From Santiago,Le6n or Burgos the Camino de Santiago led to France, and via theChemin de St. Jacques to the rest of Europe. Once free of the menaceof the Caliphate of Cordoba, the Christian kingdoms of the westernIberian Peninsula definitively strengthened their ties with theremainder of western Christendom. The spiritual influence ofCompostela was not, of course, the only factor involved in thisprocess. As planned in the 9th century, however, Santiago and itsshrine made a significant contribution because, in the final analysis,Wallfahrt kennt keine Grenze.
NOTES
1. Historia Silense, ed. Justo Perez de Urbel and Atilano GonzalezRuiz-Zorrilla, Madrid 1959, p. 179. "Ab ipsis namque Pireneis iugisadusque castrum Nazara, quidquid terre infra continetur a potestatepaganorum eripiens, iter santi lacobi, quod barbarico timore perdevia alabae peregrini declinabant, absque retractionis obstaculocurrere fecit." However, it is clear that the author of thechronicle "was ignorant of the true beginnings of the Navarresedynasty and the sequence of its kings" (p. 40). In view of thislack of information, it is conceivable that the Historia Silenseerroneously attributes to Sancho Garces III of Navarre what ishistorically much more in keeping with Sancho Garces I, theconqueror of the Rioja. Under this assumption, what was to be theiter Sancti lacobi may have begun to be geographically stable asearly as 925, and it may have been this new route, now safelyprotected from the barbarico timore, that was being used byBishop Gotescalco of the Le Puy when he passed through Albelda inthe mid 10th century.
2. Antoninus' Itinerary lists a network of roads that partly coincideswith what according to the Codex Calixtinus was the classicalstretch of the Camino de Santiago between Roncesvalles andCompostela. It is not always possible to tell today to what extentRoman roads and mediaeval roads coincided, among other reasonsbecause, as J. Manuel Roldan Hervas points out (ItinerariaHispana : fuentes antiguas para el estudio de las vias romanas enla Peninsula Iberica, Valladolid 1973, p. 99, footnote), there isstill no global modern study of Itinerary 17 ab AsturicaBurdicalam. I have recently been able to aduce convincing evidencethat the ancient dwelling place Asseconia was on the site of modernCompostela (Fernando L6pez Alsina, "De Asseconia a Compostela :pervivencia de estructuras viarias antiguas en la Alta Edad Media",Compostellanum 31 (1986), pp. 307-314.
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3. This document has been published and its authenticity questionedby Julio A. Perez Celada (Documentacion del monasterio de San Zoilode Carrion (1047-1300), Palencia 1986, pp. 3-5), though thereference to the Camino de Santiago is not among the anachronismshe mentions. Pending a large-scale documentary search for thefirst validly dated reference to the Camino de Santiago by thisname, the year 1050 would appear to be a reasonable estimate. Thefirst reference to the Camino's passing through Barbadelo (Lugo)is also made in the llth century (see Manuel Lucas Alvarez, ElTumbo de San Julian de Samos (siglos VIII-XII), Santiago deCompostela 1986, p. 193).
4. Resort to miracle, one of the internal characteristics oftranslatio legends, is used first in relation to the translatioitself, secondly when the site for definitive sepulture is chosen,and finally when the interred saint shows willingness to actas patron of the local community (Martin Heinzelmann, Translations-berichte und andere Quellen des Reliquienkultes, Typologie desSources du Moyen Age Occidental 33, Turnhou 1979, pp. 56-57). Itshould be understood as the way in which the saint expresses hisdesire to be moved to a particular place (p. 63).
5. Further discussion of this fascinating epistle, in which, withinthe framework of the mentality of the time, the chronology of thetranslatio is first suggested, can be found in Fernando LopezAlsina, La ciudad de Santiago de Compostela en la Alta Edad Media,Santiago de Compostela 1988, p. 119 et seq.
6. The importance of the first extrapeninsular reference to the tombof St. James, in the Martyrology of Usuardo (which already alludesto the saint's burial in Compostela), has recently been emphasizedby Robert Plotz in "Traditiones Hispanicae Beati lacobi : lesorigines du culte de Saint-Jacques a Compostelle", in 1000 ans dePelerinage Europeen, Ghant 1985, pp. 27-39.
7. Historia Compostellana, ed. Emma Falque Rey (Corpus Christianorum,Continuatio Medievalis 70), Turnhout 1988, p. 9 : "Theodomirusvero episcopus tanto fidentius oculis mentis ad caelestis patrieconsiderationem erigebat, quanto frequentius beatum lacobum postbasilicam sibi factam miraculis et virtutibus coruscareconspiciebat".
8. The chronicles Rotensis (Rot 13) and Ad Sebastianum (Seb 13)attribute a degree of responsibility to Alfonso I of Asturias(Juan Gil Fernandez, Jose L. Moralejo and Juan I. Ruiz de laPena, Cronicas Asturianas, Oviedo 1985, pp. 131-133).
9. On this is based Claudio Sanchez Albornoz's well-known thesis, asexpounded in detail in Despoblacion y repoblacion del Valle delDuero, Buenos Aires 1966. See also recent comments by Jose AngelGarcia de Cortazar in "Del Cantabrico al Duero", in Organizacionsocial del espacio en la Espana medieval : la corona de Castillaen los siglos VIII a XV, Barcelona 1985, pp. 43-83.
10. In the book mentioned above in note 5 (p. 147 et seq.) I havediscussed evidence of the genesis of this notion of St. Jamesas the celestial patron of the Asturian kings and the Asturiano-Leonese kingdom. Full-blown 12th century formulations of thisconcept have been published and discussed by Francisco PuyMunoz in "Santiago abogado en el Calixtino (1160)", in Pistoiael il Cammino di Santiago : una dimensione europea nellaToscana mediovale, Naples 1987, pp. 57-92.
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11. See Jean Gautier-Dalche, Historia urbana de Leon y Castilla enla Edad Media (siglos IX^XIII), Madrid 1979, p. 21 et seq.
12. See the book mentioned in note 5, p. 192 et seq.' . •'* v 1 ' • * ' ' J
13. This document is discussed by Anscari Mundo in "El Cod. ParisinusLat. 2036 y sus anadiduras hispanicas",. Hispania Sacra 5 (1952),pp.., 67-78. /..' , , . , . . ... •
• •'- ' i •' >'' i. '
14. This letter was published by Antonio Lopez Ferreiro in Historiade la Santa A.M. Iglesia de Santiago de Compostela, Vol. 2, < .• ,Santiago 1899, Appendix 27, pp. 57-60.
15. See Luis Vasquez de Parga, Jose Maria Lacarra and'Juan Uria Riu,Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela, Vol. 1, Madrid 1948,p. 39 et seq. • • . . < , ., ./
16. See Maria del Carmen Pallares. Mendez and Ermelindo Portela Silva,"Aproximacion al estudio de las explotaciones agrarias en Galiciadurante los siglos IX al XII", in Actas de las I Jornadas deMetodologia Aplicada de las Ciencias Hist6ricas. II. HistoriaMedieval, Santiago de Compostela 1975, pp. 95-113 ; and Maria delCarmen Pallares Mendez, El, monasterio de Sobrado : un ejemplo delprotagonismo monastic© en la Galicia medieval,. La Corufia 1979,p. 89, note 14. .
17. See the work mentioned in note 14, appendix 89, pp. 219-220.
18. These nuclei are discussed in the book mentioned in note 11, andby Carlos Estepa Diez in Estructura social de la ciudad de Le6n(siglos XI-XIII) (Le6n 1977) and in "Burgos en el contexto delnacimiento de la ciudad medieval castellano-leonesa" (in Laciudad de Burgos : actas del Congreso de Historia de Burgos,Burgos 1985, pp. 23-33).
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THE "JOURNEY TO ST. JAMES" AND THE FRENCH PILGRIM ROUTESAND HERITAGE
, by Rene de LA COSTE-MESSELIERE (France)
On the route to Compostela, one country stands out as theisthmus, channelling pilgrims from all over Europe to the IberianPeninsula and on to Santiago at the outer edge of our continent.
The territories which now form France were undoubtedly crossed,bynumerous routes to Santiago: the "journey to Corapostela" luredcountless pilgrims, both from the various provinces of France itselfand, well beyond France, from the various countries to the north, eastand south-east. ,
However, according to the "Pilgrims/ Guide" - certainly thebest-known today of the five books of the "Liber Sancti Jacobi",compiled' by a Poitevin probably employed in Pope Calixtus II'sscriptorium - four of these routes were particularly well-known,from the first half of the Xllth century, as "the great road toSantiago". ,
The main points of departure for the routes listed in this majordocument and mentioned by Aimeri Picaud are Aries and Sant-Gilles forthe southern route, Le Puy and Vezelay for the central route, andTours for the northern route. Obviously, however, these startingpoints and other centres on the main routes had to be reached on otherroutes, details of which have sometimes been preserved in writtensources or local tradition: the various trades left by the pilgrimsthemselves are confirmed by the records of the hospices speciallyfounded to receive them.
Many other traces in art, architecture and even literature thusallow us to pinpoint the first signs and growth of the cult of St.James, and to identify a whole network of pilgrim routes acrossFrance. The definite stages on the four main routes undoubtedlyremain pre-eminent, but they also determine secondary routes andstages, access routes and connections, which are fairly clearly gradedin order of importance. A pilgrim travelling from Conches in Normandyto Compostela and back could thus reasonably be regarded as havingfollowing a "pilgrim route" from Conches. Conversely, the roadsconverging on a port which can be identified as a major point ofdeparture and arrival are obviously more crowded than others and alsoqualify as pilgrim routes.
We should also remember that routes varies with the passing oftime. By exposing new relics for veneration by travellers,monasteries could draw pilgrims out of their way and alter the initialroute. Thus, one abbey (St.. Jean d'Angely in Charente-Maritime), whichclaimed to possess the head of St. John the Baptist, attracted largecrowds in the 12th century. Later, the direct route again became morepopular, or at least as popular. Examples.of this kind are common onmany of the routes. They deserve emphasising because relics of thiskind attracted pilgrims of all types, including pilgrims toCompostela, and often led to the building of splendid basilicas, whichgreatly enriched the country's heritage.
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The artistic traces of pilgrimage - sculpture, stained glasswindows, frescoes - are not simply found in the most celebratedcentres listed in the "Guide":. Aries, . Saint-Gilles, Saint-Guilhem,Toulouse, on the southern route; Le Puy, Conques, Moissac, Vezelay,Saint-Leonard, Perigueux on the central routes; and Tours,Saint-Hilaire de Poitiers, Blaye and Bordeaux on the northern route.They are also found on all the main highways, and even in areas whichare now isolated: Saint-Guilhem in Languedoc, Conches in Normandy,Alnay in Poitou-Saintonge; Benevent in the Limousin, Autun in Burgundyetc. Indeed, they occur on all the old highways linking the mainsanctuaries on the pilgrims' route to Compostela, on the alternativeroutes and within a broad radius, from the romanesque era to thegothic and well beyond it. The slides selected for presentation tothe congress participants can only give an impression of this network.Although they are fewer in number than the maps - whether old orrecent - presented on this occasion, they make it clear that an orderof priorities has to be established, for the sake of greaterefficiency in meeting the requirements of the Council of Europe inconnection with the operation "The Santiago pilgrim routes - Europeancultural itinerary".
In order to give a clearer visual idea, on a modern map ofEurope, of the special character of the roads to St James as linksacross France between the countries beyond its frontiers, and betweenthem and Spain and onwards to the Iberian ""Finistere" of Europe, twomain axes have been selected in the first instance: from theNord-Pas-de Calais region to the Ports de Cize in the Pyrenees-Atlantiques and, in the opposite direction, from Somport up to thevalley of the Rhone and the alpine frontiers.
In one way or another, the maritime routes of northern Europe(Scandinavia and the Hanseatic towns) and from Great Britain andIreland, the routes from the Netherlands and Flanders, the Walloon andGermanic routes and similarly those from Switzerland, Italy, theSlavonic countries and eastern Europe in general, all converge onthese two main axes.
This selection, proposed by the Centre Europeen d'etudescompostellanes (Society of the F r i e n d s o l S a i n t J a m e s ) F oGallia Nostra as a theme for Europa Nostra's Paris Congress in1987,permits the necessary connections between the 12th century"Guide" and the more complex and more accurate information provided inlater documents, primarily the famous "Bruges Itineraries"(14-15th centuries), those of Konig (15th century),fHe"Cartaitineraria europae" (late 15th, early 16th century) and a numberof others.
This choice, which is incorporated in the Franco-Spanishagreement, also constitutes an initial response to the Council ofEurope's desire to promote this cultural itinerary, from its roots -those of Christianity - up to our own present-day culture - that ofEurope. And in response to the tastes - already expressed by a greatmany "reference pilgrims" in their communications with us, a number ofappendices are already envisaged, primarily the 12th century guide tothe "Via Podiensis" which starts from Puy-en-Velay in the heart ofthe French Massif Central mountains.
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The standardised scientific documentation which could underpinany co-ordinated joint action (restoration and revitalisation ofmonuments, appropriate signposting, reception, facilities, guides), hasbeen entrusted to the Heritage Directorate (Ministry of Culture) inthe CEEC in accordance with a working method which is explained in"Compostella", new series, No.l, 1988, and the first results (184standardised notes and maps) are now available to it. In the light ofthese results, several regional cultural affairs directorates areconsidering extending this work ("linear" investigation) to the wholeof the territory covered by the departements in the regions concerned.
Following the article "Europe and the pilgrim routes of SaintJames" in the Council of Europe magazine "A Future for our Past",No.24 (1984), and following on from the special issue of that magazineentitled "The Pilgrim routes to Santaigo: a European culturalitinerary" (No.32, 1988), what a splendid opportunity the BambergConference provides to illustrate visually texts which have alreadybeen published, and documentation currently being produced in Franceas well as in other European countries.
All of this serves to emphasise the importance of the part playedby the pilgrimage to Compostela,in enriching the monumental andhistorical heritage of France. Nor should we forget that thepilgrimage left an impression, which has never been completelyeffaced, on the collective memory - an impression which is now beingrevived, and which helps France to give the aims assigned by theCouncil of Europe to the first of the European cultural routes itsfull support and understanding.
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"Aumonerie royale" of St. Jean d'Angely (Charente-Maritime) restauredas it was in the 18th century
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THE "VIA FRANCIGENA" AND THE ITALIAN ROUTES TO SANTIAGO
by Paolo CAUCCI VON SAUCKEN (Italy)
The relationship between Italy and Santiago de Compostela datesback a:very long way. Suffice it to point out that four of the 22miracles described in Book II of the-"Liber Sancti Jacobi" .expresslyconcern Italian pilgrims. This shows that there was an interest inSantiago in the first half of the 12th.century, and that specificlinks existed. Moreover, the frequent contacts between the Bishopricin Santiago de Compostela and Rome, many of which existed as a resultof the pilgrims that went to one or other, are recorded in "HistoriaCompostellana", which.also bears witness to the existence of Italianbrotherhoods of, former pilgrims as far back as 1120.' It records that,on the occasion of a trip he made to Rome, to obtain the rank ofArchbishopric for the bishopric in Santiago de Compostela, BishopPorto was accompanied and supported by, ".-..- ceteri quam pluresEcclesiae beati jacobi confratres, qui Beatum jacobum-olim adierant,et seipsos ipsi apostoli subjugaverant. Propterea ecclesiam Beatijacobi usquequaque diligebant et eius Episcopum." Further proof ofthe strong links between Italy and Santiago, in the time of Gelmirez isprovided by the fact that the sole relict of the apostle from Santiagocathedral was sent, after lengthy, voluminous correspondence, toItaly, there it prompted the establishment of a major centre ofworship of St. James in Pistoia.
Furthermore, as research into Italian involvement in pilgrimageto Santiago de Compostela progresses, new information testifying tothe existence of increasingly complex, intricate relations isconstantly emerging.
Numerous problems arose in connection with this early wave ofinterest in St. James in Italy. One of the key problems was to findroutes to Santiago, especially for Italy, which had to take account ofthe elongated shape of the peninsula, the Alpine pass and the need tocross France.
Because pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela is such a long-established tradition, we have concrete information from which toidentify what came to be called "the true, direct road to St. James"and the other main routes, though there are still unanswered questionsconcerning the routes taken by Italian pilgrims during the earliestpilgrimages.
The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct the development ofthe oldest, of the Italian roads to Santiago, the so-called "Viafrancigena", and identify its route.
The name refers to one of the oldest roads of the Italian lateMiddle Ages, and the first one that attempts were made to rebuildafter the fall of the Roman Empire, for the sake of continuity and forreasons other than just local traffic. The road was in factoriginally built for the strategic and military purposes of theLombards, for use against the Byzantines. To understand why the routeis so tortuous, it is necessary to bear in mind the politicalsituation in Italy in the 7th and 8th centuries. Once the Lombardscame to power in Italy, they set up a series of duchies in various
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parts of the peninsula, but these did hot succeed in forming a unitedkingdom. The main centres were the Duchy of Pavia and Trento in thenorth, the Duchy of Tuscia in the centre and the Duchies of Spoletoand Benevento in the south. The Lombards' power was countered by thatof the Byzantines, who controlled the peninsula's coastlines, most ofthe Appennine passes at the Adriatic end, and the entire FlaminianWay, which connected Ravenna with Rome. In order to keep in contactwith Rome from Pavia and the southern duchies, the Lombards thereforehad to choose an inland route far from the coast, and one that theycould defend. That is why, in the High Middle Ages, a route linkingPavia with Tuscany and Rome developed. Moreover, when choosing aroute, the Lombards had to take account of the remains of the Romanroad network. When the Empire had fallen, the upkeep of the consularroads, organised on the basis of the system of "municipia", hadvirtually stopped. Most of the roads had been abandoned. Bridgeswere not repaired, flooded areas turned into swamps, and populationcentres in the valleys were abandoned and re-established on hillsidesin sheltered places that were easier to defend. The result was thathuge stretches of the main Roman roads became inpracticable. Thepossibility of using the few remaining sections was also to affect thechoice of route.
So the Lombards, both in order to avoid the areas controlled bythe Byzantines and in order to use parts of the old Roman roads,chose, for crossing the Appennines, a pass far to the north, which theRomans had already used between Parma and Lucca. In doing so, theywere able to re-use part of the Roman road network and to avoid theByzantines in Liguria and Romagna. The second natural barrier to theroute was the Arno. They found a passage across it near the mouth ofthe Valdelsa, which provided a quick route to Siena. From there itwas easy to reach the Lombard castle of Radicofani, through the Arbiaand Orcia valleys, and then go down the Paglia valley and, near thelake of Bolsena, rejoin the old Via Cassia, which was fairly wellpreserved, and follow it via Viterbo and Sutri to Rome.
A Lombard military route thus developed, far from the coast andprotected from possible Byzantine attack. Its function was eminentlystrategic, with the result that the first settlements served tomaintain and defend the road. Fortifications were built, and defencesystems were set up around the bridges and villages. The place names,in particular, bear witness to the presence of the Lombards in ancienttimes, a prime example being the main pass, Monte Bardone, undoubtedlyderived from the "Mons longobardorum" we read about in documents,which refers to a Lombard settlement and check-point on the pass. Inthe earliest documents, in fact, the route is referred to as "Via demonte Bardonis".
As the Lombards strengthened their hold on Italy, the defence ofthe road network became part of a specific policy of expansion andconsolidation based on a system of royal abbeys founded by Lombardprinces and nobles on royal property. They were beyond thejurisdiction of the bishopric, to which, moreover, they were opposed,and sprang up at strategic points along the road and controlled thetraffic along it, constituting, at the same time, the first hospicesproviding succour for travellers and the early pilgrims on their wayto Rome. It was not yet a road with heavy traffic, but a dirt trackwith many byways. What little upkeep there was, was theresponsibility, locally, of the abbeys, the fortified centres and thevillages along the road.
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The route became more important when the Lombards were defeatedin 774 by the Franks, who needed, for the purposes of their imperialstrategy and ever-closer links with the papacy, to improvecommunications with Rome.
The "Via francigena" thus became the road which the Franks usedto get to Rome - a road which, as its name indicates, originated inthe Franks' territory. From Pavia it was extended northwards. Thismade it easier to cross the Alps, either via the Great St. BernardPass or via the Susa valley and the Moncenisio Pass, depending on thedirection. By the 10th century it was already a main road, and therewere many references to it in documents. The first pilgrims toSantiago de Compostela were to use it to go up the peninsula in theopposite direction to the pilgrims going to Rome.
The Franks continued to take steps to defend and organise theroute, and they too provided assistance to travellers by means of anetwork of fortified monasteries along the road, which added to thehospice facilities.
The emergence of an Order of St. James in Altopascio bearswitness to the fact that the route was used, not least by pilgrims.The Order originated as a hospice for pilgrims who had to cross one ofthe most dangerous areas along the whole route - a marshy, wooded areaaround the bed of the Arno. The earliest records of its existencedate back to the second half of the llth century. In 1087 a certainBono made a donation to the hospice, specifying that it should be used"ad susceptationem peregrinorum et pauperorum". The hospital thendecided to organise itself as a hospice order and expanded to coverall the main pilgrim routes, as far as London and Paris. In Spainmonasteries and hospices were opened in Tortosa, along the "Camino deSantiago", in Pamplona and in Astorga.
The first record of a link between the route now known as the"Via francigena" and pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela is to befound in the story of the travels of the Icelandic Abbot Nikulas fromMunkathvera, which he wrote in old norse between 1151 and 1154on the occasion of his pilgrimage to Rome and the Holy Land. Havinglanded in Bergen, Norway, after seven days at sea, Nikulas firstwent to Aalborg in Denmark, and then to Mainz, up the Rhine Valley andover the Great St. Bernard Pass to join the "Via francigena", which hefollowed as far as Rome. Reporting on the various stopping places,Munkathvera provides brief descriptions of the villages he goesthrough. Having reached Luni, near Lucca, he refers a few times tothe Nordic saga of Gunnar, whom the king of the Huns had put to deathin a snake pit; he talks of the area round Luni, with its wealth ofsettlements, and adds that it was there that it was possible to jointhe road to Santiago de Compostela. There are two possibleinterpretations: either the port of ancient Luni was still, somehow inoperation, and he went by sea along the Ligurian coast and joined theroad to Santiago de Compostela once he had crossed the Braccomountains, or it was already possible, as it was in the 13th century,to cross this mountain chain, which was a virtually unsurmountablebarrier in the High Middle Ages, near the Ligurian coast. The firsthypothesis is more likely, since the old "Aurelia" road, whichfollowed the Ligurian coastline disappeared at various points, andcrossing the coastal mountain chain was a real problem. Because ofthis natural barrier, it was convenient, at the time, for those whowanted to go northwards and for those who were going to Santiago deCompostela to use the Monte Bardone pass. The Abbots testimony is,in any case, valuable in that it identifies a place through whichpilgrims going to Santiago undoubtedly passed.
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The "Via francigena" flourished in the 12th century. It wasstill the main route for communications between Rome, and the North,and was used in both directions by pilgrims, merchants and armies.Towards the mid-thirteenth century, however, as Florence emerged as acommercial and political power, an alternative route developed. Itwas to be much used, and virtually replace the Monte Bardone pass. Theroute left the older "Via francigena" at Poggibonsi, in the directionof Florence; it crossed the Appenines at the Osteria Bruciata pass andjoined the Via Emilia at Bologna. At Fidenza it joined the .originalroute again. In the "Annales stadenses", written between 1240 and1256, a record of the routes which the Germans used to get to Romestill refers to their crossing the" Appenines at Monte Bardone, .butimmediately afterwards there ,is a reference to the easier, more directand by then better serviced Osteria Bruciata pass between Bologna and ,Florence.
From the 14th century onwards, the stretches of the "Viafrancigena" .that were most used were those' between Rome and Siena,between Siena and Lucca and between Parma and the Alpine passes. TheMonte Bardone pass was increasingly neglected in favour of the passbetween Florence and Bologna and, later, further south, the Scheggiaand Bocca Trabaria passes, which joined up with the old Flaminian Way,which communicated, via the Furlo pass, with the Franciscan parts,,ofUmbria and continued along the banks of the Tiber to Rpme. theearliest records of pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela show thatpilgrims were also choosing the route along the Ligurian coast, whichwas open to traffic again along what remained of the old "AureliaRomana". .
The "Via francigena" remained in use, however, especially forpilgrimages. The main alternative, the "Strada regia romana", wasundoubtedly used by pilgrims, especially those going Rome in holyyears, but it originated and developed mainly as a trading andpolitical route.
The "Via francigena" served as a pilgrim route for longer, as isapparent from the firmly established signs of the pilgrim civilisationand culture. First and foremost, a dense network of hospices, acharacteristic sign of pilgrimage. Hospices mushroomed in Piacenza,San Donnino, Sarzana, Lucca, Siena and Viterbo. In the relativelyshort stretch between Monteriggioni and San Quirico d'orcia VenerosiPesciolini, there are 48 hospices, not counting those in Siena, where,according to Bartolomeo Fontana, a pilgrim who passed through it in1538 on his way to Santiago de Compostela, there was "a verybeautiful, rich and highly reputed hospital".
After the first facilities provided by the Lombard abbeys and thePrankish monasteries, there developed those offered by the hospiceOrders. The first, as we have seen, was the Order of St. James ofAltopascio. There followed the Orders originating in the Holy Land,from the Order of the Temple to the Order of St. John and the Order ofthe Holy Sepulchre. Lastly, there were brotherhoods that set uphospices dedicated to their own guardian saint, almost always intowns. Near these buildings there are also numerous landmarks alongthe route in the form of "mansio leprosarum et domus infectorum",which specifically provided health care and were generally dedicatedto St. Lazarus. When the fear of the Great Plague spread, new housesfor the sick, dedicated to St. Rocco and St. Sebastian, sprang upalong the route. There were others dedicated to St. Anthony ofVienne, reserved specially for patients suffering from what was knownas St. Anthony's fire.
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There are so many landmarks along the route in the form ofhospices and similar facilities that the Arab geographer Al Idrisisays in his "Book of King Ruggero": "On the road we came acrossChristian churches serving as infirmeries for sick people of thefaith; we were astonished at the care they received in suchinstitutions" (page 80). In the middle of the 18th century thesebuildings were still standing along the "Via francigena", according tothe testimony of Nicola Albani, who took that route on his way backfrom Santiago. In Lucca, on showing the "Compostela", he receivedassistance as a pilgrim from "Santiago de Compostela" and was put upin a hospital known as the Holy Trinity, where, he said, there were"good beds and better food, better than any hospital in Italy; it waskept very clean, and help wasrprovided by the brothers". (11,214).
With the passage of time, the route became increasingly closelylinked with the pilgrim culture, and not only pilgrimages to Santiagode Compostelaibut pilgrimage as such, since it was a route used bypilgrims generally. In Sutri, on the wall of an old Roman Mithraeumconverted into a church, we find the entire story of San Michele. inGargano against a background of throngs of pilgrims on their way. InViterbo, the mediaeval quarters centre.round the. church of SanPellegrino. In a church in Acquapendente there is a reproduction ofthe Holy Sepulchre; in Cuno, shortly before Siena, there is a-seriesof effigies of the pilgrim with the pitchfork and cock. InCastelfiorentino, one could see, and can still see, the corpse of St.Verdiana and an "azabache" which the Saint brought back from a .pilgrimage to Santiago. Few people other than pilgrims entered thearea, protected and served by the order of St. James of Altopascio,whence they could continue northwards or turn off at Pistoia to visitthe important relic of the Apostle who was worshipped there. Onecould continue at length in this vein.
Eventually the "Via francigena" became a proper main road, joinedby pilgrims from other regions: in Rome there were those from the main."Via Appia" road; in Bologna and Parma, those from the Adriatic coast;in Piacenza, pilgrims from Veneto and the Slav country; in, Pavia, the.Germans who, travelling via the Brenner Pass and Milan, found theroute more convenient than the Oberstrasse of Hermann Kiinig von Vach.The Susa valley took them, all together at this point, along whatBartolomeo Fontana called "the direct road to St. James" to the Alpinepasses of Monginevro and Moncenisio and from there, in one large band,they went via Avignon, Aries and the Via Tolosona, to Santiago deCompostela, to the apostolic tomb of St. James,, located at the edge ofthe world. Down .there, as Dante said, . one visits Galicia.
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PILGRIMS TO SANTIAGO AND THEIR ROUTES IN SCANDINAVIA
by Christian KROTZL (Finland)
Scandinavia in the Middle Ages was by no means a forgotten,semi-barbarian corner of Europe, and Christendom did not end, as manyhistorical maps would have it, in the southern reaches of Denmark andSweden. The late evangelisation of these lands, beginning in the 10thcentury, does not mean that Christianity there was "weaker" than inparts of Europe converted long before. On the contrary, many new orrevived forms of the Christian religion which were growing inpopularity at the time, among them pilgrimage as a mass phenomenon,were readily adopted in Scandinavia. The transition from heathenismto Christianity was smoother in Scandinavia than in many parts ofEurope evangalised earlier. Christianity gained ground mainly througha long conversion process carried out among the people by missionarieswhose names have mostly been forgotten, rather than under pressurefrom above. The Church's attitude towards heathen customs inScandinavia was tolerant, and for centuries pagan and Christianelements existed side by side in popular religion.
BEGINNINGS
Scandinavians were among the first foreigners to sojourn inGalicia after the cult of St James had emerged, but they did so not aspeaceful pilgrims but as warlike pillagers, in other words Vikings.According to Spanish and' Arab sources, Viking incursions into Galiciabegan shortly after the discovery of the grave of St James - the firstViking attack attested was in 844 - and they continued for some twocenturies in several waves at irregular intervals. The Vikings whosettled in the British Isles in the 9th century had already beenChristianised at an early stage and were probably the firstScandinavians to visit Galicia for religious reasons. However, thesources contain no conclusive evidence of such motives in thetransitional period of the 10th and llth centuries. The increasinglyintensive and prestigious pilgrimages were doubtless an importantattraction. A typical figure in this transitional period was KingOlaf of Norway, canonised after his death, who, as a Viking prince,probably harried the coast of Galicia with his fleet in the years 1012to 1013.
The Viking attacks may be regarded as at least part of the reasonfor the transfer of the bishopric of the old Roman town of Iria Flaviato Santiago de Compostela in the middle of the 9th century and thefortification of Santiago de Compostela and the coastline. Theyprobably also had something to do with the shift of the pilgrim roadfurther inland.
The first pilgrims to Santiago definitely identifiable asScandinavians were crusaders on their way to the Holy Land, who broketheir journey in Galicia. In the year 1108, a crusade of 60 (Viking)ships under the leadership of the Norwegian King Sigurd wintered inGalicia, referred to in the descriptions of the journey as "the landof St James". There is no proof that they visited Santiago deCompostela, but it seems likely that they did. Sigurd and his menalso took part in some of the battles of the Reconquista, beforecontinuing their journey to Jerusalem. Records also tell of visits toGalicia by Scandinavian crusader fleets in 1151, 1189, 1197 and 1217.It is of note that the Danish-Frisian crusade of 1189 was refusedentry to the city of Santiago for fear that the crusaders might takepossession of the relics of St James.
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THE SPREAD OF THE CULT AND THE PILGRIMAGE
One result of the Christianisation movement in Scandinaviathroughout and beyond the Middle Ages" vas a constant expansion of thecult of St James. The Hanseatic League, which governed Scandinavianforeign trade from the 13th century onwards, doubtless played a vitalrole in the expansion of the cult; churches dedicated to St James werebuilt in all major Hanseatic ports around the Baltic. Together withSt Nicholas, St James was revered in the Hanseatic region as the majorpatron saint of travellers and traders. A concentration of churchesdedicated to St James and iconographic representations of the saint isclearly visible in those areas of Norway, Sweden and Finland whichwere most active in foreign trade: the Bergen region of Norway,Uppland and Gotland islands in Sweden and, in Finland, the coastalarea around Turku and along the main traffic artery leading inlandtowards Hameenlinna.
Worthy of note is the extent to which Finland, which became partof the Swedish Empire in the 12th century and was not thoroughlyevangelised in the south until the 13th century, features here: itboasts at least 8 churches and chapels dedicated to St James and some30 preserved paintings and sculptures, largely products of indigenousworkshops. The figures for Scandinavia naturally seem small incomparison with the several hundred churches of St James in Germany,but they should also be seen in relation to the populations of thevarious parts of Europe at that time. A considerable proportion ofecclesiastical works of art in all Scandinavian countries originatedin the areas along the roads to Santiago, for instance the Limogesroute. Art historians also see the influence of the Santiagopilgrimage in the ornamentation and architectural style of severalmajor churches in Denmark and Sweden. The cult and pilgrimage of StJames have also left their traces in Scandinavian toponymy andpersonal names, literature and heraldic design.
Evidence for the pilgrimage itself appears from the 12th centuryonwards in Scandinavian records, which suffered greatly in thedestruction which followed the Reformation. Account should also betaken of the comparative scarcity of documentary records inScandinavia. Up to the 14th century, the sources almost exclusivelydescribe pilgrimages to Santiago by members of the nobility and highranking ecclesiastics: Absalon (1181), St Anders of Slagelse, HrafnSveinbjarnarson (1213) from Iceland, St Ingrid of Skanninge, StBirgitta with her husband, and others. All strata of the populationbegin to appear in the records from the 14th and 15th centuries andthe first decades of the 16th. For instance, Santiago became the mostimportant destination for penitential pilgrimages outside Scandinavia,a sentence imposed by temporal courts, too, in punishment for seriouscrimes, as attested by the Stockholm court records from the period1480-1520. Even sick pilgrims set out on the long journey to the otherend of what was then the known world, as attested by both documentaryand archaeological evidence: skeletons in some graves of pilgrims ofSt James in Scandinavia show traces of sometimes severe illnesses.
The fact that scallop shells from Santiago de Compostela are themost frequently found Scandinavian pilgrim badges is an indication ofthe relative importance of Santiago as a destination for Scandinavianpilgrims travelling abroad. It is little short of astonishing,however, that the number of mediaeval pilgrim scallops found inScandinavia also represents the largest quantity found to date in anypart of Europe: according to a recently published survey, of the 180
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mediaeval pilgrim scallops found so far at 58 sites in Europe, 66 comefrom Scandinavia; the 24 Scandinavian sites where they were found alsoform the majority. The southern Swedish town of Lund boasts the secondlargest number of mediaeval pilgrim scallops found in. one place: 23single finds, which can now be viewed in a permanent exhibition. These,finds obviously cannot tally completely with the real origins of themediaeval pilgrims of St James, but doubtless provide an indication ofthe significance of the Santiago .pilgrimage in Scandinavia.
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In. Denmark and Sweden, fraternities dedicated to St Jamessometimes arose as early as the 13th century, although .these are notnecessarily to be regarded as communities of former pilgrims toSantiago, as was -the case in centraL Europe - the pilgrimage toSantiago is not mentioned in either the statutes or survivingdocumentation of 'the St James's guilds. It is interesting, however,that five of these fraternities in Denmark were shoemakers' guilds- -an indication of the high shoe consumption of Santiago pilgrims?Evidence of the assistance provided by such guilds:in the> planning ofa pilgrimage to Santiago can-be found in the statutes of other Danishguilds. ; . . •
' • , • . ' l • ' •
• Letters of safe-conduct for Santiago pilgrims have also beenfound in Scandinavia, but not statutory protective provisions such asthose .enacted- by the Norwegian kings as early as the 12th century forpilgrims of St Olaf going to Trondheim - perhaps under the influenceof the. pilgrimage to Santiago. Pilgrims from Denmark, Norway andSweden are, however, expressly listed in the letters of safe-conductissued by the Castilian inonarchs in 1434.and 1479.
In Finland at least, there is also documentary evidence forsecondary pilgrimages to churches of St James. ' An interesting case isthat of a German with the Christian name Jakob (James), who set out in1512 for the church of St James in Renko - did he perhaps visit allthe churches in Finland or Scandinavia dedicated to the saint whosename he bore?
After the Reformation, imposed by the state authorities forlargely economic and political reasons, Scandinavian pilgrimages toSantiago de Compostela ceased, but in Sweden and Finland at least,there are references dating from as late as the last century to votiveofferings at churches of St James and "St James's markets", which,together with surviving folk songs and tales testify to the people'sdeep attachment to the cult of St James.
SPECIAL DIFFICULTIES FOR THE SCANDINAVIANS
Settlement patterns, remoteness and the Scandinavian climateposed particular problems for the Nordic pilgrim to Santiago.
Particularly in Sweden and Finland, the winter is very long andsevere; temperatures between 10 and 12 degrees below freezing pointmean that all rivers and lakes and the northern part of the Baltic arefrozen over from December until April or May. Finland is separatedfrom Sweden by the Gulf of Bothnia, which freezes over every winter,constituting an impassable obstacle to ships in the Middle Ages. In adocument from the month of February 1393, it is recorded that a youngDane, sentenced for murder to protracted penitential pilgrimages wasexempted by the Archbishop of Uppsala from a visit to the Finnishcathedral in Abo, as ice made the crossing impossible. On the otherhand, the winter conditions could also make things easier, at least incentral and northern Scandinavia: large lakes could be crosseddirectly, and sledges and skis allowed faster travel.
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Even when they chose to travel by land, Finnish pilgrims of StJames had first of all to cross the Baltic, either towards Sweden,which meant a further sea passage to Denmark,;or directly to. a port onthe southern shore of the Baltic.. Icelandic pilgrims too, if theychose the most popular route via Norway, had to cross the sea at, leasttwice. Nevertheless, the long and laborious journey did not preventeven sick pilgrims from undertaking a pilgrimage to Santiago.
The greater distance also meant higher costs, as demonstrated forinstance by the sale of, a piece of land by a blade grinder fromFinland setting out for Santiago in, 1488.; On the other hand, thecosts .also depended upon social status: . whereas a rich .man wasexpected to .pay for his own food and accommodation, a poor,man couldrely on the p.ilgrim's right to board and lodging as proclaimed by thechurch. . ," . - . - • • . . , • . . . . . . • • •.",' -. •
It is scarcely; possible to determine from ;the sources how.'Scandinavians overcame the language and cultural problems theyencountered on their long .journey. , Perhaps ther.e were interpretersfor Scandinavian pilgrims in Santiago, as records tell us that therewere at the hospice of Saint Bridget in Rome. ; ,.,,
ROUTES . ': • . . . ' . , • ; . ' . , ';In Scandinavia .there were of course special pilgrim routes with
pilgrim hostels .at regular-intervals - for instance the roads to StOlaf in Trondheim (Norway), ,StvBirgitta and St Katharina in Vadstena(Sweden) and St Henrik in Nousiainen (Finland) - but, in contrast tothe southern areas of Europe, there were, no actual, routes to .Santiago,on which pilgrims of St James were in the,majority. The pilgrims were,.,only one of the groups to be found on the roads, alongside merchants,,travellers performing official or private errands, students ,andpilgrims heading for ,other places of pilgrimage .visited by,Scandinavians in Germany,., France, Italy, England and elsewhere. Forthis reason too, it is impossible to draw a precise map of the routesused by Scandinavian pilgrims to Santiago, just as it is impossible todo so for Scandinavian pilgrims to Rome and Jerusalem. Only inDenmark, where all land routes to the south came together, mustpilgrims to Santiago have made up a significant proportion of.,travellers. ;
A map of the routes within Scandinavia most popular with pilgrimsto Santiago can only be drawn up on the basis of a comparison of themediaeval road network in Scandinavia with the places and churchesassociated with the mediaeval cult of St James (church dedications,iconographic representations), finds pf pilgrims', scallops , anddocumentary evidence of .pilgrimages to Santiago. Only the points inScandinavia where pilgrims of St James gathered and converged .can beestablished with a degree of certitude: Turku/Abo ,. in Finland,Stockholm,, Skara, Lund, Bergen, Copenhagen, Roskilde, Ribe,, etc.
The land route from Scandinavia to Santiago led in most cases ,through Germany, and Aachen (Aix-la-Chapelle) was probably often themajor stop along the way. Aachen is also mentioned in Nordic sourcestogether with other sites in the German-speaking world as a place ofpilgrimage in its own right. From Aachen, it was easy forScandinavian pilgrims to join the hordes of other pilgrims to .Santiagowho were heading for the two northernmost Santiago, routes in France.Paris, an important gathering point on the way to Santiago, was alsoone of the most popular places... of study among, Scandinavians,
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particularly for the high ranking ecclesiastics. Detailed descriptiveitineraries, for the pilgrimage to Rome from Scandinavia havesurvived, but no such descriptions have been handed down for thepilgrimage to Santiago, although the possibility of turning off forSantiago is mentioned in the mid-12th century Rome itinerary of theIcelandic Abbot Nicholas.
For Finnish pilgrims to Santiago, there was a further possibleroute through the Baltic countries: Reval (Tallin) lies only 80kilometres from the Finnish coast and was the northernmost Hanseaticport, site of an important church of St James. The Baltic countries- the area which today constitutes the Soviet Republics of Estonia,Latvia and Lithuania - were, in the'middle ages, just as evidently apart of Europe as was Scandinavia, a fact that often tends to beforgotten in Western Europe. The Baltic lands, too, took an activepart in the pilgrimage of St James, as attested by numerous churchesof St James, findings of scallops and documentary sources.
Land links over great distances were, however, highly laboriousin the middle ages and the sea route to Santiago therefore hadparticular appeal for the Scandinavians. In the early phase of thetransition from Viking expeditions and during the first truepilgrimages, the sea route predominated. Of great interest here is aDanish itinerary, drawn up in the 13th century but probably older,that counts only eight days at sea from the western Danish port ofRibe to La Coruna, plus stops in three Flemish, English and Frenchports. The brevity of this journey can only be explained by the useof swift Viking ships. ' How long the Viking ships remained in use onthese lengthy voyages cannot be determined from the sources. Theirreplacement was a result of the monopolisation of Scandinavian foreigntrade by the Hanseatic League. The heavy Hanseatic merchant shipsrequired much longer for the same crossing - nine weeks were recordedas the duration of the passage from Stralsund to La Coruna in 1518 -,but they could carry considerably more passengers and equipment.
More surprising is the scarcity of information on actual pilgrimships leaving Scandinavian ports. Only once is reference made to apilgrim ship in Stockholm, which the German Diderik Pasche, who hadsettled in Stockholm, was commissioned to equip in 1501 by Stockholm'sMayor and corporation; the sources make no mention of its successfulreturn. Apart from a few items of information from Denmark dating fromthe late middle ages, these are the only records. Leaving faultypreservation out of account, one possible explanation for the paucityof records is that the Scandinavian pilgrims to Santiago may havetravelled in smaller craft to the Hanseatic ports in the southernBaltic, from which in the late middle ages, vessels sailed regularly,usually annually, with pilgrims to Santiago on board. Thisalternative route is indicated in the records. The sea passage fromScandinavia was probably used mostly by wealthier pilgrims ; above acertain level of wealth, pilgrims had to pay their own way and couldnot rely on the Christian duty to provide pilgrims with board andlodging.
SUMMARY
Although it is only possible to sketch an approximate picture ofthe routes most used by Scandinavian pilgrims to Santiago, thedeep-lying traces of the cult and pilgrimage of St James inScandinavia are unmistakable. Though remote, Scandinavia thereforealso took an active part in the Europe-wide phenomenon of the Santiago
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pilgrimage. Western Scandinavians came into contact with thepilgrimage of St James at an early stage as Vikings, and the cult ofSt James was readily adopted after their conversion to Christianity.The cult and the pilgrimage also gained considerable popularity - apopularity which persisted in places long after the Reformation - inareas not christianised until the high and late middle ages, forinstance Finland and they formed an important element of Scandinavianculture with an influence far outlasting the middle ages. TheSantiago pilgrimage with all its repercussions was a significantfactor in Scandinavia's integration into the mediaeval culture whichencompassed Europe in its entirety.
Bibliography
- Almazan, Vicente: Gallaecia Scandinavica. Vigo 1986.- Gad, Tue and Bodil: Rejsen til Jakobsland. Kobenhavn 1975.- Krotzl, Christian: "Om nordbornas vallfarder till Santiago deCompostela", Historisk Tidskrift for Finland 72:2 (1987), S. 189-200
- KQster, Kurt: "Pilgerzeichen und Pilgermuscheln von mittelalterlichenSantiagostrassen" (Ausgrabungen in Schleswig 2). Neumunster 1983
- Nikula, Oscar: Sankt Jakob. Acta Academiae Aboensis, ser.,A-Humaniora, vol. 37, Mr. 2
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SANTIAGO PILGRIM ROUTES IN BELGIUM
RESULTS AND OBSERVATIONS
by Dirk AERTS (Belgium)
The pilgrimage ,to Santiago de Compostela has recently begun toenjoy renewed popularity. The sources' of this interest are veryvaried. For some people Santiago is pre-eminently a religiousphenomenon, while others emphasise the cultural aspect or its Europeandimension. In Belgium there are three associations whose activitiesare based on the Santiago pilgrimage: the Association, de St-Jacques deCompostelle, the Vlaams Genootschap van Santiago de Compostela and theGroupe beige de travail pour les chemins de St-Jacques, founded withthe encouragement, of Professor A. d'Haenens on the occasion of theproclamation of the Santiago pilgrim routes as a European culturalroute.. . .
Some time before the Compostela Declaration of 27. October lastyear the Vlaams Genootschap had already put forward its ideas on thisproject for the first time in a document entitled "Compostelle dansune perspective europeenne", which expressed many hopes but also, if Imay say so, some hesitations. Be that as it may, its greatest meritresided in the fact that it sparked off a discussion both within ourown associations and in others.
That in itself is very positive, since through discussionprogress is made and .things are seen more clearly. To date theworking party has met four times, always in a great spirit ofco-operation, under the chairmanship of Professor d'Haenens. In thiswork we have made a certain amount of progress, which I shall describein further detail below. I will begin by listing the Santiagopilgrim routes, and then tackle the question of the actual launch ofour project, before ending with a few observations concerning Europeand Compostela.
1. The cult of St. James and the practice of making the pilgrimageto Compostela were always highly popular in the former Low Countries -both north and south - right from the beginning of the movement. Afew examples will suffice to illustrate this. In 1056 the monks ofLiege received in Compostela a relic of St. James; at about 1120Adalard, the Viscount of Flanders and Lord of Eine and Oudenburg,founded one of the most famous hospices, that of Aubrac on the Le Puyroute. Finally, mention must be made of the expiatory pilgrimage,which seems to have been a creation of our ancestors. This practicehas been carefully examined by J. van Herwaarden. Although thisinterest in St. James was enormous, it formed part .of a broadertradition of veneration of the saints, and pilgrimages. This isclearly shown firstly by the tariffs for expiatory pilgrimagespublished by van Herwaarden and secondly by the study of pilgrims'badges as in the recent work by Van Heeringen, Koldewey and Gaalman,"Heiligen uit de modder".
Although the cult of St. James had a wide following in the LowCountries, their geographical situation and topography led todifferences between the pilgrim routes there and those of Franceand Spain. Pilgrim routes as such, do not in fact exist. .The road
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network was very dense, towns were spread out through the territory ateven, regular intervals and natural obstacles were almostnon-existent, so that pilgrims set off for Compostela along theordinary channels of communication. In addition, our countries havealways stood at the intersection of many through routes and, ashappened in the field of trade, our routes also channelled most of thepilgrims from northern Europe, Great Britain and Germany. The resultof this was that the pilgrim had many possible ways in which to travelsouth, in the direction of Compostela.
This is shown by the map drawn up by Andre Georges at the end ofhis invaluable and much admired work "Le pelerinage a Compostelle enBelgique et dans le Nord de la France". This book is undeniably apioneering work. Nevertheless, a careful reading clearly shows thatthe author was not always able to consult the most recent and mostaccurate sources. The book therefore needs to be updated.
Thus, although a more or less complete inventory of the Santiagopilgrim heritage in Belgium has already been made, identification ofthe pilgrim routes is no easy task. The optimal geographicalconditions which the pilgrims of old once found to their advantagealso led to high population density and encouraged a concentration ofeconomic and industrial activity. The organisers of the long distancefootpath network are aware of these difficulties: it took them morethan 10 years to plan the route of Long Distance Footpath 5A, whichdoes not even go beyond the limits of Flanders.
More important still is the fact that, in view of the distancebetween Belgium and Santiago, it is almost impossible to link the twoobjectives of the Santiago Pilgrim Route, ie firstly to waymark aroute for those who actually wish to make the pilgrimage to Compostelaand, secondly, to develop a tourist route of local interest. Be thatas it may, a choice was unavoidable.
In discussing all these problems when choosing a route, ourworking party concentrated its attention not only on the historicvalue of the route and the landscape but also to links withneighbouring coutries, a very important factor in the establishment ofa European network. The routes chosen are as follows:
a. The Bruges-Torhout-Roeselare-Menin Route. This route hasbeen part of the trading network linking Flanders and Paris since theMiddle Ages. It is known to us from a compendium known as the"Itinerarium Brugense", written in the 15th century on the orders ofDom Mercatello, the Abbot of St. Bavon in Ghent. This route links upwith the Netherlands at Aardenburg and with France at Menin.
b. The Antwerp-Ghent-Oudenaarde-Tournai-Valenciennes Route, withtransfrentier links at Antwerp and Valenciennes.This route is foundon the map of Charles Estiennes (1550) and the accounts of PeterRindfleisch and Jacques le Seige, pilgrims on the way to Santiago.
c. The Aachen-Maastricht-Tpngeren-Leuven-Brussels-Mons-ValenciennesR o u t e , f o r m i n g p a r t o T t h e tradingnetworkbetweenFlanders,Brabant and the Rhineland, and also linking with the famous GermanNiederstrasse. Between routes b and c there is a very interestingshort cut via Jodoigne and Nivelles. This was taken by Albert deStade on the way to Rome in 1240.
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d. The Aachen-Liege-Namur-Givet Route, with transfrontier linksat Aaachen for the Federal Republic of Germany and Givet for France.
To conclude this section, I can- report on the progress of ourworking party.
Route d has already been waymarked between Andenne and Givet,but the signs date from before the Compostela Declaration andconsequently the official signs have not been used.
Routes a, b and c are being waymarked at present.
In all this work we have the co-operation of the long-distancefootpath association which has, moreover, a representative on ourworking party. To promote these routes we have the help of our twoBelgian general commissions for tourism. Moreover, the GeneralCommissioner for the Flanders region, Professor U Claeys, was theVice-Chairman of the Vlaams Genootschap.
2. But how should we publicise this action of identification andconservation? Admittedly, the patronage of an organisation like theCouncil of Europe gives invaluable support, but without wellco-ordinated national action we will never reach our objective. Inthe first place, we need a programme, but to launch it we also needworking methods appropriate to our age and our society. From thispoint of view a media event is necessary, both to propagate our ideasamong the public at large and to stimulate the authorities to takemeasures to preserve and enhance the Santiago pilgrim heritage.
Our working party is preparing two projects for the beginning ofnext year, one in Flanders and one in Wallonia. In Vallonia we havechosen the Church of St. Jacques in Namur and the neighbouringbuildings. We would like to give this complex - once a hospital - anew function as a local history museum for the Namur region, which hasmany associations with the Santiago pilgrimage. In Flanders we areconcentrating on the magnificent Church of St. Jacques in Louvain,a Gothic building with a Romanesque tower which dates back to thebeginning of the 13th century. Through a combination of circumstancesthis church has been so neglected that it is in danger of falling intoruins.
Such, briefly, are the aims of the projects to be launchedsimultaneously in Flanders and Wallonia and through which we expect tocapture the imagination of the public.
3. I propose to conclude with several observations. Unfortunately,as I have no intention of exceeding my brief, these will no doubt lackcoherence and subtlety, but I believe them to be of some importance tothe subject under discussion.
3.1 The origin and history of the Santiago pilgrimage show us howChristianity determined the identity of Europe. We find the mostconvincing proof of this in Fernand Braudel's masterly book "LaMediterranee", in which he develops the thesis that civilisations areconstants which triumph over time. They endure through time,surviving all catastrophes, since a civilisation is a continuitywhich, when it undergoes change, even such radical change as that.associated with a new religion, retains ancient values which survivewithin it and remain its substance.
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Braudel demonstrates, for example, that Islamic civilisation didnot begin with Mohammed, nor did the civilisation of the Roman world(which he calls "Romanite") begin with Christ. Moreover, according toBraudel, every civilisation clings to its eternal territory: no forcein history can change this. The Roman occupation of North Africa, theHellenisation of Asia Minor and the Turkish occupation of Greece areall examples of conquests which seemed to be definitive but turned outnot to be ' in the end, since they were attempts to redraw theboundaries between civilisations. ,
If we apply this to Spain, it becomes clear that the Reconquistaand the pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela date from a period inwhich Roman civilisation - the essence of Europe as expressed in thestructures which"have come down to us - was redefining its territoryin relation to Islam. Hence the Santiago pilgrimage shows, us how thehistory of Christianity goes hand in hand with the history of Europe.
The same theory can 'be applied in reverse. .At the beginning ofmodern times interest in pilgrimages of the Santiago type diminishednot only because of certain developments within Christianity but alsobecause of changes in the political framework. Gradually the"internationalism" of the Middle Ages, which can be regarded as anearly version of the European ideal, disappeared, while everwhereabsolute monarchs were creating a new type of state, ie the nationstate. Given a particular territory and population, these statesbegan to prohibit vagrancy, as it came to be called, so that pilgrimsfelt threatened. We have only to think of the measures taken byLouis XIV. '
3.2 The pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela is essentially adynamic event. In the final analysis it is this feature which makesI tsuch a powerful factor in the development of the European ideal.The pilgrim routes are by no means merely ways of reaching somewhereas quickly as possible. Here, walking has become an activity whichforms an end in itself, in the sense that, as the walker, sets out tomeet the world, each step represents a personal commitment.
Walking seen from this point of view finds its archetypalexpression in the pilgrimage. Christianity has always stronglyemphasised this process of change, which involves a deliberatedetachment from one's previous values, followed by the adoption of newvalues, but on a different, deeper, level - a process whichGraf van Durckheim expressed in the following formula: "Weg von mir,hin zu Dir, ganz in Dir, neu aus Dir". The Santiago pilgrim does notfear dialogue; on the contrary, he thrives on it. It is on thisdialogue that the new Europe must be built. Everywhere where thistradition of pilgrimage is threatened we must defend it, because, asthe poet said, the fruits of dialogue are precious, but the tree isweak.
3.3 Any attempt to restore the Santiago pilgrim routes to theirformer prominence is doomed to failure unless one realises that itdepends for its success on those who are considered to be ordinarypeople. What does this mean?
Eminent theologians may hold high level debates on the importanceand meaning of pilgrimages, art historians may speak with enthusiasmabout the art and culture born on the Santiago pilgrim routes,
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politicians may make proposals to encourage exchanges and contactsbetween the various European nations, but the act of pilgrimage itselfand the invaluable experiences it leaves in the pilgrim's heart arenot the work of the theologian, the scholar or the politician: theyare the business of the men or women who one fine day picked up theirstaff and scrip and took to the road. All the theories laboriouslyconstructed by the theologian, the scholar or the politician areactually experienced, though never formally studied, by the pilgrim.
Let us be quite clear about this. There is absolutely noquestion of sabotaging the work of the theologian, the scholar or thepolitician, just as it would be foolish to shrug one's shoulders ata report of someone setting off on foot for Santiago. On thecontrary, the rediscovery of the tradition of pilgrimage makes, itpossible to produce an unprecedented synthesis between the faithfuland theologians, between art lovers and 'scholars and betweenindividuals and their political representatives. But is it not atthese levels that the question of the identity 'of Europe is raisedthe levels of religion, art, history and politics? The act ofpilgrimage in theory and practice has an invaluable role -to play inthe rediscovery of this identity and active participation in it.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
van HERWAARDEN J, Opgelegde bedevaarten. Een studie overde praktijk van opleggen van bedevaarten (met name in destedelijke rechtspraak) in de Nederlanden gedurende de latemiddeleeuwen (ca. 1300-ca.l500). Amsterdam, 1978.
GEORGES A, Le pelerinage a Compostelle en Belgique et dans le Nordde la France. Brussels, 1971.
Van HEERINGEN R M, KOLDEWEY A M, GAALMAN A A G, Heiligen uit demodder. Zutphen, 1987.
BRAUDEL F, La Mediterranee. L'espace et 1'histoire. Paris, 1985.
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•\
Valeric isr.r.es
Santiago pilgrim routes in Belgium
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PILGRIMAGE SONGS
by Eusebio GOICOECHEA ARRONDO (Spain)
INTRODUCTION
Ladies and gentlemen, may I offer you my warmest greetingspersonally as head of the Audio-Visual Department of the Santiago deCompostela Association and on the Association's behalf.
For over 20 years our association has organised annual MediaevalStudies Weeks and Early Music Weeks with international academicattendance. We originated the first video film on the Santiago routeand the first map of it. Since the production of our video film, andeven before then, I have been working on research into pilgrims'songs, and would like to give you a brief account of my researchfindings.
It is quite impossible to understand the European Middle Ages andits religious, social and artistic phenomenology without consideringthe Santiago pilgrimage route, which is why the Council of Europe hasdesignated it as the "first European cultural route". The Santiagoroute, St James' Way, is the vital artery of the Western world,carrying its military, cultural and commercial lifeblood. It is atonce a magical road, a mystical path, a channel of art and a touristitinerary.
There are now numerous studies in print concerning its art, itsvarious problems, its architecture and churches, sculpture, paintingand minor arts, including vernacular imagery and even graffiti.However, research in the musical field has been very sparse.
Before continuing my statement, I have a news item for you: thereis a major monument which is about to collapse and vanish. If I toldyou that it was Saint Isidore at Leon, Frondsta, the Moissac abbeydoorway or Saint Cernin at Toulouse, there would be a general outcryand likewise an overriding need to discover a speedy and effectiveremedy to such desecration.
This is not a supposition or an exaggeration, ladies andgentlemen, it is a reality. A major aspect of the art of Santiago deCompostela is in the process of vanishing and collapsing, and itconsists of the PILGRIMS' SONGS HANDED DOWN ORALLY in the smallvillages along the Santiago route. Will nothing be done to preventthis irreparable loss?
I could relate several incidents and sad tales which havebefallen me during my forays into the wayside villages, but just onewill suffice: 15 years ago in Lomba, a remote hamlet in Leon province,I recorded a magnificent pilgrim song. Years passed and I lost themusical score, but I still have the words and even the name of the 54year-old lady (Avelina) who sang it to me. I went back last year totranscribe the music once again; the woman was dead and nobody in thevillage knew the melody of the song. This particular monument hascollapsed and cannot be salvaged, and we do not even have theconsolation of rebuilding it stone by stone as could have been donewith an architectural monument. There are many similar cases. Unlesswe record the songs quickly year by year and month by month, anumber will cease to exist.
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I shall pass over any other considerations in this respect and gostraight on to present the theme.
I. PILGRIMAGE MUSIC; METHODOLOGY AND SOURCES
For a scientific approach to this subject, a number ofpreliminary points should be made. .
DEFINITION . . . . . . .
Pilgrimage music very broadly covers, all music born of and forpilgrimage.
CLASSIFICATION , ;'.; '
This concept includes an .initial classification with two distinctbranches: serious music arid folk music. However, I shouldclearly p o i n t o u t t h a t as a musicologist I do not take thisdistinction as "an antithesis 'implying that folk music is inferior towhat we call "serious music" in terms of culture, artistic sense andvalue. The sole difference lies in the manner of its perpetuation.
Serious music embodies compositions by known or unknownauthors kept "in archives and libraries.
The term folk music is applied to anonymous songs perpetuatedby oral tradition and therefore subject to variations inherent in thisform of 'transmission.
There are other classifications to be considered, such as musicfor worship (ie music performed in churches at various points of theWay, in the great abbeys and above all at Santiago) and music forthe road created for the pilgrims' pleasure and entertainmentontheirlong journey. Within this second classification a furtherdistinction must be drawn between music of pilgrims and music onpilgrims.
1. Music of pilgrims;
This includes the songs, usually religious hymns though notoriginating in liturgy, sung by the pilgrims on their journey,together with wayfaring songs, various prayers, farewells to thefamily, accounts of miracles, etc.
2. Music on pilgrims:
Compositions of which pilgrims are the more or less directsubject: ballads with a pilgrim as the hero, love songs, rape of afemale pilgrim, etc.
3. Sources;
This brief overview points to the sources of the research underdiscussion. For the sake of clarity and conciseness, I shall abide bythe distinction previously drawn between serious music and folk music.
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Sources of serious music;• basically there are three:
a. The . first source-of documentation consists of the archives andlibraries where a few serious compositions on pilgrimage arediscovered, albeit less frequently than one would like. Cathedralrecords along the Way are an essential source, but so are otherarchives and libraries.
b. The major collections of polyphonic music from.the 14th to 17thcenturies in which polyphonic compositions on St James and hispilgrimage are..found.- .,..-,•••..
c. I; shall give separate commentaries on the Cantigas de Santa .Mariaof Alfonso X .the Wise (,13th century), and the Livre Vermeil ofMontserrat (14th century)., . : ;
Sources of folk .music; Apart from the sources of serious, music, wehave no other avenue for research into pilgrims' music than the oraltradition or tranmission body word of mouth. , ••. , . ... -
Although this is a difficult, expensive and awkward inquiry tomake, it sometimes ' yields outstanding results.: In addition, togeographical knowledge about of the Santiago route, the scholar mustpossess thorough and extensive musical and literary knowledge and becompletely .conversant with folk music and above all with its typicalscales. He must of course by able to transcribe songs accurately andfaithfully as heard. He must be familiar with the anomalies of oraltransmission ,r the initial version sung by a villager is not always1
valid in musical terms, and it may be necessary to wait, have itrepeated, make an informed selection, and so on. - • . . - -
I shall not enlarge on these details, despite their greatimportance, but the difficulty of collecting these documents must beappreciated. Careful preparation, a scientific method and experienceare essential for valid .research. • • • - :
The music of St James occurs in all settlements along the Way andalso in its neighbourhood over a distance of 20 or 30 km on eitherside. It is of course difficult to determine where there is apossibility of locating people who may have certain pilgrim songslocked in their memory. It is then necessary to win the confidence.ofthese people, who are generally wary of strangers. It is usuallypointless to inquire whether they know a pilgrim song; the answer willbe no. In my experience, however, the same person who claims not toknow any songs of this kind will have sung me one or more (sometimesunwittingly) at my insistence and .prompting with words and othermelodies already collected in the same area. It must also be borne inmind that these people often confuse different ballads or songs, wordsor tunes. One requires not only profound general musical knowledge,but also complete familiarity with the folk music of each region.
. This shows what a difficult and arduous task it is to locate -andrecord folk songs, just as their transcription and critical study arenot always easy.
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Leaving aside the scientific niceties of methodology and sources,I shall give you a brief outline of my research findings according tothe aforementioned distinction between serious music and folk music.
II. RESEARCH FINDINGS
A. SERIOUS MUSIC
1. Codex Calixtinus
The town of Santiago de Compostela understandably possesses theoldest, largest, most precious and most venerable compendium ofpilgrimage music: the 12th century Codex Calixtinus. Peter Vagnerasserts that there is no mediaeval liturgical monument to theveneration of a single saint which can compare with the liturgy of StJames found in the Codex Calixtinus. It forms an altogetherharmonious blend of all literary and musical elements known in the12th century. For the purposes of this statement, I am plainly notconcerned with the historical, literary and geographical aspects ofthe Codex, but solely with the musical aspect.
Polyphony in Santiago
The value of polyphony in the universal history of music is bestunderstood if its 12th century context is known. In this connection,I need simply remark that in the 9th century - when the relics of StJames were discovered - there began in Europe a musical developmentwhich was to have unforeseen repercussions on the evolution of musicworldwide. For the first time, after long ages of monodic or one-partsinging, Europe began to sing in more than one part, initially in twoparts; the Western world had invented polyphony.
And so we find in the llth and 12th centuries at Santiago andalso at Saint Martial in Limoges (all in the same family as it were,the family of St James' Way) an influential and original school ofmusic which was to become the most advanced in world music. Santiagowas the place of invention - following the parallel "organa" of the9th and 10th centuries and the "discantus" of the llth century - ofthe melodic "organa" which represent the finest artistic advance ofthe period. The great musical schools of Santiago de Compostela andSaint Martial in Limoges are the immediate forebears of another major12th century school, that of Notre Dame in Paris (still running in thefamily, that of the Santiago route) with the great masters of the ArsAntiqua, Leonin and Perotin. The examples of use of polyphoniclanguage in the Codex Calixtinus were to culminate in Renaissancepolyphony with the mastery of Orlando di Lasso, Palestrina and T.L. deVictoria.
Three-part polyphony:
However, it must be added that mankind, as already mentioned, wasnot to sing in two parts until the 9th century, and the very firstsinging of a genuine three-part composition was to take place atSantiago de Compostela. The relevant piece is entitled "CongaudeantCatholici", in the which the "duplum" is a descant and the triplum aflorid "organum". The triplum was written after the other two parts,
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but still in the 12th century. Even if this was the only musicalpiece in our Compostela codex, it would still thoroughly deserve thehighest honours in world musical history. This aspect of Santiago deCompostela in the history of music is not adequately highlighted.
First pilgrim song
As if the foregoing was not enough, here is a furtherparticularly pleasant surprise for lovers of St James' Way: on thefront side of folio 193, appended, our Codex bequeathes us a veritablemusical jewel of St James: the "Dum Peterfamilias", the first pilgrimsong.
Paleographically speaking, this is a composition pre-dating theCodex Calixtinus. The music is copied in Aquitanian "neumatic"notation consisting of superimposed dots, "in campo aperto", with nostave. This sheet was added and stitched in at the end of the Codexbecause even then it must have represented a venerable relic of aformer period. The notation both of the words and of the tune iscompletely different from that of the Codex.
From the textual angle, it is a hymn to ,St James in six verseseach beginning with the name of the saint in one of the six cases ofthe Latin declension: lacobus, lacobi, etc (1). After each verse thesame refrain "Primus ex Apostolis" is repeated. In musical terms itis a free-rhythm monodic song with a gentle flowing melody.
This song is not only the first pilgrim song but also one of thefirst to be sung partly in the vernacular, in German or Flemish. Herethen is the song, which in its music and own words is the symbol ofEuropean union, the union of the Anglo-Saxon North with the LatinSouth ...
It is a great pity and a historical anomaly that 20th centurypilgrims do not sing along the Way or at the end of it in Santiago.This route, which caused so many songs to blossom over hill and valein Europe, has become silent and voiceless. A horde of pilgrimsgather in Santiago; its cathedral overflows with people who have comefrom all over Europe, but what the Codex Calixtinus relates does, nothappen today:
"Gratulemur et letemur;Cuncte gentes, lingue, tribusilluc vunt clamantes:Sursum perge, gaude ante;
ultreia, esus eia."
"All peoples and languages come to Santiago singing: Ultreia,esus eia, forward, take heart ..."
Yet this is an official anthem older than Europe's nationalanthems, an international, European anthem. Here we have the world'sfirst Internationale, the "Pilgrim Internationale".
(1) This question and the abbreviations appear at the beginning ofeach verse. The problems of their interpretation were examinedin my book, Rutas Jacobeas, Estella (Navarra), 1971, p. 105.
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Incredible as it.may seem, this anthem, a true r.elic of Santiagode,Compostela, was not transcribed until the end of the 19th century.
I'.have made a painstaking study, of it, .obtaining all itstranscriptions from the one by Flores Laguna in 1882 to the one byH Angles and Lopez Calo. I also retain an unpublished transcriptionby Dom Gajard, a worthy monk of Solesmes, with annotations giving hisopinion and reasons.for the transcription of each note. .1 have made acomparative study of over- a dozen transcriptions .with a , note-by-note,check .against the original. . The, result is a transcription which, likeany transcription of music "in campo aperto",, is subjective and,approximate but in my opinion the most plausible and in keeping withthe original.
Let me not conclude this digression without suggesting .to the.present Congress and to the Council of Europe the expediency ofproclaiming this anthem The European Hymn of Pilgrimage. Allpilgrims should .learn it by heart and sing it with heart, and soul.Where pilgrims of whatever nation, region or language gather, whethertwo or 200,000, they could .join together in singing . this PilgrimInternationale. This llth century hymn sung by 20th century Europeshould resound most powerfullyf under the vaults of Compostela,penetrating through the stones and the centuries.
To achieve this, a standard transcription is imperative: Forpractical reasons, we cannot have differing versions which wouldreduce us to disorder and inability to sing it in unison. The StJames' Way Association has the honour to offer this Bamberg Congressand the Council of Europe our own musical version along with thissuggestion, in the hope that the suggestion will be acknowledged inthe Congress conclusions. Our Association proposes to supply themusical score and the recording, which we shall endeavour to producewith the utmost care and to a high standard of quality. .Thepublication of the score, its recording and broadcasting by theassociations via radio programmes, magazines and other publicity mediawould easily accomplish a task which we would formerly have consideredvirtually impossible. The hymn should of course invariably be sung atthe commencement and close of all congresses and meetings relating tothe Santiago route. How wonderful it would be if this congress inBamberg, 2,500 km from Compostela, could be the first milestone, thefirst opportunity, the first initiative for all Compostela pilgrims tojoin voices in: "Dum Paterfamilias, Rex universorum ... etc. HerruSanctiagu, got Santiago, e ultreia, e sus eia, Deus adjuva nos ...",uniting in its vibrant and age-old chords the past, present and futureof Europe.
Later, but only later, after this hymn of the European pilgrimhas been sung in unison, should each people, region and language singits own songs, as was the 12th century practice .according -toChapter 17, book 1 of the Codex:
"It is a cause of joy and wonderment to behold the choirs of, pilgrimskeeping vigil before the worshipful altar of St James: . Teutons,Franks, Italians ... each in their own place ...; some playing on thecittern, others on the harp ... Here one can savour a great diversityof languages, of different voices in outlandish tongues; cantilenas in
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Teutonic, English, Greek-and languages of other different-tribes andraces from every corner of the earth. Their voices carry everyconceivable word and idiom."
Other musical and literary aspects of this jewel of St James andother songs in our codex can be omitted, but not this, intriguing fact:our Codex contains a "Prose" in Latin, Greek and Hebrew words:"Gratulemur , et letemur". This is the origin of the words previouslyquoted: - . ' • • • ' - • . . . - . - - ; . - . . • . . . . :
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"Cuncte gentes, lingue, tribus ..."
"People of all languages and nations come;here-singing their "suseia, ultreaa, arise, take heart, forward";
This 12th century sequence recurs in a 14th century "vitela" ofPamplona with the same melody but in measured rhythm. Again atPamplona but in the 18th century-it is found in the "Rhymes " of thePilgrim", still with the same tune, apart'from a few minor variations, :
but in the vernacular, ie Spanish. This is a shining example of asong's survival 'through the 12th, 14th and: 18th centuries.1
2. Planctus
Another noteworthy aspect in"my opinion concerns the Planctus orlaments over the death of the great kings of emperors whodistinguished themselves by the impetus given to the pilgrimage.
Charlemagne (never mind whether factually or by distortion of thelegend) was among the benefactors of the route. It would beworthwhile to have a song directly referring to this great champion ofSt James' Way and of European unity.
This song does in fact exist. It is the Planctus (or funeralode) at his death, of which I possess the early 12th century music andtranscription. It is a highly evocative document. We also have thePlanctus for Charles III of Navarre, Alfonso VIII and Sancho IV ofCastile and Ferdinand II of Leon, encompassing all the Spanishkingdoms traversed by the Way in Spain at a period of major upsurge inpilgrimages as was the case in the 12th century.
3. Cantigas of Alfonso X the Wise (13th century)
After the 12th century Codex Calixtinus we have anotherinvaluable codex from the 13th century; the Cantigas de SantaMaria. The importance of:this codex is well-known thanks to thestudies by Mons H Angles. I need only say that 'it contains about 100songs describing miraculous occurrences befalling pilgrims or othersalong St James' Way, not only in Spain (at Huesca, Leyre, Burgos,Castrojeriz, Villasirga, Leon, Lugo and Montserfat) but also at otherpoints of Europe such as Le Puy, Paris, Rocamadour, Cluny-, ; andChartres,England.
where "a troubadour of Gascony" was the protagonist, and
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I have collected and studied all these songs relating toSt James' Way. They are admirable miniatures in which we rediscoverpictures of pilgrims clad in their typical garb and recognise a widevariety of musical instruments of the period.
4. The Llivre .Vermeil
The 14th century Llivre Vermeil of Montserrat comes next to the12th century Codex and 13th century Cantigas as a source of pilgrimagesongs. According to Mons H Angles, Europe has preserved two compendiaof mediaeval music written for pleasure and spiritual diversion duringthe vigils and days spent in sanctuaries, and these two collectionsare part of the Spanish heritage. The first, dating from the 12thcentury, is the one embodied in the miscalled Codex Calixtinus ofCompostela; the second, of a more secular nature, consists of thesongs preserved at Montserrat. This second collection includes aseries of religious dances "for the pilgrims' pleasure". Inter alia,we have one of the first dances of death (which others hold to be oneof penitence) and also a vernacular song, one of the first known songsin Catalan. This Montserrat codex is the only one in the world tohave handed down to us the folk music of these religious dances forpilgrims.
The Santiago pilgrims were wont to visit a number of far-famedsanctuaries close to the Way. We are told of pilgrims visitingMonserrat and we also learn that the abbot of this sanctuary, Cesareo,made a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela in the 10th century.
5. Classical polyphony
The 15th and 16th centuries, when Polyphony was at its peak, haveleft us various catalogues of serious music in which it is possible tofollow the trail of a number of compositions on pilgrims and Santiago.Many polyphonic compositions are not yet published; they originatefrom various cathedrals along the Way and indicate a further researchsource.
I have in my possession a 14th century Italian ballad on pilgrims"lo son un pellegrin". In a codex of Bologna, we find anotherpolyphonic treasure of Santiago: the "Missa St Jacobi" composed by thegreat Franco-Flemish polyphonist Guillaume Dufay during the firstthird of the 15th century, the period of the major schools of Liegeand Cambrai. The "Missa St. Jacobi" is the first full mass, iecomprising the entire Ordinarium and the Propium. In the Post-Communion he uses - probably for the first time on the continent - thename and technique of faux-bourdon in a polyphonic composition. TheGloria is composed throughout in canon (caccia) in unison, with asackbut and trumpet "ostinato" accompanying the two bass parts andforming yet another canon. This Gloria "ad modum tubae" iscomparable, notwithstanding the difference in style and technique, tothe renowned Gloria with trumpets in J S Bach's B Minor Mass.
In Spain we have 15th century polyphonic composition entitled, asit happens, "St James' Way" and in the 16th century the greatpolyphonist Tomas L de Victoria composed a motet in honour of St James"0 lux et decus Hispaniae", a polyphonic masterpiece in trulyadmirable imitative style. The finest musical art, like the finestarchitectural and sculptural art, went to serve and honour St James.
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To sum up, this first part divided into five sections has brieflydiscussed serious music relating to pilgrimage. It shows that wepossess precious musical documents spanning the ages from the9th century, when the relics of St James were discovered, to the 16thcentury inclusive.
B. RESEARCH INTO FOLK MUSIC
As already pointed out, folk music refers to the anonymous songshanded down by oral tradition and subject to the literary and musicalvariants inherent in this form of transmission.
France
France provides the largest legacy of pilgrims' songs, of songssung by the pilgrims. These are generally religious, and oftenexpiatory, hymns.
I have studied a total of about 30 songs. Some were published in1616, the first known printed publication. Others appeared in acollection from Troyes in 1718 or were collected at the end of thelast century by persons who deserve to be revered by those interestedin the Santiago Way; eg Adrien Laverge, Father Hospital and CamilleDaux.
Among these songs, one is outstanding: the great song of theSantiago pilgrims or Spiritual Canticle.
This is a travelling song, a kind of "Vademecum" or tourist guidewhose verses relate the various stages along St James' Way (a map setto music), the perils and difficult stretches, the customs, thesanctuaries, the relics, etc. It is the prototype for other wayfaringsongs to be found in Europe.
I have researched the entire process of recovery of this "GreatSong" with all the related episodes, and I even know the name of the80-year-old pilgrim, Mr Moura of the parish of Asson (Lower Pyrenees)who has preserved and transmitted it. Shortage of time prevents mefrom telling you about the song or about my musical study of it.
However, I shall at least give you two particulars which Iconsider interesting. The text of the song was published for thefirst time in Troyes in 1718, but we come across it at a far earlierdate at Roncevaux in the 13th century. It was presumably brought by atroubadour giving Christian de Boisvert as his name and Troyes as hisbirthplace. He died and was buried at the Chapel of the Holy Spiritin the European cemetery for pilgrims in the Pyrenees of Navarre. ThePrior of Roncevaux recovered the text from the pouch of this pilgrimtroubadour.
This great pilgrim song, .the oldest, most popular and mostvenerable next to the "Dura Paterfamilias" of the Codex Calixtinus, Idiscovered written in Basque at Valcarlos where I recorded it. I evenhave two musical versions of the Great Song written in this age-oldlanguage.
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In addition to this superb pilgrim song, there are numerousFrench songs attached to various regions from which people proceededto join the pilgrimage: the song of the Parisians; that ofValenciennes; that of the Toulouse pathway; that of the Aurillacpilgrims and so on. The eternal theme of love forms the subject ofcertain songs, as for example in the Permette (the "Romeo andJuliet" of the pilgrimage). . . ., '
Time is tqo short: for me to tell you about my .tribulations thissummer in connection with the song of the Moissac pilgrims which. Iheard from a former laundress. I^nevertheless wish to tell.you aboutan occurrence which is very odd, musically speaking. There is apilgrim song written in langue d'Oc which greatly surprised me when , .1heard it sung for the first time some 20 years ago. On that occasionI remarked to a professor, "This is not a French .tunej' I think it isSpanish in style, and my impression is confirmed by . its , melismaticform and melody." The only argument on which I could rely was my ear,,well-practiced with 30 years of recording folk songs from all parts ofEurope. Fifteen or 20 years later during one of: my expeditions' intothe Leon area, I had the pleasant surprise of recording the very samesong but this time in Spanish, sung by an old woman of 75. . There wasthe glaring proof which I had. been unable to give the French professor15 years earlier. Furthermore, I have come across this'admirable tunein other Spanish regions.
. I am sorry not to be able to, linger longer over the pilgrim songsoffered to us by the noble French nation.
Like France, Spain has a good repertoire of pilgrimage songs. Atpresent I have pilgrimage songs from all regions crossed by the Way:from Huesca, Navarre, La Rioja, Castile and Leon, Galicia .andCatalonia. They are written in all the languages of Spain: Latin,Basque, Castilian, Galician and Catalan.
In view of the time remaining, I shall only comment on a fewsongs which I collected in Leon. After long years of research andinvestigation I succeeded in recovering in L6on a series of highlyinteresting pilgrim songs. This is the region where I have done themost research work and which, of all the regions crossed by St James'Way in Europe, is presently found to be the richest in pilgrimagesongs, a dozen in all. Here is the "initium" of some of them:
"Mayo largo, mayo pardotardes son de mucho calor ..."
"La peregrina: Iba la peregrinacon su esclavina, con su cartera ysu bordon ..."
"Por las sendas que conducenal Sepulcro del Patr6n ..."
"Caminito de Santiago,camino de gran valor ..."
Donde vas peregrino con lo quellueve?etc.
Long May, gloomy MayEvenings are warm
The pilgrim: the pilgrimjourneyed with her cloak,her scrip and staff ?.
Along the paths which leadto the Patron's sepulchre
Little path of St JamesPath of great value ...
Pilgrim, where do you wendin the falling rain?etc.
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The ballad of Count Miguel del Campo introduces the subjectof the voman raped on her pilgrimage:
"Esta noche'van a ahorcaral Conde Miguel del Campopor "esforciar" a une ninaque camina "pa" Santiago".
Tonight they will hang'Count'Migue1! del Campofor ravishing a girljouneying to Santiago.
This subject was presented in the 17th century by the greatSpanish dramatist Tirso de Molina in his play "La Romera de Santiago",based on popular ballads.
I have also recovered a ballad on "the pilgrim lass resistingrape". This composition describes the girl travelling along the Waysinging the "pilgrim tune". A knight overtakes her and attempts to rapeher. In the ensuing struggle the girl notices the knight's dagger,takes it and plunges it into his heart:
"Entre hervores de la sangreel caballero moria; "•'•su alma a Dios confiaba;su cuerpo a la romerita".
She buries him by the Way
Los romeros que pasabanrezaban Ave Marias"
Another pilgrim song:
In torrents of bloodthe 'knight was dying; ;
commended his spirit to God,his body to the pilgrim lass.
The pilgrims passing bywould say Hail Mary.
The peasants of Bierzo working on a slope of the mountain, when theysaw a pilgrim pass on the other side of the valley, sang this song.The final note is 'greatly amplified, and the echo carried the song tothe years of the pilgrim and the pilgrim answered in the same way.
"The Pilgrim" is yet another interesting song, a pastourelle. Apilgrim asks a sherpherdess if he is on the right road to Santiago.She confirms this and invites him to eat bread and honey and bringshim water to bathe his feet. The pilgrim is torn between thestirrings of love and the vow he has made to go to Santiago. He findsthe solution:
"Aguardame pas tourinaque en llegando tornare ..."
Wait for me, shepherdess,for once I arrive atCompostela I shall return ...
Also in Leon, I found a curious ballad entitled
"Por Caminos de anda lianda" "By the onward paths"
This is about Christ becoming a pilgrim:
"Vistiose de peregrine,1
calzose fuertes sandalias,cogio bordon y escarcelay echose al hombro una capa".
He clad himself as a pilgrimPut on stout sandals,took up staff and scripand put a cloak on his back.
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He begs alms from a rich man (who scorns him) and from somemuleteers who take him with them to an inn; the hostess takes in themuleteers and sends the poor man - Jesus Christ - to the cowshed andeven denies him- a glass of water. The hostess - the ballad goes on -rises into the air condemned, crying out in the final verse:
"Que condenada me veopor negar un jarro de aguaa Cristo, que por la tierracomo peregrino andaba
I am condemnedfor denying a jar of waterto Christ, who here on earthwas journeying as a pilgrim.
The tunes of all these ballads are rich and varied; some have aspecial Spanish scale and all are of outstanding interest, even from astrictly musical angle.
Other European countries
I shall simply tell you that I have in my possession:
1. A pilgrim song from Norway, the words of which run:
"Beautiful is the earth, wide is the skyCharming the song of the pilgrim,To paradise we shall go singing:Glory to St James the Great Patron".The oldest printed version dates from 1842.
2. I also have three pilgrim songs from Germany, one dating fromthe late 15th century and derived from a Munich manuscript.
3. Yugoslavia
I have the words, and am in the process of rediscovering themelody, of two or three Yugoslavian songs related to the pilgrimage.
One of them describes the pilgrim's equipment:
"Kdor hoce roman bitiromar svete a Jakoba ..."
"He who wishes to be a pilgrim,Pilgrim of St JamesNeeds shoes ... etc"
There is another ballad telling of the hanged man taken down inSanto Domingo de la Calzada.
"Father Steward, Father MartinIs going on a pilgrimageA pilgrimage to Galicia ..."
This ballad is still sung as a folk song in small Slovenianvillages. It is moreover a "audio-visual" piece in that there are15th century murals relating in pictures the subject of this Slovenianballad. I went to that country this summer and found many traces of
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St James (Seven Jakoba) in Korcula (the island of Marco Polo), atSibenik and at Opatija (the name meaning "Obadia" = abbey, because ofa 12th century abbey of St James whose rebuilt church still exists andcontains 16th century paintings.... and inscriptions on St James).
Rome and Jerusalem
In conclusion, I would remind you that some pilgrims also madethe two other major Christian pilgrimages, those to Jerusalem andRome.
A collection of pilgrim songs - albeit relating to Compostelapilgrims - would in my opinion be incomplete without a musicalreference to these two other major pilgrimages, and in fact I possessa song of the pilgrims to Rome with an llth century melody togetherwith several folk songs on these pilgrims or rather "romeros". I alsohave a song on the Jerusalem pilgrims from the early 13th century.
"Now at last life begins for me, for my eyes can see the HolyLand ..."
Our survey is now complete and we realise that we possess pilgrimsongs from various countries and language groups, popular and morescholarly songs on sacred and secular subjects.
Conclusion
I must conclude, and I shall do so with a plea and a suggestion.My plea is that anyone present or anyone hearing of this Congress whoknows of any detail, even a minor one, concerning a pilgrim song, orthe name of a person who knows one, is urgently requested to informme.
It is a difficult but also a sacred duty of all lovers of the Wayto ensure that these musical monuments do not perish.
And if anyone decides to devote his time and efforts to thisarduous but interesting work, whether here in Germany or in Norway,the Netherlands or any other part of Europe, he can count on myassistance and my support.
I now come to my suggestion. As I said at the beginning, we havean international hymn of pilgrimage in the "Dum Paterfamilias" song ofthe Codex Calixtinus. This Bamberg Congress might, if deemedexpedient, have it declared a European hymn of pilgramage so that allpeoples, races and languages will at least have a resounding symbol ofthe unity desired by all, especially the Council of Europe.
There should not be a Congress without singing or a pilgrimagewithout song. It would be very fine to hear this hymn sung togetherby all pilgrims along all the paths to Santiago and finally to sing italtogether in the cathedral of Compostela, on the European Plaza Mayorand in the Obradairo whose towers are a skyward extension of the Way,the luminous path which pierces the velvet of the night in Compostelaand joins its counterpart, the Milky Way, that shining galaxy andenormous pentagram of notes set in stars, a heavenly rendering inlight of the great European epic on the earthly path to Santiago deCompostela.
My friends, let us hear the worshipful hymn of all pilgrims ofall ages from the llth century onwards as handed down to us by theCodex Calixtinus: "HERRU SANCTIAGU! GOT SANCTIAGU! E ULTREIA, E SUSEIA DEUS ADJUVA NOS!".
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PILGRIMS AND PILGRIMAGES YESTERDAY AND TODAY, AROUND THE EXAMPLE. OF SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA
by-Robert PLOTZ (Federal Republic of Germany) ;'
Exposition' . • » ^ ' •
1 The foreword to the guidebook of an exhibition held in Munich'under the title "Pilgrimage knows no frontiers", after stating thatthe theme was limited to "Christian pilgrimage", contained thefollowing sentence: We are naturally aware of the objection thatthere is no great difference between researching the mentality ofWestern pilgrims of the 10th and llth century and researching that ofthe Samnyazins, the Indian ascetics who renounce all, absolutepilgrims who abandon the "world" in order to receive a new life, beingritually dead and going into the void as pilgrims detatched from time'and space.
From the phenomenological point of view, this may well hold truein general for the peregrinatio religiosa but it does not holdtrue for the most European of all pilgrimages, the peregrinatio adlimina Beati Jacobi. This can be demonstrated by -analysingtwoconceptstakenfrom the above quotation: • the West and pilgrim.
The Christian West/the Occident
In the German language use of the word Abendland (land of theevening) to . mean the West arose by analogy with Luther's use ofMorgenland (land of the morning) in Matthew II, 1 to mean the East.Sincethe 16th century the term the West has developed, first todesignate a geographical entity and since the romantic era a culturaland religious entity. Originally, and once again in the 20th century,the West was and is a mythical, religious/political concept, whichaccording to F Heer fits into a metaphysical "geography". The idea ofEurope as the West arose when the Roman Empire was split into aWestern Roman Empire and an Eastern Roman Empire. It covers a claimto political power. A specific, Occidental concept of the West wasthe result of the Roman popes' struggle to assert themselves in theface of the Holy Emperors in Constantinople, who were equal to theapostles (isoapostolos). During this struggle, the popesattemptedTorally the Franks to their cause as warriors in and for theirWestern Europe.
Such a constellation did not happen overnight. Under the EmperorConstantino's first successors Christianity was split asunder intoEast and West, and the fundamental East-West conflict in Europe wasborn. A Latin hemisphere, centred around the first Rome, developed inopposition to a Greek hemisphere, centred around Constantinople, thesecond Rome, whose heritage was to be Moscow, the third Rome. Thisopposition was finally enshrined in the split between the Roman popesand the patriarchs of Constantinople in 1054.
The first major decision in the history of the West was in340 AD when Athanasius of Alexandria (295-373), the leader of theOrthodox Christians in the Arian schism, fled to Rome from the terrorimposed by Constantine. The bishops and theologians of the West (the
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Occident), Pope Liberius, Lucifer of Cagliari, Eusebius of Vercelli,Hilarius of Poitiers and later Ambrosius of Milan, took a standagainst the Arian Emperor of the East. The West was born of thisresistance by the Western Bishops. Despite the struggles of the popesof Rome to form a counterweight to Byzantium's Roman Empire,Byzantium as a legal and cultural power still fascinated even theFranks of the 12th and 13th centuries. Seen from Byzantium, from theEast, what for the West was willed by God, ie the "rise of the West",was a usurpatory act and a rebellion by "barbarians" (although this isnot the place to discuss the term -barbarian and its many layers ofmeaning), which lasted into the 13th century and led to the plunderingof the Holy City by barbarians during the 4th Crusade (1202-1204).
Gregory the Great (590-604) is seen as an early pope and thefounder of the West. His societas rei publicae christianae underthe leadership of the Roman church was a prophetic vision of mediaevalEurope, and one in which the Franks played a leading role. The riseof the Prankish Empire and of the Roman Papacy, which became universalpowers, reinforced the West's consciousness of itself. As thisconsciousness developed, in protracted conflict, Constantinopleconceded that Charlemagne could bear the title of emperor. TheCarolingian Court liturgy- called Charlemagne "king and father ofEurope", "venerable peak of Europe" and "beacon of Europe" on theoccasion of his meeting with Pope Leo III at Paderboirn in 799.
Although it did not cover the whole of Europe in the geographicalsense, the empire of Charlemagne - who legend says was the firstpilgrim to visit the tomb of the apostle James in the far West ofEurope - was a single, Christian empire in the eyes of the spiritualelite of the age. It was the successor to Rome and the Roman Empire,yet stood under Prankish, ie Franco-German rule. A new,Germano-European Europe, which Alcuin, Charlemagne's Anglo-Saxon courttheologian, called the "continent of belief", seemed to have come intoexistence. It measured itself against the fatherland of Christianbelief and its culture with self-assurance. Europe was born as a newsociety and culture.
Nor could this first germ of a European idea be demolished by thefact that after Charlemagne, what had apparently been spiritually andtemporally united, disintegrated into a loose association of dukedoms,under the Roman Emperor of the German nation whose spiritualcounterpart was the Papacy.
It might well be assumed that the European West at the time ofCharlemagne possessed a unified culture and view of the world, one inwhich the Graeco-Roman culture, Christian belief and a sense ofmission had coalesced into what we understand by the Christian West.
My feeling is that this anticipates a synthesis and contaminationwhich happened only much later. Christianity, Graeco-Roman cultureand Germanic culture had not yet fused into a single, Western culture,although the concept of a Redeemer which arose in the first half ofthe 9th century bore the first signs of a rapprochement between apeaceful, world-renouncing belief in the hereafter and the Germanicpeople's joy in the life of this world and their lusty nature.
Charlemagne's attempt to unite the West under a monarchy withtheocratic overtones, in which the interests of empire and church wereone, was an anticipatory attempt which was intimately linked to hispersonality. It was not the normal development of tribal states into
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a higher form of state. The 9th and 10th centuries which followed sawone significant reverse after the other. The disappearance of theold orders, the emergence of new systems of government, the erosion oftraditional powers and attacks by alien peoples (Normans, Saracens,Hungarians) all led to a vacuum in which the people of the time sawonly one way out of their oppression: turning to the church as astable element and to God as eternal. The need for norms, forrecognisable daily security and for belief in an approachable, justauthority was only satisfied in metaphysical terms, by religion andthe church. The cult of saints and relics took on unheard ofdimensions and the masses turned to God in an unprecedented way. TheChristian West began to take shape in the Middle Ages, especially withthe turning of the masses to the cult of the saints and the adoptionof common forms of life.
And yet the sad panorama of the 10th century contained thefoundations of the later development of the Christian West. Twoevents shed light on this:
The battle of Lechfeld in 955 will never be as famous as thebattle of Marathon: it left no traces in people's memory and wasrecorded in chronicles only in the span of a man's lifetime, finallydisappearing from the people's consciousness. Yet this ba-ttle was noless significant for the territorial security of the European nationsthan was Marathon for the formation of Greece. Both battles weremerely stations on a long, hard way. That one is celebrated1 in* theOlympics and the other goes almost uncommemorated results partly fromthe fact that the society which was slowly developing in the 10thcentury was greater, more subtle and more complicated than could beimagined at the time.
Secondly: it was probably in 972 that talented young scholarnamed Gerbert felt himself called to study logic, after studying allthat Italy and Spanish gold could teach him, and went from Rome toReims to become head of the cathedral school there. The activity ofthe man who was to become Pope Sylvester II (999-1003) and the teacherof Otto III, his writings, teaching methods and pupils, became adriving force for knowledge in Europe over the next two generations.Gerbert extended the field of logical studies and passed on hisscientific knowledge, which he had gleaned in part from Arab sources.
We should not however be under the illusion that the West alreadypossessed a homogeneous character or had been entirely converted toChristianity. It is true that people were Christians, or converts toChristianity save in the most Northern or Eastern regions, but theabiding impression is that in Carolingian times society as a whole hada thin veneer of Christianity, a meagre cover for heathen ways andmagical thought. The gullibility of the people, which went hand inhand with superstition, is easier to understand when we realise thai;priests' spiritual level and religious training was quite inadequate.Many priests did not even know the Lord's Prayer.
It was not under Charlemagne but in the llth century that theChristian West left infancy behind and stood on its own two feet. Onlythen could the pilgrimage to the land of St James' tomb achieve aEuropean dimension. Like any other advanced civilisation dependent onprevious cultures, Western culture is primarily a symbiosis of twoelements, which still co-exist: the ancient world and Germanic-Celticculture, ie on the one hand an advanced civilisation and on the othera primitive culture. If we take a closer look we can even see that
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Western culture is riot a product of the fusion of a primitive cultureand an advanced one but the fusion of two primitive cultures (Germansand Celts) and of two advanced civilisations (the ancient world andearly Christianity). The spirit of the Christian- West grew from: theability to say "I", which prepared the ground for Westernindividualism; the mild Christian influence on customs; the stubbornemphasis on the self contributed by the Nordic tradition, bent to meetthe needs of social life; and - above all - the view of the soul asthe fount of all personality development (according to Borkenau). Inthe cultural morphology of the West the idea of total personalresponsibility has played an essential role in the course of historyas the history of salvation. God's immutable plan determined thehistory of salvation and of the world. In mediaeval times the comingof the Last Judgement was in the foreground of people's minds inLatin-Christian Europe, ie the West. The era of homogenisation ofChristian culture in the West co-incided with pilgrimages from allover Europe to the grave of the Apostle James in Compostela.Christian holy happenings were given a concrete European dimension.
Peregrinatio religiosa
Since Graeco-Roman times, the Christian world has seen peoplejourney to holy places or to the places where "holy" persons lived.The expectation was that God would hear their prayers, which mainlyconcerned earthly and material matters, and that powers not of thisworld would miraculously intervene. There are essential differencesbetween pilgrimages, veneration of the saints, veneration of relics,local cults, etc. and they should not be confused, although theirboundaries often overlap and their development can be linked together.
Various clear types of external form and inner motivation can bedistinguished:
1. Pilgrimage, or the condition of being a pilgrim (statusviae or viatoris), which finds its place in Christiananthropology in the expression life is a pilgrimage (vita estperegrinatio). Life on earth for homo viator is merely atransient situation on the way to his objective beyond the earth, onthe way to God. The Irish-Scottish monks who set out to evangeliseCentral Europe lived according to this ideal. They learned to have nohome from the early monks of the East. Ceasarius of Heisterbach(circa 1180-1240) ascribed a kind of spiritual condition to pilgrimson the way to Santiago de Compostela and for example describedpilgrims to Santiago from Cologne as fratres. Even in the HighMiddle Ages, being a pilgrim expressed a concrete form of religiousconduct, referring neither to a route nor to a geographicallylocalised objective.
2. Pilgrimage to holy places (peregrinatio ad loca sancta). Atthe outset this meant only a devout visit to the holy places ofChrist's life and suffering in Palestine, chiefly Jerusalem.
Such pilgrimages first took place under Constantine and by the6th century they were fully developed. In the early Middle Ages apilgrimage to the Holy Land was a sign of holiness, and wasundertaken almost exclusively by people of spiritual or higher origin.The view of the crusades as a warrior pilgrimage can be ascribed tothis. •
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3. The mediaeval pilgrimages of penitence to distant places wherelay the tombs of the apostles and saints were the successors to, theperegrinatio ad loca sancta and .competed with them. • The conditionolbeing a pilgrim as we know it today found its full expression inthe llth till 13th centuri.es as a mass phenomenon on a European scale.It was only then that the hierarchy of Jerusalem, Rome and Santiago deCompostela as .chief places of pilgrimage (peregrinationes maior.es)was established. If we look at the number of pilgrims and thepopularity of this pilgrimage in all social classes, the tomb of SaintJames in Compostela was the main place of pilgrimage and the journeythere can be seen as a substitute for the many failed crusades. ForDante in Florence, writing in 1293, the true peregrini were thosewho left .their homeland to visit Saint James at the end of the oldworld. Dante called pilgrims to Rome romei. and pilgrims toJerusalem palmieri.
In mediaeval times pilgrimages were a mass phenomenon, whichinspire /admiration and even astonishment in today's observers,considering the low population figures of the time. Chroniclersreported a stream of many thousands of pilgrims in one day, often manytimes more than the total population of the largest places ofpilgrimage themselves.
The resultant problems of traffic, food and lodging have beenrecorded for us in documents and accounts, in the form of hundreds ofsober facts. For example, many treaties concerning the transport ofpilgrims from Aix-la-Chapelle, concluded between the guilds of Rhineboatmen, between the Lake of Constance and the Lower Rhine, have beenpreserved. As an old French proverb tersely says Point de marinesans pelerinage (no navy without pilgrimages).
When the holy coat of Treves was first displayed in 1512 on theorders of the emperor Maximilian I, the authorities of the city soughtthe help of bakers, butchers and fishmongers in a wide swathe aroundthe city. They had so many people to feed that they did not know howto do so. In 1475 the town of Erfurt was faced with suchinsurmountable problems in housing and feeding the mass of pilgrimsstreaming from central and southern Germany towards Wilsnack that thetown council saw no way out other than barring them from the town.Caesarius of Heisterbach (circa 1180-1240) reported with astonishmentthat he had never seen so many people in his life as he did inMarburg in 1233 on his pilgrimage to the tomb of Saint Elizabeth.
4. Concursus pppuli. This refers to mass devotion and coversvisits to tombs, miraculous images or places of miraculous happenings,gatherings to request healing or indulgences, feast days ofintercession and obligatory processions. All these were normaloccurrences in the day-to-day religious life of the Middle Ages andwere not thought of as pilgrimages.
There was no difference between the popular cult of a holy relicat the place where it was venerated and later events organised for themasses. Praise, offerings, votive gifts, blessings with relics,touching holy tombs, etc were not forms of expression which required aspecial pilgrimage. Even today a confluxus can be found in anyordinary Catholic church in southern countries. The form which becameestablished from the end of the 13th century onwards is today called adevotional visit (from the wording used for indulgences at thetime-devotionis causa). It grew from visits to saints, whichwere unexceptionalbecause possible everywhere, and the briefindulgences granted in all places; these had few links withpilgrimages as such or were totally separated from them.
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5. Devotional processions (local pilgrimages) are extra-liturgical,communal forms of plea or penitence held at regular intervals (usuallyevery year at a , given time) and usually taking ,the form of aprocession to a place of pilgrimage. Such local pilgrimages are notthe same as a pilgrimage, which is the expression of private pietyalthough this does not mean that an individual cannot take part in alocal pilgrimage and bring to it the mentality of a pilgrim.Devotional processions are a popular custom, .inspired in equal measureby private piety, popular belief and the authority of the church.
, Special mention must be made of devotional processions tomiraculous images, a form which emerged at the end of the MiddleAges with the tendency to seek material evidence of God's grace. Thenatural feeling was that miraculous Images represented something whichcould be visualised, and which united proximity and touching with thesaints' powers to intercede and make miracles happen. - , ,
The pilgrims' motives
What prompted pilgrims to set off on the hard way, as Petrachcalled it in the 14th century?
Although the strict teaching of the church and learnedtheologians saw pilgrimages chiefly as a matter of penitence andsanctification, laymen - and the great ones of the earth were hardlyany different from the common people - sought direct, physical contactwith relics at the place of pilgrimage. Popular belief sought theassurance of salvation in a tangible, material form which could betaken home along with devotional articles, to be absorbed into andtaken over by daily life.
Among the devout there was a great number of people driven tomake the journey because of illness, infirmity, physical or spiritualsuffering and need. This is shown by the reports found in the manybooks of miracles, which give a detailed description of healings andwhich shed light on medical history. It is shown particularly in thesubstantial increase in the number of pilgrims in times of hunger,epidemics and natural or man-made catastrophies. Some came to pray forhelp for themselves or a family member, to find healing or at leastrelief; others came to give thanks for being healed or saved, usuallyin fulfilment of a vow.
Then there were those who were sent to do penance by theauthorities of the church or state - by a judgment of the court, undertreaties of atonement or peace. In addition, .there were theprofessional pilgrim brothers and pilgrim sisters, who made use oftheir in-born yen to see the world to gain a meagre living, and whoundertook for payment a pilgrimage to save the souls.of the dead or inplace of the prosperous living.
Lastly, it was not uncommon for a pilgrimage to be combined withbusiness or private matters; beyond the pure joy ,of travelling andadventure, it sometimes provided the desired justification, beingsanctioned by the church.
The pilgrims who flocked to the mediaeval places of pilgrimageranged from kings and dukes down to beggars and vagabonds. They allwanted to take home a visible sign of their completed pilgrimage.Thus arose the mediaeval pilgrims' signs.
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The first pilgrims' signs we know of made their appearance in thesecond half of the 12th century. Kurt Roster has published manypapers on such signs. In his "Schleswig" paper he drew up a catalogueof pilgrims' signs and pilgrims' shells found along the mediaevalroutes to Santiago across Europe, the inter signa Beati Jacobibeing a prime example. This scallop shell first appeared inarchitecture and sculpture towards the end of the llth century and inthe 12th century the pilgrims' guidebook, the Liber Santi Jacobistated that in the paradise behind the fountain, ie in front o f t h eNorth portalof Coinpostela cathedral,cursille piscium idem ^"tersigna beati Jacobi were sold to pilgrims along with, othernecessitiesfor travelling.
Peregrinatio ad limina Beati Jacobi
At the beginning of my speech I called the pilgrimage to thepresumed tomb of the Apostle James in Galicia the most Europeanof all peregrinationes and described it later as a peregrinatiomaior along with Jerusalem and Rome.
When did^ Santiago de Compostela and the tomb of the ApostleJames, the first of the martyrs, appear in religious history?
What we now know as the sacred geography of the Middle Ages inthe West was formed gradually between the 5th and the llth centuries.The structures of the church became more firmly established, cults ofthe saints blossomed, a first wave of heretical conflicts was settledand the various national liturgies were harmonised along Roman lines.The Christian West won its own character. This was also the time whenthe traditiones hispanicae were developed, which were to lay thefoundation for the cult of Saint James and for the greatest pilgrimageof the Middle Ages.
It was in the 8th century that people began to believe that theApostle James had entered into a "personal" relationship with theIberian Peninsula and thus with Europe. The battles against the Moorsof the small Christian kingdom of the Asturias which held itself to bethe successor to the Western Goths, the efforts of the Primate ofToledo to achieve independence and the resulting apostolic claim ofthe Asturian church, Adoptianism and a reserved attitude towards theinfluence of Carolingian tendencies all combined to bring about aspiritual and psychological climate which resulted in thediscovery/rediscovery of the apostle's tomb. Covered by apostolicauthority and encouraged by the Christian reconquista (reconquest)of lost Spanish territories a cult took root whoseconsequences arefelt even today.
Following the discovery of the apostle's tomb under BishopTheodemiro of Iria Flavia and King Alphonse II (789-842) a cultrapidly developed, encouraged by the Asturian kings. Privileges,donations, the building of churches and the founding of a monasticcommunity to serve the cult meant that by 900 the cult of Saint Jameswas already known beyond the region. Local pilgrimages in the 9chcentury and the founding of a village at the site of the tomb were thefirst steps leading to Compostela becoming a bustling, much visitedtrading city and bishopric in the 12th century.
The new sacred movement attracted so much attention even in theMuslim south that the great General Almanzor (997) was prompted tolead one of his infamous expeditions against the town which containedthe sole apostle's tomb known in the West, laying waste to all exceptthe grave.
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Yet shortly afterwards all was restored. After the turn of themillenium, development around the apostle's tomb became part of thegeneral development of the Christian West. It is only since the turnof the millenium. that we can-talk of the pilgrimages becoming a truemass movement. After the disheartening, stagnant conditions of the10th century, religious needs led to many translations and newreliquaries. In 1010 the head of Saint John the Baptist was found atSt. Jean d'Angely, in 1037 the monks of Vezelay found the relics ofSaint Mary Magdalen. The churches of Conques, Autun, Limoges, St.Gilles, Toulouse and Tours were thronged with worshippers. Aninteresting theory in this connection is that proposed recently byMr Diaz y Diaz, namely that the information given in the pilgrims'guidebook in the Liber Sancti Jacobus about other places of pilgrimageon the route was an inspired way of subordinating them to theapostle's tomb.
From the outset, the cult of Saint James had two dimensions: aFrench-European one and a Spanish one which gradually grew along withthe reconquista. Both facets of the Galician sacred movement weremost clearly visible at the time of the first crusade (end of the llthcentury). The peregrinatio inspired by the cult of Saint Jameslasted as both a European and national movement until the end of the18th century. The first pilgrims from outside were-said to be BishopGotescalc of Aquitaine in 950 and Abbot Caesarius of Montserrat whospent the year 959 in Compostela.
The increased mobility of the society of the High Middle Ages,allied to technical and economic progress, social and legal changes,church initiatives, religious renewal and better hospital care forpilgrims all conspired to turn the pilgrimage into a mass movement.Major factors in developing the peregrinatio ad limina BeatiJacobi were Cluny's efforts to aid the reconquista and therepoblacion (repopulation), the marking of a safe route underAlphonse VI of Castile-Leon and Sancho Ramirez of Navarre and Aragontowards the end of the llth century, together with the rapprochementwith Rome fostered by Bishop Gelmirez.
By the 13th century the journey to Compostela had become a massmovement which also embraced the poorer classes. Its pilgrimsdominated the roads of the Christian West, their patron saint Jamesbeing both a patron of the route and of the pilgrims.
Pilgrim guidebooks came out and reports of miracles were amassed(eg in the Codex Calixtinus). The epic poetry of the courts andthe Carolingian tradition became bound up with the cult of SaintJames, confraternities looked after the pilgrims, entire trades suchas azabacheros (jet-cutters), silversmiths and inn-keepers lived offthe pilgrims in Compostela. Architecture and art relayed each otheralong the sacred tracks of Europe leading to and from Compostela.Pilgrim songs and romances were composed. Saint James was omnipresentin the religious life of Europe until far into the modern age.
For the Occident the High Middle Ages were a time of greatmobility. The West had always had its quota of agitators andtravellers, although they had generally represented a privilegedminority: warriors, monks, nobles or loners. After the first half ofthe llth century, this mobility changed in both quantitativeand qualitative terms. Social and religious changes and ideas, a newkind of popular piety, legal innovations, technical and economicprogress and many other elements which we have already described all
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combined to make such wandering a generalised and diverse phenomenonas never before.. What was new was, that in.almost all social classeswandering and searching became a necessity, an everyday occurrence andan ideal. Knights rqde off to ' adventures- and sought thegrail. Hermits visited one wilderness after another. Travellingpriests taught and bore witness.to.the true apostolic life in oneplace after another. Even school children and students foundthemselves on the. road to exile and wandering. In an. age when tradewith distant parts blossomed merchants were constantly on the move.
However, the phenomenon which best reflected the mobility ofsociety at the time, which set people of all ranks on the roads andfilled them with a longing for distant parts and religious desire wasthe pilgrimage. The people of the llth and.12th centuries found thedeepest meaning of their belief in the hard, dirty reality of life onthe roads; a pilgrim's life seemed to them quite simply to be aChristian life. For what ; had Christ been other than an eternalwanderer who was never at .home, a temporary sojourner on the way to anew Jerusalem.
The peregrinatio ad limina Beati Jacob! represents a turningpoint 'in the history, of Christian pilgrimage. Not Christ, not thecross and not the church, but Saint James stood at the centre of thecult. Saint James was both the patron of pilgrims and a pilgrimhimself as is clearly shown in the images of the time. Here again,the strands lead back to the view of Christ as a pilgrim; around 1100Christ was depicted as a pilgrim in images of the Emmaus scene. Itwas also no coincidence that Scottish monks settled on the mainlandunder the banner of the Apostle James, ending their peregrinatio proChristo and their vita peregrinationis.
Another important factor in the subsequent development of thepilgrimage to Compostela was the fact that Santiago de Compostela wasboth a place of pilgrimage and place of miracles, and primarily aplace of miracles. The remains of the apostle were discovered undermiraculous circumstances. The Liber miraculorum in the CodexCalixtinus gives particulars of many miraculous happenings. In manyrespects, the places of pilgrimage provided exactly what popular,"subversive" piety or piety "from below" expected from a place ofmiraculous happenings. Far more so than the pilgrimages to Romeand Jerusalem, legend and cult must have made the Apostle James amodern, attractive saint, a "messenger of spring" of popular piety,such as Rome could not offer. In comparison, Rome's traditions ofPeter and Paul must have seemed in some ways too "old" and toosuffocated by liturgical forms to be seen as "miraculous". For theturning of the masses to God and the saints, in the spirit ofawakening which prevailed in the llth and 12th centuries in the newlyself-aware Christian West, the apostle and pilgrim James was a figurewith whom popular belief could identify, a partner which it needed andaccepted. The apostle's tomb in the far West also occupied a greatplace in the consciousness of population of the late Middle Ages.Sebald Ilsung from Augsburg noted in his account of his pilgrimage toCompostela (1446-48) that, apart from the Holy Land, most pilgrimsjourneyed there. Little can be said about the echo of theperegrinatio ad Sanctum Jacobum in the late Middle Ages since onlysporadic research papers are available. What is certain is that thereare many more documents pertaining to 15th century pilgrimages toCompostela than there are for any century before or after (I Mieck).There are many indications that the numbers of French pilgrimsfollowing the traditional route to Compostela were substantiallyboosted in the 15th century. After the councils of Constance(1414-1418) and Basle (after 1431) pilgrims from central and upperGermany swelled the movement.
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At the beginning of.,the 16th century there .were pilgrims fromas far away as Danzig and Tallin. Ships with hundreds of pilgrims onboard sailed to Galicia from Hamburg (1506,and 1510) and Stralsund(1508 and 1518). Pilgrims came to Compostela to do reverence to theirpatron saint .from .practically all regions and linguistic areas ofEurope. According.to the latest research (C Krotzl),pilgrims came toCompostela even from Scandinavian lands. There are still "gaps on themap" for Hungary and Poland, at least I have no .reports concerningthem. . , .,.. . ' . . . . i . . ...
The greater consideration in which pilgrims were held in the 15th,and early 16th centuries, , particularly in Germany, brought about ahigh point for the journey to Jerusalem and for the peregrinatipad limina Beati Jacobi and this not only in the minds ofordinary pilgrims. In 1478 Pope Sixtus IV decreed that the Holy Seeexpressly reserved the right to dispense people, from a vow toaccomplish a peregrinationis ultramarinae, et visitationis liminumApostolorum Petri et Pauli, in Compostela. In one bound we findourselves back in the constellation of the High Middle Ages, with thethree peregrinationes maiores. .Continuity in the. midst . ...ofchange! (I Mieck).
The fresh impetus given to the pilgrimage to Compostela on thethreshold of modern times went hand in hand with structural changes.The definition given in the Siete Partidas in the late 13thcentury, Peregrinatio fit tripliciter; voluntarie, ex voto, et expoenitentia, was only true .in part and failed to cover the structuralchanges of the 15th and early 16th centuries. In far greater numbersthan .before pilgrims per condemnationem et per delegationem weres onthe road. A new type of peregrino caballeres"co(noble pilgrim),for whom pilgrimage was an agreeable way of passing the time and alast courtly adventure now made its appearance. The Saxon Duke. Henry,later called Henry the Devout, was certainly not attending to hisreligious needs on his journey to Santiago, for two of his companionsreported that, gourmandising was our best prayer and indulgence onsuch a journey. And how are we to judge or condemn the pilgrim whoartlessly tells us how to say pretty maid, come sleep with me in theBasque language (A von Harff). Another new type of pilgrim was theprosperous patricians of the upper German cities, for whom apilgrimage to Compostela took its place in a journey of informationand instruction, a journey on which it was not uncommon to look afterbusiness interests too, as did Nicolas Rummel of Nuremberg in 1408/09.The punishments inflicted by the temporal courts, following thefashion of the time, sent thousands of wrong-doers great and smallonto the pilgrim routes of Europe. The scale of criminality rangedfrom murder, manslaughter, robbery or theft down to insults and abuse.In the city of Mechelen, for example, nocturnal disturbances in thestreet were sufficient to send the offender to Compostela. Suchperegrinatio poenaliter causa .did as little to enhance the dignity ofpilgrims as did the peregrinatio delegata, which led to beggarsmaking a living out of accomplishing pilgrimages of penitence inothers' stead. (Haebler). What was even worse was the deplorablestate of affairs encountered on the pilgrim routes themselves.Pilgrims by choice or by constraint met up with swarms of unemployedor seasonally employed vagabonds and a veritable horde of beggars. Itbecame ever more difficult to distinguish between the motives ofpilgrims on the road. In 1523 the city council of Bern, which lay onthe pilgrim route from Einsiedeln to France decided, to direct awayall beggars, be they from the country, returning from the wars or onthe road to St. James, pedlars, heathens... and such like and not tohouse them or give them shelter. Local by-laws throughout Europe, egin Douai, in Compostela itself (1503) or in Tyrol province in 1532reflected the same tendency.
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The oft quoted decline and decadence of the pilgrimage toCompostela started here, although not in quantitative terms. It wasthe extreme forms of far-reaching qualitative changes which pervertedideas and practice. It is undeniable that the peregrinatioreligiosa lost ground and that a tendency to depersonalise andexternalise pilgrim practices emerged. The circumstances of the agealso contributed to this: too few jobs for a rising population,unemployment, robber bands preying on the French routes, criminal actsby pilgrims and, from the 15th century onwards increasing criticism ofthe peregrinatio itself. Without exception these symptoms were allvisiblebeforethe Reformation. It is true that in a religiouslydivided Europe there were regions which sent no pilgrims, it is truethat pilgrims whose way led through Protestant territory had toovercome greater difficulties, but this affected only the quantitativeaspect of the Santiago peregrinatio. Neither increasingsecularisation, nor criticism of the pilgrimage, nor yet loss of theProtestant areas were able to shake the Santiago peregrinatio asan institution. There was no rapid decline, but creeping erosion ofideas and material support. In the course of the 16th century newfactors emerged and the development accelerated: the true crisis ofthe peregrinatio ad limina Beati Jacobi was still to come.
I will list these factors briefly, since extensive basic researchremains to be done:
1. The Spanish Inquisition, whose frightening influence andinsistent spying deterred many foreigners from visiting holy places.
2. Tense relations between France and the House of Habsburg, leadingto several armed conflicts in the first half of the 16th century,which in turn meant that Burgundy and Pyrenees, astride the mainpilgrim routes, were theatres of war.
3. The 40-year civil war in France in the second half of thecentury.
A. A serious blow to pilgrim traffic was the fact that the Southernpart of the country was more or less in Protestant hands: Languedoc,Gascony, Beam, the Kingdom of Navarre and the county of Foix. Accessto the main passes over the Pyrenees led through Hugenot territory.
5. Until the mid 17th-century, the wars in the Netherlands, the 80years war and renewed direct confrontation between Spain and Francedid nothing to ease the external conditions of each pilgrimage toCompostela.
6. Over the same period of time a great part of the Europeanpopulation was descending to the level of paupers. The problem of themillions of poor people in the cities and on the roads, countlessoffences against property, acts of violence by vagabonds and beggars,and bands of robbers or banditism as Fernand Braudel called it,inevitably led the authorities to intervene. In the long runbureaucracy engulfed the pilgrims. What was worse, all parts of: thepopulation began to mistrust and despise pilgrims, to the detriment ofthe custom of pilgrimage. Pilgrimages fell more or less into thedomain of the poor. The charitable establishments along the earningde Santiago held an almost magical fascination for the massoTnative or foreign beggars, vagabonds and jobless people offering themat least a chance of survival.
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7. In the first half of the 17th century, the specifically Spanishvariant of the St James tradition underwent a crisis: the internalSpanish struggle to decide which saint should be patron de lasEspanas, from- which the Santiago party emerged victorious, did notexactly help the pilgrimage.
Despite many signs of a material and moral crisis, this was notyet the swan song of the pilgrimage ad sanctum Jacobum. It wasthe confraternities of St James in Flanders, France and the Catholicareas of Germany and Switzerland which kept the cult of St James aliveand which continued to promote a pilgrimage to Compostela. Forexample, in the period between 1628 and 1632 over 280 pilgrimsreceived a "passade", ie a sum of money to cover the evening meal andovernight lodgings, from the confraternity of St James at Maubeuge inFrance. The considerable number of refugees who sought shelter inCompostela from Cromwell's reign of terror in Ireland were proof ofthe place which the Apostle's tomb still held in European Catholicism.
Moreover the church's new view of itself following the Council ofTrent was a major factor in overcoming the crisis. The decreeconcerning the veneration of saints and relics, although it did notexpressly refer to pilgrimages, offered sufficient foundation fordefending them. It led to the well-known treatises-by•Richeome (Paris1605) and Gretser (Ingolstadt, 1606). Around the mid-17th century amarked revival was reported, as the wars receded and the roads becamesafe. In its return to a peregrinatio religiosa the pilgrimage toSantiago gained a more modest but also a more honest character. In1717 there were once again so many pilgrims in Compostela that therewere ' not enough confessors for them. The pilgrimage to Santiagoreached a new highpoint in a century preceding the revolution! Itremained at a fairly high level until the early mid-18th century, ascan be seen from the chronological list of financial support given tothe pilgrims by the city of Compostela between 1603 and 1777.
There was a striking decline in the number of pilgrims in themid-18th century and once again political conditions in Europe playeda role. The wars of succession in Poland (1733-35) and Austria(1740-48) frightened off potential pilgrims to Compostela. The samecan be said for the first years of the seven years' war (1756-63).
Information about pilgrims from the other side of the Spanishborder in the second half of the 18th century is found in "ActasCapitulares" in Compostela cathedral's archives, covering the period1671-1777. For the period from 1761 to 1777, ie after the wars listedabove, this special register lists pilgrims from Italy, Portugal,England, Poland, Lithuania, Hungary and Lebanon. Some well-knownnames underline the esteem in which the city of the Apostle James washeld prior to the French Revolution: Maria Anna von Pfalz-Neuburg(1690), the promised wife of Charles II, James Stuart III, thepretender to the throne of England (1790) and the Duke of Chartres whowas later to be known as Philippe-Egalite (1775). Those who did notcome to Compostela included Stanislas Leszcinski, Madame de Pompadourand Marchioness Wilhelmine of Bayreuth, who had themselves painted inan erotic, courtly fashion as "pelerins de 1'amour" (pilgrims of love)or "pelerins de Cythere" (pilgrims of Cythera), wearing the scallopshell of St James.
Once again "falsos peregrines" (false pilgrims) made theirappearance on the road to Compostela; the unemployed, vagabonds,beggars and those who owed taxes made use of the charitable
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establishments along the way, which were flourishing anew. Once againthe state reacted by bringing out strict laws to prevent its subjectsfrom migrating. A sharp eye was kept on pilgrimages by young peopleie those who were fit to work or bear arms. Yet all decrees failed,the last being issued in 1778; this can be seen from a edict dated1783, which stated that diferentes clases de gentes were driftingthrough the country "con pretexto de estudiante o con el de romeros operegrines (vario.us classes of people were drifting through thecountry on the pretext of being a student or a' pilgrim).
On the eve of the French Revolution the Santiago peregrinatiowas no longer a spectacular event but still a popular one, enjoying aconsiderable echo in Europe. Pilgrims journeyed to Compostela,untroubled by learned disputes concerning the historical background tothe cult of St James or by ,the philosophy of enlightenment which wasspreading to Spain. The city and cathedral were more- imposing thanever since the cathedral's considerable income from the Voto deSantiago (votive offering) allowed much new construction, t h e h i g hpoint of which was the re-designing of the cathedral. Between 1738and 1750 Christendom's largest Romanesque church received an imposingnew West facade, with two towers each soaring 70 metres high, .makingit one of the mightiest creations of the Baroque Age in Europe.
Unlike some well-known researchers, who see the demise of theperegrinatio ad sanctum Jacobum in the French Revolution, I sharethe opinion of Ilja Mieck, who came to the following conclusions aftera differentiated review covering time and space:
1. The Revolution and the coalition wars damaged the European echoof the Santiago pilgrimage and made substantial inroads into the areasfrom which it recruited its pilgrims. There was no revival of thepilgrimage on a European scale after 1815, since the confraternities,which had been the major guardians and promoters of the tradition, hadvanished silently in the turbulence of revolution and war.
The dissolution of the monasteries and the abolition ortransformation of refuges and hospitals reduced the pilgrim routes ofthe Christian West from a functioning, charitable institution to ageographical concept. Reciprocally there were then fewer pilgrims toSt James who were then able to stimulate their confraternity or homeparish thanks to their personal pilgrimage. Compostela vanished fromthe mind of non-Spanish Catholicism. France was probably the onlycountry besides Spain in which the Compostelan tradition survived on asmall scale into the 19th century, as is shown by isolated reports ofpilgrims and confraternities. It is not irrelevant to say thatSantiago de Compostela lost its importance as a European centre of!pilgrimage in the 19th century as a result of the spiritual andmaterial changes triggered by the Revolution.
2. In contrast the specifically Spanish element remained unaltered.The numbers of Spanish and Portuguese pilgrims remained almostconstant at first. There were undoubtedly reversals due to theNapoleonic war and the resultant internal unrest. Yet in the long runthe numbers remained firm.
The expression "Abwanderung ins Territoriale" (emigration withoutleaving home territory) used in German-speaking parts of Europe todescribe local processional pilgrimages in the Baroque style (asopposed to pilgrimages) applied to Spain at this time. In 1851 aFrench traveller noted that pilgrims in the usual costume came de
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tous les coins de 1'Espagne (from all corners of Spain) and anpthermentioned an armee de pelerins (army of pilgrims). All reportsconcur that Spanish pilgrimages to the Apostle's tomb in Galiciacontinued in the nineteenth century. This is underlined by the visitsof Isabella II in 1858 and Alphonse XII in 1877.
3. The loss of St James' foreign function as Matamoros(Moorslaughterer) which had become unnecessary once the reconquistaand conquista were completed. '
Although in the seventeenth century people had still been readyto believe that St James had helped the Spanish to win over 30 battlesin Europe, Africa, Mexico and South America and had even helped thePortuguese to conquer "Golden Goa" the image of the miles Christior the warrior apostle faded as Spain gradually renounced its ambitionto possess a world empire.
Even the popular understanding of the saints was changing.Greater veneration of the Mother of God meant that St James wasabsorbed into the cult of the Virgin of Pilar at Saragossa, which hadexisted since the end of the 13th century. What is interestingis that the Mother of God took over the apostle's warrior role andappeared to the troops of Aragon to lead them in their battle againstthe French in 1808.
4. Over the centuries the pilgrimage to Compostela lived off thecharitable infrastructure. This continued to look after pilgrims inSpain right up to the early nineteenth century, even though it hadvanished from the European scene in the storms of revolution. Thiscan be seen from the list of "peregrinos socorridos" (assistedpilgrims) kept by St John's Hospital at Oviedo. However, theexistence of efficient stations of support for pilgrims soon cameunder attack. The raw wind of the new century blew over the Spanishchurch in the reign of Joseph Bonaparte, who dismantled theInquisition, reduced the number of monasteries by one-third andabolished the special tax called the Voto de Santiago.French rule soon collapsed but astonishingly enough in its wakerevolutionary trends prevailed. A law dated 1 October 1820 abolishedalmost all monasteries, orders and similar establishments. Oneconsequence of this was that in 1821, 280 monasterios, colegios yhospitales (280 monasteries, schools and hospitals) were closedincluding 27 in Burgos alone which was one of the major stations onthe road to Compostela. Such a drastic reduction in the number ofcharitable establishments along the route influenced the pilgrimage inseveral ways:
They reduced the attractiveness of the pilgrim route, eliminatedfalse pilgrims although it did not of course eliminate "stationarybegging". Underhand dealing by the liberal revolution meant .that forthe first time in centuries the feast day of St James in 1822 had tobe celebrated sin la augusta y conmovedora ceremonia de lapresentacion de la tradicional ofrenda (without the majestic andmoving ceremony of the traditional offering).
5. A balance had to be struck on the unyielding front between churchand state and therefore between the authorites and the people. Thiswas achieved under the constitution of the Restoration of 1876, aconstitution from which the apostle's tomb benefited directly. Moreimportantly, the long-lost remains of the Apostle James, which hadbeen hidden in 1589 for fear of Francis Drake, were rediscovered. In
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a Papal Bull of 1 November 1884, Leo XII confirmed the result of the1879 excavations. It was a happy coincidence that the Ano Santo1885 (Holy Year) began two months after this recognition by the Pope.Although pilgrims once again came from many parts of Europe in theHoly Year, we cannot say that the pilgrimage had its antiguafisonomia (former features) even though the number of pilgrims hadrisen slightly and even though Alphonse XIII came twice to Compostelain 1904 and 1909. In 1927 the Spanish Encyclopaedia stated, for thelast two centuries or so, pilgrims have invaded the town only atcertain timesTIt was only on St James'day itselfthatCompostelashowed la extraordinaria animacion de sus mejores tiempos (theextraordinary liveliness of its best times).
The subsequent development of the medieval pilgrimage to the tombof the Apostle James was influenced by political developments. Itneeds no explanation that the political authorities of whatever agerepeatedly made use of Santiago to promote their own interests.However at no time since the Middle Ages was the Apostle James (underhis Spanish name of Santiago) so determinedly used to provide anideological anchor for political realities and intentions as in thefour decades of Franco's rule. From Decree No. 325 of 21 July 1937,which restored Saint James to his full rights as the patron of Spain,down to the pfrendas de la nacion (offerings of the nation)delivered by the head of State in person on the occasion of the AfiosSantos Compostelanos (Holy Years of Compostela), everything was doneto show the international public that Spain's political leadership wasrooted in pan-European traditions. Yet, with a few exceptions, whathad once been a European pilgrimage was now a Spanish one. In theAno Santo 1971 the press, reporting the visit of the Spanish headof*State,commented on the thousands of pilgrims who cheered himprocedentes de diversas provincias insulares, peninsulares yafricana's (from various island, peninsular and African provinces).No mention was made of swarms of pilgrims from east and north of thePyrenees.
Over the last few decades and until after the Second World Warthe road to the Apostle's tomb was barred to most pilgrims in themedieval, Christian meaning of the term. National attitudes, worldwars and world crises, a Europe drifting apart into ideologicalblocks, an increasingly secular society and Europe's isolation ofSpain under Franco, to name but a few factors, did nothing toencourage pilgrimages to Compostela.
Since the '40s, renewed interest on the part of internationalhistorians, congresses and almost 20 exhibitions in museums andarchives once again brought the subject of Santiago to the attentionof a wider public. In 1950 the first circle for promoting thepilgrimage was formed in Paris under the name of "Les Amis cleSaint Jacques de Compostelle" (the friends of Saint James o£Compostela).
Subsequent history was first written by tourism. The bookletpublished in 1971 by the Ministerio de Informacion y Turismo(Ministry of Information and Tourism) on the occasion of ETTe MoSanto Compostelano, entitled "Santiago en Espafia, Europa yAmerica" (Santiago in Spain, Europe and America), contains two clearstatements:
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Firstly the booklet sees itself como una afirmacion del serhistorico de Espana (as an affirmation of the historical essence ofSpain) and also as an invitation a los peregrinos de nuestra epocaque son los turistas ... porque el turismo es una forma modernade peregrinar (to tourists, who are the pilgrims of our age ...because tourism is a modern form of pilgrimage). Was this thealternative? Was the end result of a thousand years of Europeanpilgrimage to be found in a million-strong army of tourists?
At first it appeared so. The rudiments of tourism had alreadybeen apparent in the previous century. For example on 29 August 1887the first Bavarian pilgrim train set off for Compostela via France,Spain and Portugal. In the stone age of tourism, 15 ladies andgentlemen, listed by name together with their full titles, and havinga spiritual guide, allowed themselves to be shown the curiosities ofalmost the whole of Western Europe, including two days spent inCompostela, in the course of a 36-day journey by train, then by shipfrom Barcelona to Gibraltar, organised by the "BayerischenPilgervereine vom Heiligen Lande" (Bavarian Pilgrim Associations ofthe Holy Land).
Despite its absurdity, the questionable attempt to - unite thepilgrim tradition and modern mass tourism brought Compostela again to.mind as a holy place. In the Ano Santo 1965, two million visitorswere said to have come and in 1982 the official figure was around sixmillion. These numbers certainly included many pilgrims.
Recent development is known. Compostela did not merely gaintourists but pilgrims, who came in ever greater numbers andincreasingly in the spirit of pilgrims in the medieval meaning of theterm. After France, associations were formed in Italy, Belgium,Germany, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Portugal andSwitzerland. Since 1982 the Flemish organisation OIKOTEN has sentjuvenile delinquents on pilgrimages to resocialise them, obeying theold tradition of a peregrinatio poenaliter causa. Ten such groupshave made the journey so far. In France several regional exhibitionshave been held and in Italy two major congresses have been held inPerugia and Pistoia. In Germany the Dusseldorf Confraternity of SaintJames held a meeting of pilgrims in Cologne in 1987, whoseparticipants came from many lands. In the same year the firstcongress of the "German Society of Saint James" was held inAix-La-Chapelle. Regional projects are under way in Germany andFrance whilst in Switzerland there is a project on "historical routes"(IVS), with the intention of re-opening the former upper road(oberstrasse) to foot pilgrims.
After this list of recent activities in the European countries inthe zone of direct influence of the perigrinatio ad SanctumJacobum, the question may be asked whether Spain's neighbours arereviving the old idea of a pilgrimage or endowing it with freshspirituality.
Are the Franci, Normanni, Scoti, Theutonici, Saxones et ceteregentes innumerabiles cuncte lingue et n a c i o n e s g i v i n g t h eperegrinatio moderna ad Sanctum Jacobum the spiritual and materialimpetus for its rebirth on a European scale? Is history repeatingitself or is this the oft quoted continuity in the midst of change?
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From the scientific point of view, the indispensable collectivework by the historians Vazquez de Parga, Lacarra and Uria, which waspublished in 1950, laid the foundation for future generations'research. The magazine' Compostellanum was founded in 1956 as anorgan for scientific contributions; a study centre, „ the Centre deEstudios Jacobeos, was added' to it. Several exhibitions were heldin Madrid, in 1950, 1954 and 1963, and in Santiago, in 1950 and.1965.In 1985, in the Flemish town of Ghent, Spain presented an exhibitionentitled "Santiago de Comppstela, one thousand years of pilgrimagein Europe"!this massive show of material covered a surfaceareaofover 3,000 m2. Over 100,000 visitors came and over 10,000 copies ofthe voluminous catalogue were sold.
However the Spanish public had previously been informed. On theoccasion of the Ano Santo Compostelano 1982 a congress on pilgrimsand art along the pilgrim w a y w a s h e l d , attracting much publicattention; national television (second channel: La Clave)broadcast a four-hour television marathon with the participation offoreign specialists.
Old structures took on a new life. The old priory ofRoncesvalles became a stopping place for pilgrims on foot, who hadonce again made their appearance. So did San Juan de Ortega or thefeared Cebreiro. It was from here that the route for pilgrims on footwas defined and marked, even at the beginning. The priest ofCebreiro, E. Valifia Sampedro, wrote a guidebook in Spanish to theroute, being a modern and more extensive version of the pilgrim'sguidebook contained in the Liber Sancti Jacobi. F. Beruete inEstella took in pilgrims and organised severalcultural weeks inEstella. Gradually the chapter of Compostela cathedral remembered itspast and its obligations to the pilgrims. The Compostela wasrevived as a sign confirming that the peregrinatio ad llmina BeatiJacobi had been duly completed and since 1986thecathedralhashoused a permanent welcome station for pilgrims, which receives anincredible number of people. On 27 April 1988 the Comisioninterdiocesana del Camino de Santiago (Interdiocesan Committeeo n t h e S a n t i a g o R o u t e ) was formed under the chairmanship of theArchbishop. In 1989 the Pope will make a second visit to Compostelato meet the youth of the world.
In October 1987 the first international meeting of pilgrims onSpanish soil was held at Jaca in Aragon. Once again Europe met at aplace of pilgrimage. Shortly afterwards the Council of Europepresented its project on European pilgrim routes as European culturalroutes at a ceremony following the abovecongress,shortlybeforeits official closure. Under the motto "revitalizaci6n del camino deSantiago como primer itinerario cultural europeo" (revitalisation of:the Santiago route as the first European cultural route), manygovernments of the autonomous regions astride the old way areattempting to reconquer the former prestige of this European route.
Since 1987 many "Asociaciones de amigos del Camino de Santiago"(associations of friends of the Saint James route) have been formed,which co-ordinate joint objectives and projects within a looseorganisational structure. Footpaths have been improved, refuges builtand the care provided for pilgrims is growing. A new infrastructureis emerging, similar to that of the Middle Ages in the care itprovides, and surely just as necessary for it would be meaningless ifpilgrims were dependent on the tourist structure alone.
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This brings us to the last question: what is the inner meaningof completing a mediaeval pilgrimage with a tangible objective inmodern, some say post-Christian Europe.
A 65-year-old museum warden walks alongside ,the 65-year-old'director of the European Communities' Agricultural Commission; acomputer specialist alongside a factory girl; a member of the Catholicmovement alongside a supporter of the Greens; a navy lieutenantalongside a conscientious objector. All professions and all groups ofsociety from the kaiser's grandson to the juvenile delinquent, richand poor, men and women, often with children, feel the fascination ofthe route and - as in the 12th century Liber Sancti Jacobi - theirmotives; are as diverse as the origin, profession and nationality ofthe new,. post-Christian (?) pilgrims. .
A sporting approach, a search for healing, psychologicalcleansing, social hygiene, indefinable longing, academic snobbery,mass tourism, fashion, etc: there are many keys to a phenomenon which,being the relic of a cult and un-modern in the midst of modernity,blows apart all the usual criteria of judgement and condemnation.
For example religious healing and commerce are once again unitedin the mass tourism business. A Belgian organisation in Tournai runsa flourishing business under the banner "tourisme et chretiente"(tourism and Christianity). Pope Paul VI. himself, who on31 August 1963 received the participants attending a UN symposium ontourism, expressed a positive view of this mass phenomenon and spokeof educational, cultural, moral and social values. Can it not besaid that the mediaeval description "pauperi et peregrin!" is beingchanged to "Beati paupere spiritu", religious convictions beingexploited in the bus tourism of our age?
There are also voices which tackle the issues arising from theCouncil of Europe's project on the routes of the Saint Jamespilgrims as European cultural routes. One of these is the shortpaper published by the Vlaams Genootschap van Santiago deCompostela (Flemish Association for Santiago de Compostela),entitled "Compostela from a European point of view". It expressessome reserve and distrust because politicians are associated with theproject and politicians are said always to have ... unspoken, hiddenintentions. The central statement of this short text reads asfollows, omitting the Christian background to the Saint James routeas a European cultural route would impoverish, may even mutilate theproject. This applies all the more to a project which seeks todetermine the factors holding European culture together, whereas it isquite clear that European culture is partly based on the Christianbackground.
I repeat, motives are diverse and cannot be sounded. For thetrue pilgrims of our time this is of no account. For them, arrival atthe holy place, Compostela, is the accomplishment of their (perhaps)devout journey and represents the consummation of their devotion -springing (perhaps) from Christian motives or from any other motives.For the pilgrims of today the pilgrimage is found on the way.
This is what all of us who were on the route dreamt of andaccomplished. The "Carta Pastoral de los Obispos del Camino deSantiago en Espana" (pastoral map of the bishops of the Santiago routein Spain), published in July 1988, subscribes to this view. This seesthe route as a Camino para la peregrinacion cristiana (route for
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Christian pilgrimage) and gives a sympathetic portrait of theChristian meaning of the pilgrimage. Others, like the Benedictinemonk Anselm Griin of Munsterschwarzach have developed a theology of theroute and of journeying. For myself, the most convincing view in theChristian context, a synthesis of impassioned research and videpractical experience, is presented by Edmond-Rene Labande. After along, fulfilled life of research and with pilgrimages totalling morethan A,000 kilometres under his belt, Edmond-Rene Labande summed it upas follows: Prier avec les pieds or praying with one's feet.
Conclusion
In conclusion yet another question: why do all of us, whether ornot committed Christians, need this most European of all pilgrimages,which, as I hope I have shown, is different from the pilgrimages ofother cultures including that of the samnyazins.
The way of the stars of German mythology, the way of the starswhich, legend has it', showed Charlemagne the way to the Apostle'stomb, the European circle of stars which flies over the Council ofEurope's project, the medieval holy way which led from the Baltic toCape Finisterre at the extremity of Europe could all help us to- findand defend our identity, help us to understand our Western heritageand our European consciousness and also guard us fromi losing ourculture in the face of an average, international-style culture.
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A D D I T I O N A L C O N T R I B U T I O N S 1
(*) Several participants at the Bamberg Congress asked that theircontributions be included in the Congress report
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STATEMENT BY THE MAYOR OF PAMPLONA (Spain)
"Pamplona, the first town" was a project initiated by the City ofPamplona, in which 150 people walked the Santiago de Compostela routereferred to as the French route, from Roncesvalles to Compostela, in38 stages of about 25 km a day.
Each stage comprised the walk itself, visits to places ofinterest in the vicinity of the route and lectures on art, geography,economics, human geography, espterism and all other aspects connectedwith the route in the area we were passing through. The lectures weremostly given by experts in the fields concerned.
Some of the cultural activities accompanied the walk along itsroute, while others were provided at the relevant places. Theseactivities were as follows: five concerts by the Pamplona ChamberChoir; ten performances of the Mystery of Saint Felicia, a puppet showbased on a legend about the Santiago de Compostela route in Navarre;four concerts of mediaeval and Renaissance music, by the PamplonaMadrigal Quartet; five audiovisual screenings relating to the Santiagode Compostela route and, finally, four fellowship dinners to whichlocal people were invited, followed by informal talks and conversationor round-table discussions during which the assembled groups sharedtheir experiences.
On the day of arrival and during the stay in Santiago deCompostela, various cultural activities were organised and a specialtrain brought more than 1,000 pilgrims from Pamplona to Compostela.
The project's objectives were of two kinds: those of the walkitself, of the journey as a whole, that we called "externalobjectives" and each walker/pilgrim's individual objectives, referredto as "internal objectives".
Among the external objectives were:
The promotion of the Santiago de Compostela route as a Europeancultural route, as a source of spiritual nourishment able togenerate a movement of persons and give rise to tourism of anintellectual kind.
The promotion of Pamplona as the first town on the route, asAimeri Picaud called it in the Liber Sancti Jacobi of theCodex Calixtinus. Pamplona is situated at the Pyrenean gatewayto Roncesvalles, one stage away from the site of the Battle .ofRoncesvalles, recounted in the Chanson de Roland. Theslogan chosen was "Pamplona, summer rendez-vous".
The presentation of Pamplona as a tourist site for the touristseeking enrichment of the mind through local art, history,folklore, wildlife, the sports characteristic of a privilegedregion and fine cuisine.
The project's internal objectives were realised through itscultural action and its impact on the walker/pilgrims and thevillagers in the stopping places. With this in mind, a number ofcultural and artistic activities were organised locally.
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The walk began at Roncesvalles on 21 July 1988. The group ofpilgrims comprised 60 men and 50 women ranging in age from 67 down to12, with an average age of 37 for the men and 32 for the women. 65%of the group were academics or university students; 11 were secondaryschool-leavers, 14 had received a primary education and 5 had followedvocational training courses.
The project was presented to the pilgrims as an undertaking inwhich the two parties concerned were working towards complementarygoals, with one party offering the will and desire to make the journeyto Compostela, and the other, the City of Pamplona, providing thebasic facilities necessary to the project's success.
A team of professionals was responsible for the organisation,which was divided into three sectors:
material organisation and basic facilities;
organisation of cultural and artistic activities;
— organisation of concurrent events, and relations with relevantinstitutions and the media,
the whole being overseen by a general co-ordinator.
Organisation and basic facilities
The walkers were accommodated overnight in tents, owing to thedifficulty of lodging 150 people in villages with fewer than 100inhabitants.
The camps were set up where indicated by the mayors of thelocalities we would be passing through, which necessitated a priorapproach and facilitated our knowledge of the places concerned beforewe left Roncevalles. The basic facilities and supplies team lookedafter catering.
Two vehicles transported the logistical equipment, with certainpeople assigned to the task of assembling and dismantling the campevery day. A medical team and another team responsible for relationsduring the walk with villages, institutions and the media accompaniedthe walkers. A mobile office gave information about the walk andaudiovisual screenings relating to the route and to Pamplona.
The cultural activities were open to the inhabitants of the townsand villages in which they took place; in all, some 10,000 people tookpart in events along the route.
Where the media were concerned, it was estimated that 300articles appeared in the press, and radio broadcasts as the walkerspassed through the various capitals totalled more than 30 hours.Special mention should be made of the 5 hours of Radio Nacional deEspafla broadcasts, which were relayed to Radio Nacional's transmittersin the various autonomous regions.
Furthermore, Spanish TV's Channel 1 offered 36 minutes ofbroadcasting time, while the regional TV channels devoted 143 minutesto the walk and the TV channels of Galicia and Navarre broadcast morethan 2 hours of programmes.
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The City of Pamplona had chartered a special train from theSpanish Railways to transport the pilgrim travellers (about 1,000people), the Pamplona Choral Society (150 people), the Pamplona BrassBand (50 people) and the Troop of Giants who, along with theirentourage, totalled more than 100 people.
On behalf of the Council of Europe, its Secretary General,Mr Marcelino Oreja, gave the cultural project concerning the Santiagode Compostela pilgrim route his support, declaring it worthy ofinterest and consequently joining the walk for three of its stages.
While in Pamplona, the Secretary General unveiled the signpostingthe city had installed in accordance with the Council of Europe'sinstructions and took part, as a simple pilgrim like the others, inthe events organised on the walkers' arrival at Compostela.
The experience of organising such a walk/pilgrimage was fruitfulfrom all points of view, and dispelled the numerous fears expressed bythe associations connected with the route.
We believe that in this method, we have found an alternative tothe traditional pilgrimage that enables the pilgrims to enrich theirminds with a store of knowledge. Very fruitful links are forgedbetween the walker/pilgrims, who enjoy easy access to numerous siteswhich would not otherwise be accessible, at least at present, toanonymous pilgrims or small groups.
With this in mind, we encourage similar undertakings, in order torestore to the route the role it played in its most glorious period,that of a source of spirituality, a living museum imparting anunderstanding of the art and culture of different peoples, and anideal way of making the most of all the possibilities offered by themost wonderful of journeys.
We are ready to share the benefit of our experience with allthose who may find it helpful as an introduction to the Santiago deCompostela route.
Pamplona 17 September 1988
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THE SANTIAGO PILGRIM ROUTE IN ASTURIAS
Reflections on the Asturian route in relation to the pilgrimage toSan Salvador de, Oviedo
by Florencio COBO ARIAS and Luis FERNANDEZ GARCIA (Spain)
The pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela are one of the eventswhich had the most profound influence on the shaping of thesocio-economic structures, cultural life and mental attitudes of broadsections of the population of the countries of Western Europe from thellth century onwards.
With the pilgrims, and often as pilgrims themselves, there cameto Spain French stonemasons, German artisans, Tuscan merchants,Flemish noblemen, English and Burgundian crusaders, and with themProvencal lyric poetry, Carolingian philosophy, Slav legends, newbuilding techniques etc. All these ideas and influences intermingledand returned to their lands of origin, spreading to the most remotepoints. The pilgrims' road to Santiago can thus be seen to be asociological phenomenon which was the consequence of some historicalfacts and the cause of many others. The intensity with which it wasused fluctuated according to the mentality of each age; its primacywas disputed, but the route as such never died.
Although the pilgrimages to Santiago were in principle areligious phenomenon, this original aspect very soon took second placeto other factors which accompanied the emergence and spread of thecult of St. James. As has been said, the pilgrimage became a vehiclefor demographic and cultural influences which would eventually shiftthe purely religious question into the background. One partial aspectof these phenomena, which is of direct relevence to the "Frenchroute", is the repopulation by foreigners of the small towns whichsprouted along the road to Santiago, prompted by the desire toconsolidate a communication route created by the pilgrimages, givingrise to a middle class of merchants and artisans which had previouslybeen non-existent in Spain. The middle-class development ofnorth-west Spain in the Middle Ages was very closely connected withthe pilgrimage phenomenon, which, as well as being a decisive factorin the repopulation of certain areas, gave an impetus to thedevelopment of trade and the evolution of institutions.
Where trade is concerned, the pilgrimages generated intenseactivity involving the new settlers and the pilgrims, who wereconsumers par excellence. It became necessary to have lodgings,hospitals, provisions, banking establishments etc, and markets wereset up in the towns along the route. Within the Iberian peninsula,this trade produced a degree of specialisation in terms of what eachtown offered the pilgrims to satisfy their basic needs.
The repopulation of certain areas by foreigners and the foundingof their respective settlements were always accompanied by thegranting of charters laying down various legal rules for theirinhabitants. We know of a French settlement in the city of Oviedo atthe beginning of the 12th century which was large enough to have itsown judge, as was provided for in the legal system given to the cityby King Alfonso VI in around the year 1100.
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Unamuno summed up the obvious importance which the road had forthe development for European literature in the following passage: "Thepious pilgrims who came from the centre of Europe to this part ofGalicia brought with them legends, stories, tales and songs, and theirpilgrimages were one of the vehicles of the European culture of thetime. Devout pilgrims from Provence on their way to Santiago sparkedthe development of Galician-Portugese troubador poetry, the firstlearned manifestation of lyricism in a Romance language in the Iberianpeninsula".
From the artistic point of view, the pilgrimages influenced thecreation of a unified style. The road to Santiago acted as a channelfor the spread of the Romanesque style. Through it, our region waspervaded by influences still perceptible today in many civil andreligious buildings which, as we shall see, mark out the Asturianstretches of the route.
One of the most outstanding features of the culture andspirituality associated with the pilgrim route is to be found in the"pilgrimage churches" which were built in around the llth and 12thcenturies along the various itineraries and exhibit such similarfeatures that one can speak of a "school of great Romanesquepilgrimage churches". They are churches built to accommodate largecrowds and their basic features are: the ambulatory around thesanctuary, with a number of radial chapels opening on to it (these arealso to be found in the transept arms); a generally very high, vaultednave flanked by aisles with galleries continuing over the transeptarms and looking out on to the nave and transept. Everything isdesigned to facilitate the movements of the pilgrims, who kept toclearly defined routes, and enabled them to visit and worship therelics displayed in the various chapels.
It is clear that the main route to Santiago had numerous brancheslinking up sanctuaries in various parts of the peninsula, which wereslowly introduced as places of pilgrimage. This ties in with theopinion of the historian Juan Uria. Although in his zeal to seepilgrim routes to Santiago in all the countless ones that can beimagined from any corner of the globe, he tries in vain to lendimportance to those which have none, finding arbitrary detours evenfrom routes of secondary importance, we have to mention the work ofwhich he is joint author with L V de Parga and J M Lacarra, "Lasperegrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela", of which selected chaptersfrom Volume II are attached. This key study brings out therelationship between the pilgrimage to San Salvador de Oviedo and thatto Santiago de Compostela. It documents the fact that the cult of therelics kept in the Camara Santa of the cathedral in Oviedo, which islocal in origin, is as old as that which began to appear in the 9thcentury around the tomb of St. James the Apostle. It was not until theend of the llth century that the pilgrimages to San Salvador de Oviedoacquired an international character, becoming fully integrated withthe pilgrim routes to Santiago, whose traditional itinerary wasestablished in that century.
So it was that in 1075 Alfonso VI and his court went on apilgrimage to Oviedo to discover the contents of the "Holy Ark". Thissame king decreed a few years later that the former royal palace ofAlfonso III should be used as a pilgrim hospice, giving it thesignificant name of "Palatio Frantisco".
A codex of Valenciennes containing a list of the relics of Oviedoprovides evidence of the international character of the pilgrimage tothat city in the llth century.
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Hospices are known to have been established as early as the 12thcentury along the road which the pilgrims took from Leon to Oviedobefore continuing to Santiago. Examples include those of Arbas andMount Copian dating back to the year 1103.
At the end of the century, Oviedo was mentioned as a holy placein relation to the Santiago pilgrim route: "Civitas ipsa vocaturOvetum ... Distat autem a civitate regia quae Leonis vocatur itinereduorum dierum, et sita est ad dextram manum euntibus ad SanctumJacobum et quinque dietis a Sancto Jacobo" (anonymous, quoted byKohler, Rev. de 1'Orient Latin, 1898).
In the following century, in the year 1214, we find references tothe "Camino Francisco", situated within the boundaries of the councilof Tineo.
The course of routes and detours often depended on the interestsof the ruling monarch. For example, in 1222, Alfonso IX made itobligatory for the road to Santiago to pass through Tineo and themonastery of Obona. In 1228, in the National Council of Salamanca,the same king enacted a constitution on behalf of the pilgrims toSantiago and San Salvador de Oviedo, and in the Laws of King Alfonso X(the Wise) pilgrims are defined as those who "... go on a pilgrimageto Santiago or to San Salvador de Oviedo or to other remote andforeign places".
From the 15th century to the beginning of the 19th century,Oviedo endeavoured to enhance the status of the cult of its relics outof a sense of competition with Santiago, as is apparent from thefollowing refrain:
"Quien va a SantiagoY no a San SalvadorSirve al criadoY deja al Senor".
(He who goes to SantiagoAnd not to San SalvadorServes the servantAnd forsakes the Lord.)
Among the roads crossing the region, particular attention shouldbe drawn to two key routes leading to Santiago: the one from Leon toOviedo, which continued to Compostela via the interior, and theso-called coastal route, which appeared later and was perhaps lessfrequented. These and other secondary routes are shown in the mapsubmitted to the Secretariat of this Congress, which was sent to thevarious Santiago pilgrimage associations. There are also briefdescriptions of a number of items of architechtural and artisticinterest situated on the main route or nearby, some of which have beendesignated by UNESCO as Heritage of Mankind, and a list of hospicesalong the route.
CONCLUSION: It is the wish of the Principality of Asturias thatthe road from Leon to Oviedo and from Oviedo to Santiago de Compostelashould be recognised and included in the conclusions of this Congress,together with the Asturian variants within the European CulturalItinerary, and we have made this request to the Council of Europe andthe Spanish Interministerial Commission.
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A COMMON GOAL FOR THE ASSOCIATIONS OF FRIENDS OFTHE SANTIAGO ROUTE
by Angel Luis BARREDA FERRER (Spain)
Time compels me to be short, and I hope that languagedifficulties will not obstruct or adversely affect the communicationthat is essential between those of us who work on the common projectfor the "Santiago Route". Allow me to address this congress as thenational co-ordinator of the Spanish associations.
The Spanish associations came into being in order to take upexisting official initiatives and to channel whatever future action wemight take in favour of pilgrimages, to assist those men and womentravelling the routes and who need our help and co-operation in orderto achieve their common goal: Santiago de Compostela.
In Spain, as in other European countries, a different kind ofassociation activity is emerging, and the objectives of ourassociations are quite different. We have set ourselves the goal ofrestoring old sections of the route, signposting them properly, andpromoting publications, studies, conferences and meetings. Above all,however, our sights are on the human figure of the pilgrim. There canbe no road to St James if there are no pilgrims. It is they, withtheir daily journey full of effort and enthusiasm, who are the bestprotagonists of this old but vital road of religious feeling andexperience, of cultures and encounters based on the Santiago Road.
The associations in Spain, as some of the presidents here canattest, lay dormant and forgotten for centuries. For a number ofyears, there was only the hopeful light of the Estella Associationthat continued to shine eagerly and enthusiastically in the gloom.However, in the space of the last two years, 16 associations of"Friends of the Santiago Route" have brought renewed strength to theassociation movement in Spain.
Since just one year ago we have been able to offer the prospectof the largest number of associations united in one SpanishFederation. We have achieved this at the cost of considerable effort,sometimes sacrificing our own individual freedom in order to face thefuture together, united, in the interests of an exciting project: theRoad to Santiago.
It is the earnest wish of the Spanish associations that Europeshould pursue a unified, associated project, and that together we canestablish channels for dialogue and common projects with otherassociations in other European countries, with other groups whetherofficial or private who may take it up themselves as a revitalised andupdated pilgrim route between now and the close of the 20th century.
From the standpoint of the practical activities of the SpanishAssociations united in one federation, we offer ourselves asinterlocutors in order to make such a project possible - a frameworkfor common dialogue with all the associations throughout Europe. Ifwe Spanish have managed to get together and pursue a joint project,should it be so difficult for other European countries and nations todo the same thing? It is a challenge, and we invite you to take itup.
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Over and above understandable sentimentality, and beyond thejustification for those historical claims which prompt us to assertthat the Santiago Road is a miracle, we have to take our actions andour decisions with our feet firmly on the ground, that same groundthat is trodden every year by thousands of pilgrims walking throughthe lands of Navarre, Aragon, Rioja, Castille, Leon and Galicia.
We are faced with an exciting project which we hope will becomereality, though we know how limited are the resources available to thepublic administrations; we could speak of generosity vis-a-vis theRoad to Santiago, but we prefer to speak of responsibilities.
For a long time, unnecessarily, the villages on the road as itpasses through Spain have been castigated for the deterioration oftheir art treasures which, when all is said and done, are ultimatelyof litle importance when set against the other more immediatedisadvantages from which they suffer - poor harvests, enforcedemigration, isolation. These villages in many of our Spanish regions,right alongside one of the most interesting routes in the whole world,can see today that the revitalisation of the Santiago Road is alife-giving possibility and a practical venture.
We are ready and willing to co-operate to the maximum with thosepeople who have rallied of their own free will to the idea underlyingthe "Associations of Friends of the Santiago Road". This is anofficial offer which I make, as the national co-ordinator of theSpanish Associations, to those public organisations and our sisterassociations in Europe who are represented here.
All the time our gaze is fixed on Compostela, the tomb of theapostle, our own apostle, and the reality which inspires usthousands of pilgrims, genuine pilgrims, who year after year need thesupport and hospitality of those villages through which passes the oldand poetic Santiago Road, our own road.
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THE SONG OF RONCESVALLES
THE SANTIAGO PILGRIMS' WAY AND MEANS QF SOCIAL COMMUNICATION
Hortensia VINES (Spain)
El Rey quando esto djxo cayo esmortecido(Roncesvalles v. 82)
THE SONG OF RONCESVALLES
One hundred verses written in Navarrese Romance, and datingperhaps from the twelfth century, are to be found on two leaves ofparchment held at the Navarre General Archives in Pamplona,Pompeiopolis, Iruna, a city on the Way.
The document was exhibited in 1986 at Europalia, in Brussels,together with other important specimens of the history and art ofSpain. The leaves of the document are in a somewhat worn state,having served as book-covers for some years. They contain a textwhich refers to a dramatic moment in the life of Emperor Charlemagne.The text refers directly to a specific place On the Pilgrims' Way,Roncesvalles (Roncevaux), and mentions the protection afforded byCharlemagne to the Santiago pilgrims.
This is probably a fragment of a long epic poem, which has nowbeen lost but which was probably longer than the Mio Cid. It isthe Spanish epic account of the defeat of Charlemagne's army atRoncesvalles on 15 August 778. Mr Marichalar discovered themanuscript at Pamplona and sent it to D Ramon Menendez Pidal through aNavarrese from Lerin, Amado Alonso, who was then a student at theCentre of Historical Studies in Madrid, and later became anoutstanding philologist. D Ramon Menendez Pidal published themanuscript for the first time in 1917 (1).
He "castilianised" the graphs of the fragment in his edition,thus altering the geographical and historical context of the text.That context is the Santiago pilgrim route in Navarre, the naturalenclave of Roncesvalles. The graphs, the language of the manuscript,the knowledge of the Carolingian theme displayed in the text, and thefact that it takes as its setting Pamplona, the capital of the thenkingdom of Navarre, all point to this fact (2).
The Spanish researchers who came after R Menendez Pidal respectedthe latter's authority and continued to use his transcription withoutseeking to criticise the manuscript. In 1951 (3), J Horrent took upthe subject and offered a faithful transcription of the graphs of thesong, as they appear in the parchments in question. It bearsrepeating that these are the graphs traditionally used in theNavarrese manuscripts of the period (4).
The preserved fragment of the Song of Roncesvalles may beconsidered to be the lament of the Emperor as he contemplates thebodies of Roland, Archbishop Turpin, Oliver and all his best knightsstrewn over the battle field at Roncesvalles, the scene of theirdefeat.
The syntagmatic-narrative structure of the text comprises threesub-themes.
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EPIC POEMS AS A MEANS OF SOCIAL COMMUNICATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES
We know that epic poems were used as a means of disseminatingnews in the Middle Ages, and thus constituted an ancient form ofreporting (5). This idea is supported by various scholars, includingR Menendez Pidal (6) and H Hauser (7). At the Semana Medieval deEstella, organised in 1976 by the Friends of the Santiago Way fromEstella, Martin de Riquer confirmed this theory: "The epic poem was aform of reporting in the Middle Ages. It was closely associated withthe need to provide information about recent events (it is thus thatthe Mio Cid epic came into being and, as derivations therefrom,the laments). The minstrel, the jongleur in the case of epic songs,earned his living from his audience, and this enhanced the interest ofhis art. In course of time, the report was transformed into folkhistory, which differs from the academic history written by clerks tobe read. History and legend moved apart in different directions, buton certain occasions they came together again. Chronological distancemade it possible to augment the imaginative component and to adaptsimilar themes. Geographical distance authorised - where appropriate
the imaginative treatment of landscape, environment and customs.There was room for the marvellous and for exaggeration. Historicalfact became legend" (8).
Inasmuch as the complete poem (untraceable, unfortunately), towhich the fragment doubtless belonged, may have been one of thoseancient forms of what is today known as a press report, the text ofthe preserved manuscript would correspond to the journalistic styleknown as news reporting. This can be verified on the basis of the"news" theory put forward by J Ortego Costales (9), according to whomthere are four categories of "news" content: EVENT, TOPICALITY,INTEREST and COMMUNICATION.
The Roncesvalles poem comes under the EVENT category, for thefollowing reasons: the text refers to the battle of Roncesvalles wherethe rear guard of Charlemagne's army suffered a painful andspectacular defeat on 15 August 778. The fact that it is recorded inchronicles and literary works is incontrovertible evidence of itsnature as an event.
The fragment which interests us speaks of the swooning of the manwho was destined to become Emperor of the Germanic Holy Roman Empire.Any incident connected with him takes on importance in popularopinion. The preserved fragment is a constituent part of thisparticular event: the overwhelming anguish of Charlemagne.
TOPICALITY, in journalistic terms, is that which converts anevent into news. According to the DRAE (10), the primary meaning of"actualidad" is the present time, or a thing or an event whichcaptures and occupies the attention of people at a given moment intime. The jongleur, like the journalist, is a creator of topicalnews, ("actualidades").
The theme of the poem, in terms of its historical origin and onthe basis of the chronology given by R Menendez Pidal, gave rise to anepic song which was written four centuries after the event that itrecounts. However, once raised to the level of poetic myth, thistheme, as if invested with perpetual topicality, appears once again ina socio-historical context in which it seems to be throbbing withlife. Two factors make the theme topical: first, the subject,Charlemagne, model of Christianity; secondly, Charlemagne the pilgrim,herald of the Pilgrims' Way to Santiago.
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The historical reference derives from the exploits of a hero,Charlemagne, champion of Christianity: he fights against the Moors inSpain, is a Crusader in Jersalem, combats the Turks and conquers Rome.This narrative was to be presented to a public which was in the midstof an armed struggle against the Moors for the reconquest of Spain,the mediaeval Spain of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In theNavarre region, which at that time had joined in the Crusades,together with the monarchs of the House of Champagne, Charlemagne wasacclaimed not for his Prankish origins which set him apart from Spain,but for his relations with Spain. He had lived at the court of KingGalafre where he had married Galiana. At that time he had gainedpossession of his prized sword Baymante, later to become famous asDurandel, which he was subsequently to offer to his nephew Roland.
The Carolingian theme was recounted inasmuch as it exalted thatwhich was to serve as ideological training for the reconquest ofSpain.
One has to bear in mind the prevailing beliefs and thesignificance of the conduct of Charlemagne and his heroes for thementality of the times: faith, respect for the Church and couragewere regarded as essential virtues, by the public to which the epicmessage was addressed.
Other virtues, constituting the code of values of the time, wereto be highlighted, such as Charlemagne's paternalistic attitudetowards his vassals, especially towards Roland. This feeling was tobe expressed more strongly by means of a parallel: the anguish ofDuke Aymon when confronted with the dead body of his own son.
The INTEREST component arises in part from the line of reasoningused above in respect of TOPICALITY.
An established medium already exists for the transmission of thetheme, namely the popular epic poem, with its own technique and itsown public, which guarantees COMMUNICATION, since the means ofcommunication already exists.
The Roncesvalles poem follows the traditional pattern of thepoetic narrative of Aristotle and Horace: a sublime event, in thecontext of which the adventures of a hero are recounted. Theverisimilitude of the action moderates the exaggeration permitted inthe narrative. Attention may also be drawn to certain stock phrasespeculiar to the Middle Ages, which were used to address the public andhold its attention.
Thus, the passages which recount the childhood of the Emperor aredesigned to stir the emotions of the public, as is the reference to atext with which that same public was familiar, "El Mainete".
The irregular structure of the verses is in keeping with theconventions of Spanish epic poetry. It is thus a means ofguaranteeing COMMUNICATION. The Pilgrims' Way to Santiago, whichprovides the setting, will serve to magnify the communication effect.
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THE RONCESVALLES "NEWS STORY"
The basic story is the swooning of the Emperor. The phrase "ElRey quando esto djxo cayo esmortecido" is incorporated in anintroduction which prepares the audience psychologically for the shockof hearing this news, thus ensuring the personal participation of thepublic. Interludes in the action are introduced by means of parallelevents, and then the story is taken up again with the introduction ofmodifications.
If the Song of Roncesvalles is considered as a news story, it hasthe following structure:
Introduction of the storyStoryDigressions from the storyModification of the story
versesv.v. 83v. 95
1 - 818294100
It can be seen from the above that the Song of Roncesvalles isalso an example of mediaeval reporting and of information about thePilgrims' Way to Santiago de Compostela. The manuscript, which iskept in the Palacio de la Diputacion de Navarra, is an historic relicwhich even today keeps unresolved mysteries shrouded in the mists oftime. Its two folios provide an incentive to search for other similardocuments, which remain hidden or have perhaps disappeared forever.
Like many monuments to the Pilgrims' Way, the Song ofRoncesvalles offers spiritual nourishment to anyone who studies ittoday: monuments, legends, stone surfaces or the colours of stainedglassed windows which appear to be touched by the philosopher's stone,all welcome and give strength to those who set out on the Santiagopilgrim routes.
1. MENENDEZ PIDAL, R.: Roncesvalles. Un nuevo Can tar de gestaespaFiol del s. XII, RFE, Madrid 1917.
2. VINES, H.:Textos de Espafia. Literatura navarra / Literaturafrancesa, Pamplona 1980.
3. HORRENT, J.: Roncesvalles. Etude sue le fragment de can tarde gesta conserve a 1'Archivo de Navarra (Pampelune),Paris 1951,
4. VINES, H.:Hablar navarro en el Fuero General, Pamplona 1977.5. VlfiES, H.: Modos de noticiar, Facultad de Ciencias de la
Informacion, Universidad Complutense, Madrid 1970.6. MENENDEZ PIDAL, R.: Poesia juglaresca y juglares, Madrid 1957
"el juglar, agente de publicldad, callaba o alababa a su sefior",p. 56.
7. MAUSER, H.: Historia social de la literatura y el arte, I,Madrid 1970.
8. Curso Monografico, Estella 1976.9. ORTEGO Y COSTALES, J.: Noticia, actualidad e informaci6n,
Pamplona 1976.10. Diccionario Real Academla Espafiola, Madrid 1984.
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COMMUNICATION BY MRS LIVIA RICCI,Co-ordinator for Europe
International Federation of Business and Professional Women
Initiatives like this one "The Santiago de Compostela PilgrimRoutes", organised by the Council of Europe in collaboration with theDeiitsches Komi tee fur Denkmalschutz and the Deutsche St. JakobusGesellschaft are really like a pebble thrown in a pond. The ripplesspread and reach unexpected quarters and their effects are felt intime.
The European Federation of Business and Professional Womenwishes this initiative the best of success. Our organization hasmembers who work in many fields : music, cultural establishments,education, architecture, business, insurance, journalism, politics,etc.
I think that the protection of the common historic heritage isa stimulating subject for everyone.
In fact everyone should be able to find in this projet notonly a spiritual involvement - which will depend of course on his/herreligious belief - but also a reason to introduce into his/herprofession the respect for the preservation of those values which makeup the wealth of our European tradition.
I come from Verona, a city rich in culture and one with a longreligious tradition. Near Verona, in a small moutain village, there isa sanctuary dedicated to the "Virgin of the Crown". This sanctuary isvisited by hundreds of pilgrims throughout the year. The sanctuary isbuilt into the rock above the Adige Valley at about 1 000 meters abovesea level.
It was recently visited by Pope John Paul the II. The Mayoressof the village to which the sanctuary belongs, Mrs Rosanna ZANOLLIFRUCCO, gave me these two volumes before I left, to give to you onbehalf of herself and her village. I hope they'll be of some interestto you.
I wish you all success in you work.
NB. : Incidentally, it has recently been suggested that the waters inthe village have some life-restoring properties. Villagers havedeclared that this water has an aphrodisiac effect ! So we finda mixture of the sacred with the profane.
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A P P E N D I C E S
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"THE SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA PILGRIM ROUTES"
Schney Castle near Bamberg (FRG)
Opening Thursday 29 September, 8".00 pmClosing Saturday 1 October, 10.00 pm
P R O C R A M M E
Thursday 29 September 1988
15.00 Press Conference -Library of the Town Hall in Bamberg , ,
17.00 Delegates assemble - registration
18.30 Dinner
20.00 Opening of the Congress By the Secretary Generalof the Council of Europe or by his representative
Welcoming address by Dr Wolfgang WILD, Ministerfor Sciences and Arts of the Land Bayern
Address : "Via Peregrinalis ad Sanctum Jacobum"by Dr. K. BERBERS (FRG)
Friday 30 September 1988
8.30 Breakfast
9.30 First session - Chairman : Dr. K. BERBERS (FRG)President of the Scientific Committee .9f the DeutscheSt. Jakobus-Gesellschaft
"Ancient routes : military, merchant, officialand pilgrim ways"by Prof. Dr.H. KELLENBENZ (FRG)
Statement :Mr. B. P. SCHNEIDER (CB) ' -
"Pilgrim routes to Santiago in the Upper-Rhine region"by Dr. B. ROCKLELEIN (FRG) and Mr. G. WENDLING (FRG)
12.30 Lunch
14.00 Departure to BambergVisit of the town
European ceremony. Unveiling of the route-marker :"Santiago pilgrim routes - European culturalitinerary" at the St. James's Church
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17.00 Reception at the Geyersworth Castle
18.00 Dinner
20.00 Concert by the "Capella Antiqua Bambergensis"conducted by Prof. Dr. W. SPINDLER : "Vaganten,Juglares und Pilger auf den Wege" (vagabonds,minstrels and pilgrims on the routes) XVIth andXVIIth centuries (with musical instruments ofthat period).
Optional programme
22.30 Film : "The Milky Way" by Luis BUNUEL
Saturday 1 October 1988
8.30 Breakfast
9.30 Second session - Chairman : Prof. Alfred A. SCHMID (CH),President of the Steering Committee for theIntegrated Conservation of the Historic Heritage
Aspects of the Santiago pilgrim routes throughout theEuropean territory
Address : "News about the Santiago Pilgrim guide"by Prof. Dr. Andre VON MANDACH (CH)
Statements :Prof. Dr. F. LOPEZ ALSINA (E)Mr. Rene DE LA COTE-MESSELIERE (F)Prof. Dr. P. CAUCCI VON SAUCKEN (I)
12.30 Lunch
14.00 Statements :Mr. Chr. KROTZL M.A. (SF)Mr. D. AERTS (B)Mr. Eusebio GOICOECHEA (E)
15.00 Address : "Pilgrims routes and the mediums of "artesmemoriae" in the Middle Ages - Words,scripture and pictures"by Dr. F. HAUSSAUER (FRG)followed by the film "To Santiago"(F. HASSAUER/H. BRUHL 1981)
17.00 The practice of pilgrimageMr. BAHNEN (FRG)
18.30 Dinner
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20.00 Pilgrimage past and present : the Santiago pilgrimroutes today - what future for this pilgrimage ?
~ Dr. Robert PnOTZ(FRG)
Plenary discussion
Conclusions of the Congress
Closing of the Congress
Sunday 2 October 1988
8.30 Breakfast
9.30 Meeting of the members of the Deutsche St. Jakobus-Gesellschaft
Optional programme
11.30 Mass at the Vierzehnheiligen Pilgrim church
13.00 Lunch
Departure
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CONCLUSIONS OF THE CONGRESS :
Among the great mediaeval pilgrimages,, the pilgrimage toCompostela marked a more distinctively European approach to the notionof travel as a means to holinesst The St. James pilgrim routes, whoseimportance has long been neglected, bear witness to this. Graspingthis fact is essential to the understanding of a unity which, far frombeing a recent invention, has its roots deep in our shared past.
The Congress on "the Santiago de Compostela Pilgrim Routes",,organised by the Council of Europe in co-operation with the DeutscheSt. Jakobus-Gesellschaft at Schney Castle near Bamberg from 29September to 1 October 1988, wishes to thank the Bamberg cityauthorities and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the FederalRepublic of Germany for their support.
The congress notes with satisfaction the growing interest shownby wide sections of the public in the European pilgrim tradition andparticularly the routes to Santiago de Compostela. It accordinglywelcomes the unveiling of the plaque outside the church of St. Jamesin Bamberg and hopes that similar "signposts" will soon be set up inother European cities to mark the historic routes to Santiago deCompostela.
It stresses once again the importance of the routes to Santiagoin the spiritual and cultural history of Europe and the role whichthey played in forging a European civilisation.
It insists on the need to identify the historic routes toSantiago north of the Pyrenees, using strictly scientific methods andrelying on written sources, iconography and on-site research, as anecessary first step towards breathing fresh life into those routes.
It asks the Council of Europe to encourage the politicalauthorities responsible for the cultural heritage in the member statesto take appropriate measures, particularly in the field of scientificresearch, to conribute effectively to the restoration of thehistorical Santiago de Compostela pilgrim routes and the many historicmonuments along the way.
Such measures will contribute to a better knowledge and a deeperunderstanding of the cultural values which all the countries of Europeshare.
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LISTE DBS PARTICIPANTS / LIST OF PARTICIPANTS
AUTRICHE / AUSTRIA
Dr. Franz-Heinz HYE, Stadtarchivdirektor, Stadtarchiv, Badgasse 2,A-6010 INNSBRUCK, AUTRICHE
Herrn Hofrat Dr. Werner KITLITSCHKA, Bundesdenkmalamt - Hofburg,Schweizerhof, A-1010 WIEN I, AUTRICHE
BELGIQUE / BELGIUM
M. Philippe BRAGARD, Rue Ernotte 5, B-5000 NAMUR, BELGIQUE
M. Roland DELBAERE, Centre de Recherches en Loisirs, Recreation,Tourisme (LORETO), Ministere Communaute fran?aise de la Culture,Galerie Ravenstein 28, B-1000 BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE
Mme Yvette DEMORY-THYSSENS, Avenue des Campanules 30, B-1170BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE
Dr. Jacques FRAIPONT; Qua! Churchill 19/1, B-4020 LIEGE, BELGIQUE.,
M. et Mme Alain GILLIS, Rive de Meuse 34, B-5170 PROFONDEVILLE,BELGIQUE . • . : i . . . :
M. et Mme LUC, Rue F. Chaumont 43, B-4822 PETIT RECHAIM, BELGIQUE
M. Werner MERTENS, Plaatweg 15, B-4721 NEU-MORESNET, BELGIQUE
Dora Willibrord J.M. MONDELAERS, Sibt-Andriesabdij Zevenkerken, B-8200BRUGGE 2, BELGIQUE
M. Hugo RAENEN et Mme Mieke VERSCHURE, Herrystr. 26, B-2100 DEURNE,BELGIQUE
Dr. Jos REINARDS, Heuveneindeweg 7, B-3520 ZONHOVEN, BELGIQUE .•
M. Jean-Pierre RENARD, Ru.e de Goddiarch n° 3, B-6320 VILLERS LA VILLE,BELGIQUE
M. et Mme Wolfgang RENNER, 2 Clos du Cinquantenaire, B-1040 BRUXELLES,BELGIQUE
Mme Helly TERLIKEK, Eikohstraat 2, B-8030 BEERHEM, BELGIQUE
M. Jean WEICKER, Association europeenne des Enseignants (AEDE),Section beige, Enseignement libre, 8 rue aux gades, B-7800 ATH,BELGIQUE
M. Etienne von WONTERGHEM, Eikohstraat 2, B-8030 BEERHEM, BELGIQUE
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FRANCE
Mme DUKERS, "La Heghaia", ILASSAC, F-33390 BLAYE
Mme Eliane HATTE, 3 rue du Montparnasse, F-75006 PARIS
M. et Mme Jacques HOULET, Federation Internationale pour 1'Habitat,1'Urbanisme et 1'Amenagement du Territoire, 2 rue Parrot,F-75012 PARIS
M. Gerard JUGNOT, 55 Boulevard de Charonne, F-75011 PARIS
M. Edmond LUCAS, 280 Boulevard Raspail, F-75014 PARIS
Mile Paule MALOUBIER TOURNIER, 4 Square Pont de Sevres,F-92100 BOULOGNE SUR SEINE
M. Jacques et Mme Monique PACOU, Federation nationale des associationsde sauvegarde des sites et ensembles monumentaux (FNASSEM),122 rue Paul Deroulede, F-92270 BOIS COLOMBES
M. Yves et Mme Edith SAINT-LEGER, 1 rue de Vincourt,F-95000 JOUY-LE-MOUTIER
Mile Jeannine WARCOLLIER, 4 Square Pont de Sevres, F-92100 BOULOGNESUR SEINE
Mme Charlotte WEBER, 28 rue de St. Louis, F-68330 HUNINGUE
REPUBLIQUE FEDERALS D'ALLEMAGNE / FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF GERMANY
Herrn Alfons ACKERMAN, Im Schmittenhof 9, D-5630 REMSCHEID, RFA
Herrn Gottfried AMENDT, Pleicherkirchplatz 1 A, D-8700 WURZBURG, RFA
Herrn Pfarrer Giuseppe AUDISIO, Stengasse 18, D-6500 MAINZ, RFA
Eheleute BAHNEN, Deutsche St. Jakobus-Gesellschaft e.V., Wilhelmstr.50-52, D-5100 AACHEN, RFA
Eheleute Christian u. Use BALTZER, Wiltinger Str. 13,D-1000 BERLIN 28, RFA
Herrn Helmut BAUCKNER, Talstr. 28, D-7889 GRENZACH-WYHLEN, RFA
Prof. Dr. Karl Josef BENZ, Machthildstr. 46, D-8400 REGENSBURG, RFA
Frau Friederike BERGER, Speckertsweg 4, D-8707 VEITSHOCHHEIM, RFA
Herrn Konrad BREITRAINER MDL, Angermiihlstrasse 6, D-8201 ROHRDORF, RFA
Herrn Dr. Bernd BREUNIG, Reuterstr. 6, D-8700 WURZBURG, RFA
.Herrn Dr. Jur. Otto C. CARLSSON, Europa Nostra, Katrepeler Landstrasse24, D-2800 BREMEN 33, RFA
Frau Kay de CASSAN, Landeshauptstadt Hannover, GroBe Barlinge 21,D-3000 HANNOVER, RFA
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Eheleute Gunter u. Brunhilde DIETRICH, Am Muhlenbach 20, D-4403SENDEN, RFA
Frau Elisabeth DRESSLER, Liebherrstr. 4, D-8000 MUNCHEN 22, RFA
Eheleute Friedhelm u. Irmgard DUBOIS, Schreberstr. 8, D-5100 AACHEN,RFA
Frau Anna EBBERT, Rormonder Str. 188 A, D-5120 HERZOGENRATH, RFA
Eheleute H.P. ERLING, Gut Hohekamp, D-2820 BREMEN-BURG, RFA
Frau Amelie ESCHLER, Schlossparkstr. 68, D-5100 AACHEN, RFA
Herrn Dieter GEISS, Klosterhof 9, D-7900 ULM, RFA
Frau Irmgard GEYER, Harthauserstr. 34, D-7900 ULM, RFA
Herrn Josef Gregor GIEBEL, Ardeystrasse 14, D-4300 ESSEN 1, RFA
Eheleute Dr. Anselmo GONZALEZ, Niederalm Str. 1, D-8000 MUNCHEN 83, RFA
Prof. Dr. Klaus GUTH, Greiffenbergstr. 35, D-8600 BAMBERG, RFA
Frau Dr. Johanna Von HERZOGENBERG, Schumannstr.10, D-8000 MUNCHEN, RFA
Herrn Ulrich HEPPEL, Kranzhornstrasse 7, D-8019 GRAFING, RFA
Herrn Ralf HIPPELEIN, Asternstrasse 4, D-8508 WENDELSTEIN, RFA
Herrn Michael HUBER, Postfach 102324, D-7000 STUTTART 10, RFA
Herrn Heinz JANSEN, Am Burgfeld 3, D-5100 ESCHWEILER, RFA
Eheleute Gxinther u. Agnes KAMMER, Konigsberger Str. 15,D-5272 WIPPERFURTH, RFA
Frau Kathe KAEVER, Quellstr. 30, D-5180 ESCHWEILER, RFA
Frau Magdalene KERRES, Schleckheimer Str. 197, D-5100 AACHEN, RFA
Herrn Karl KORFER, Ahornweg 17, D-5100 AACHEN, RFA
Frau Elisabeth KOPPER, Roermonder Str. 289, D-5100 AACHEN, RFA
Herrn Pfarrer Elmar KORNER, Jakobussteige 4, D-7868TODTNAU-TODTNAUBERG, RFA
Eheleute Werner u. Gisela KRAMER, Pfalzgraf-Otto-Str. 4,D-6950 MOSBACH, RFA
Herrn Josef KREIES, Luisenstr. 71, D-5180 ESCHWEILER, RFA
Herrn Christoph KUHN und Eheleute KUHN, Dabringhauser Strasse 75,D-5000 KOLN 80, RFA
Herrn Dieter KUHNEL, Friedenstr. 17, D-8700 WURZBURG, RFA
Herrn Herbert KUNZ, Steinbruchstr. 16, D-6676 MANDELBACHTAL 3, RFA
Frau Rosemarie LANG, Nesstfellplatz 11, D-8714 WEISENTHEID, RFA
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Frau Gabriele LATZEL, Griiner Weg 1, D-4400 MUNSTER, RFA
Herrn Karl LINDNER, Donaustauferstr. 29, D-8400 REGENSBURG, RFA
Frau Monika LIPPS, Eisenlohrstrasse 7, D-6900 HEIDELBERG, RFA
Herrn Pfr. Dieter LUCAS, Schulstrasse 1, D-6411 KUNZELL, RFA
Eheleute Karl-Heinz u. Christina .LUTTGEN, Ronsdorfer Str. 63,D-5630 REMSCHEID, RFA
Herrn Dr. Karl MAHLERT, Kapitan-K6nig-Weg 14, D-2800 BREMEN 33, RFA
Eheleute Jochem u. Christel NOVER, Fvirberger Str. 61,D-5630 REMSCHEID, RFA .
Frau Dr. Margret NUSSBAUM, Markt 21, D-5040 BRUHL, RFA
Herrn Hans-Peter OFFERGELD, Erfstr. 1, D-5180 ESCHWEILER, RFA
Eheleute Karl-Josef u. Susanna-Maria ORTMANNS, Knaudtstr. 5,D-4300 ESSEN, RFA
Eheleute Dr. W. Johannes OTTO, Im oschle 19, D-7400 TUBINGEN-HIRSCHAU,RFA
Frau Elisabet PETERSEN, Winterleitungweg 65 B, D-8700 WURZBURG, RFA
Herrn Dr. Alfred PFEIL, Amt fur Volksbildung, VolkshochschuleFrankfurt am Main, HochstraBe 49, D-6000 FRANKFURT A.M. 1, RFA
Herrn Pfr. Erich PROKOSCH, Guttknechstrasse 5, D-8504 STEIN, RFA
Frau Margot PUMPLUN, Wardstrasse 9, D-4242 REES, RFA
Herrn Manuel SANTOS, Eschenweg 42, D-7400 TUBINGEN, RFA
Frau Erna SCHEFERS, Josef-Hehlstr. 5, D-4232 XANTEN, RFA
Herrn Gvinther SCHMIEDING, Danziger Strasse 28, D-8525 UTTENREUTH, RFA
Herrn Albert SCHRODER, Cherusherring 88, D-4400 MUNSTER, RFA
Eheleute Hermann u. Maria SCHULZ, In den FOllen 24, D-5112 BAESWEILER,RFA
Herrn Bernard SCHWEERS, Carl-Friedrich-Gauss-Stf. 41 B,D-2800 BREMEN 33, RFA
Eheleute Herbert u. Liliana SIMON, Melanchthonstr. 24,D-5000 KOLN 80, RFA
Frau Maria Magdalena SOUREN, Roermonder Str. 344, D-5100 AACHEN, RFA
Eheleute Dr. Horstmar STAUBER, Im Rothkopf 9, D-6370 OBERURSEL, RFA
Frau Anna Maria STEGMAIER, Auguste-Supper-Str. 18,D-7140 LUDWIGSBURG, RFA
Herrn Wifried TASCHNER, D-8000 MtJNCHEN, RFA
Eheleute Otto u. Elisabeth THONE, An der Engelsfuhr 46,D-5060 BERGISCH-GLADBACH 2, RFA
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Eheleute Josef u. Erika THOENISSEN, Haupstr. 29, D-4178 KEVELAER, RFA
Frau Edda TIEDEMANN, Hutschstr. 20, D-8580 BAYREUTH, RFA
Eheleute Helmut u. Cacilia VESPER, Heideweg 53,D-4000 DUSSELDORF 30, RFA
Frau Prof. Dr. Margit WAGNER, Montsalvat 8, D-8000 MUNCHEN 40, RFA
Herrn Franz WARMUTH, Liebigstrasse 16, D-8730 BAD KISSINGEN, RFA
Frau Ursula WULFING-KOCH, Molzahner Weg 6, D-2418 RATZEBURG, RFA
Eheleute Giinter u. Erika ZENKER, Pankower Str. 8, D-4352 HERTEN, RFA
Herrn Pfarrer Manfred ZENTGRAF, Haulerstr. 15, D-7564 BERMERSBACH, RFA
Herrn Prof. Dr. Kurt ZWINGENBERGER, Bonhoefferstrasse 20,D-4400 MUNSTER, RFA ,
ITALIE / ITALY
Sigra Livia RICCI, International Federation of Business andProfessional Women, Via 4 Novembre n° 28, 1-37126 VERONA, ITALIE
PAYS-BAS / NETHERLANDS
Mr Koen M.J. DIRCKSENS, President, Nederlands Genootschap vanSint-Jacob, Dopperstraat 60, NL-3752 JH BUNSCHOTEN, PAYS-BAS
Frau STOKMANS-BERTELING, Jachtlaan 259F, NL-7312 GP APELDOORN,PAYS-BAS
ESPAGNE / SPAIN
Dona Belen ALVAREZ, Principado de Asturias, Consejera de Educacion,Cultura y Desportes, Sol 8, E-33009 OVIEDO, ESPAGNE
Don Angel Luis BARREDA FERRER, Marques de Santillana 10,E-34120 CARRION DE LOS CONDES, ESPAGNE
Don Jose Luis BARRIO BASTIDA, C/ tres casas s/n, E-BANOS DE RIO TOBIA(LA RIOJA), ESPAGNE
Don Jose Luis BERMEJO FERNANDEZ, Excmo. Ayuntamiento de Logrono, Gral.Franco n° 11, E-26071 LOGRONO, ESPAGNE
Don Isidro CARO RODRIGUEZ, Excmo. Ayuntamiento de Logrono, Gral.Franco n° 11, E-26071 LOGRONO, ESPAGNE
Don Javier CHOURRAUT, Alcalde de Pamplona, E-31000 PAMPLONA, ESPAGNE
Don Jose CIMADEVILA COVELO y Esposa, Asociacion de Amigos del Caminode Santiago de Madrid, Plaza de San Amaro, 1, E-28020 MADRID,ESPAGNE
Don Florencio COBO ARIAS, Principado de Asturias, Consejera deEducacion, Cultura y Desportes, Sol 8, E-33009 OVIEDO, ESPAGNE
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Don Jose DENIS, Ayuntamiento de Santiago de Compostela, Plaza delObradoira, E-SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA, ESPAGNE
Don Xerardo ESTEVEZ FERNANDEZ, Alcalde, Ayuntamiento Santiago deCompostela, Plaza del Obradoiro, E-SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA,ESPAGNE
Canonigo Srio. Capitular Don Jaime GARCIA RODRIGUEZ, CabildoMetropolitano, E-SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA, ESPAGNE
Don Fernando IMAZ, Doctor Camino 5, E-2000A SAN SEBASTIAN, ESPAGNE
Dona Natividad JIMENEZ, Chef de service au Cabinet du Ministre de laCulture, Ministerio de Cultura, Plaza del Rey 1, E-2800A MADRID,ESPAGNE
M. Pablo MARTINEZ, Conseiller du Ministre de la Culture, Secretaire dela Commission interministerielle espagnole pour le Chemin deSaint-Jacques, Ministerio de Cultura, Plaza del Rey 1, E-28004MADRID, ESPAGNE
Don Valentin REDIN, Ayuntamiento de Pamplona, E-31000 PAMPLONA,ESPAGNE
Dona Isabel RONCAL, E-CIZUR MENOR, ESPAGNE
Don Jesus TOBIO FERNANDEZ, c/o Plaza San Amaro 1, E-28020 MADRID,ESPAGNE
Don Alejandro ULI, E-ZARAGOZA, ESPAGNE
Dofia Hortensia VINES RUEDA, Avenida de la Baja Navarra 10, 4,E-31003 PAMPLONA, ESPAGNE
SUISSE / SWITZERLAND
Frau Ursula GANZ-BLATTLER, Kornhausstrasse 53, CH-8037 ZURICH, SUISSE
Eheleute Werner u. Resi GOTTLER, WOrzenbachmatte 23, CH-6006 LUZERN,SUISSE
M. et Mme HERZOG, Obere Banhofstrasse 49, CH-9500 WIL, SUISSE
Herrn Dr. Peter KLEMENSBERGER, Schaufelbergerstr. 44, CH-8055 ZURICH,SUISSE
Herrn Heinrich OBERLI, Tuetlisberg, CH-9630 UATTWILL, SUISSE
Frau Ida RITLER und Frau THURTHALER, Innere Mairgarethenstr. 22,CH-4051 BASEL, SUISSE
Frau Barbara UHL, bei Fam. RITLER, Innere Margarethenstr. 22,CH-4051 BASEL, SUISSE
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ROYAUME UNI / UNITED KINGDOM
Miss Gosia BRYKCZYNSKA, Confraternity of St. James, 48 Stanley Ave,UK-Greenford, Middlesex, ROYAUME UNI -
Miss Laurie DENNETT, Confraternity of St. James, 24 Andrews House,The Barbican, UK-LONDON EC2Y, ROYAUME UNI
Mr. Derrick HANCOCK, 119 Mansfield Rd Hasland, UK-CHESTERFIELD,Derbyshire S41 OJG, ROYAUME UNI
Dr. Myrna HARRIS, Institute of Cornish Studies, University of Exeter,Trevithick building, Trevenson Road, Pool, UK-REDRUTH, Cornwall,ROYAUME UNI
Miss Patricia QUAIFE, Confraternity of St. James, 57 Leopold Road,UK-LONDON N2 8BG, ROYAUME UNI
Mrs Ida Hilary SHAW, Bredereth Sen Jago, The Old Kiln, Port Navas,Falmouth, Cornwall TR11 5RJ, ROYAUME UNI
Mrs Anna STREET, Confraternity of S. James, 4 Woodside East, Thurlby,Bourne, Lincolnshire PE10 OHT, ROYAUME UNI
Mrs Rosemary WELLS, 154 Rithermead Court, Ranelagh Garden, UK-LONDONSW 63SF, ROYAUME UNI
POLOGNE / POLAND
Herrn Prof. Dr. Jerzy PAWLIK, Skwer Kard. Wyszynskiego 6, PL WARSCHAU,POLOGNE
Frau Prof. Dr. Aleksandra WITKOWSKA, Ul. Narutowieza 10,PL 20958 LUBLIN, POLOGNE
LISTE DBS EXPERTS / LIST OF EXPERTS
Prof. Paolo CAUCCI VON SAUCKEN et fils, Cattedra di Spagnola, Facolta diMagistero, Via del Verzaro, 49, 1-06100 PERUGIA, ITALIE
M. Rene de la COSTE MESSELIERE, Directeur du Centre europeen d'etudescompostellanes, 119 rue de Lille, F-75007 PARIS
Prof. Manuel DIAZ Y DIAZ, Rua Nueva, 24, E-SANTIAGO DE COMPOSTELA,ESPAGNE
Prof. Albert d'HAENENS, College Erasme, Place Blaise Pascal, 1,B-1348 LOUVAIN LA NEUVE, BELGIQUE
Prof. Derek W. LOMAX, Department of Hispanic Studies, University ofBirmingham, GB BIRMINGHAM B15 277, ROYAUME UNI
Prof. Robert PLOTZ et Madame, Niederrheinisches Museum Uhland Strasse,10, D-4178 KEVELAER, RFA
Prof. Alfred SCHMID, President de la Commission federale des MonumentsHistoriques, 1 rue du Simplon, CH-1700 FRIBOURG, SUISSE
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LISTE DBS RAPPORTEURS / LIST OF RAPPORTEURS
M. Dirk AERTS, Urselwej 104 a, B-9990 MALDEGEM, BELGIQUE '
Sr. Eusebio GOICOECHEA ARRONDO, Plaza de Cartaya 1, Primero D,E-28004 MADRID, ESPAGNE ' '
Dr. Klaus HERBERS, Achalmstrasse 12, D-7 50 HECHINGEN-SICKINGEN, RFA
Prof. Dr. Herman KELLENBENZ et Madame,' D-8151 WARNGAU, RFA
Monsieur Christian KRQTZL, Tampere Yliopisto, Historiatieteen Laitos,Hammareninkatu 8-10, PO BOX 60?, SF-33101 TAMPERE, FINLANDE
Sr. F. LOPEZ ALSINA, Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, E-SANTIAGODE COMPOSTELA, ESPAGNE
M. Andre de MANDACH, CH-3065 HABSTETTEN (Bern), SUISSE
Dr. Hedwig ROCKELEIN, Haaggasse 10, D-7 00 TUBINGEN, RFA
M. H.P. SCHNEIDER, Directeur du projet, .Inventaire des voies de>.communication historiques de la Suisse, GeographischesInstitut, Finkenhubelweg 11, CH-3012 BERN SUISSE
Mr. Gottfried WENDLING, BUggenreuters Strasse n° 7, D-7800 FREIBURG, RFA
SECRETARIAT DU CONSEIL DE L'EUROPE / SECRETARIAT OF THE COUNCIL OF EUROPE
Direction de 1'Environnement et des Pouvoirs Locaux / Direction ofEnvironment and Local Authorities
M. Jose Maria BALLESTER, Chef de la Division de la Conservationintegree du Patrimoine Historique / Head of Division forintregrated Conservation of the Historic Heritage
Mme OlOf THORHILDUR OLAFSDOTTIR, Administrateur, Division de laConservation integree du Patrimoine Historique /Administrator, Division for integrated Conservation ofHistoric Heritage
Mile Claudine NONNENMACHER, Secretariat / Secretariat
Sales agents for publications of the Council of EuropeAgents de vente des publications du Conseil de 1'Europe
AUSTRALIA / AUSTRALIEHunter Publications58A, Gipps StreetAUS-3066 COLLINGWOOD, Victoria
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GREECE/GRECELibrairie Kauffmann28, rue StadiouGR-ATHENS 132
ICELAND/ISLANDESnaebjorn Jonsson & Co. A.F.The English BookshopHafnarstroeti 9IS-REYKJAVIK 101
IRELAND/IRLANDEGovernment Stationery OfficePublications SectionBishop StreetIRL-DUBLIN 8
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Libreria de la GeneralitatRambla dels Estudis, 118E-08002 BARCELONA
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SWITZERLAND / SUISSEBuchhandlung Heinimann & Co.Kirchgasse 17CH-8001 ZURICH
Librairie Payot6, rue GrenusCH-1211 GENEVA 11
TURKEY/TURQUIELibrairie Haset Kitapevi A.S.469, Istiklal CaddesiBeyogluTR-ISTANBUL
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UNITED STATES and CANADA/ETATS-UNIS et CANADAManhattan Publishing Company1 Croton Point Avenue, P.O. Box 650CROTON, N.Y. 10520
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ISBN 92-871-1746-2
